
Class JIj.7^ 



CoiPglitH?^Z2A2- 



COPflilGHT DEPOSm 



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t'rontinpiece. 



ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES 



A HISTORY OF 



THE UNITED STATES 



BY 
CHAELES KENDALL ADAMS 

LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN 
AND 

WILLIAM P. TRENT 

ROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



REVISED EDITION 



ALLYN AND BACON 

3S0^t0n anti Chicago 



/7r 






ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF 

SCHOOL HISTORIES 

I2mo, half leather, mmerous maps, plans, and illustrations 



ANCIENT HISTORY. By Willis M. West of the University of 
Minnesota. 

MODERN HISTORY. By Willis M. West. 

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By Charles M. Andrews of Yale 
University. 

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES- By Charles K. Adams, 

and William P. Trent of Colunnbia University. 

THE ANCIENT WORLD. By Willis M- West. 

Also in two volumes: Fart I: Greece and the East. 
Part II: Rome and the West. 



COPYRIGHT, 1903, 1909, AND 1913. 
BY WILLIAM p. TRENT AND BY JOHN P. FISK. 
L. S. HANKS, AND BURR W. JONES. EXECUTORS 
OF THE ESTATE OF CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS. 



Norijjoofi i^rega 

JF. S. Cuslnng & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 

N'orwood, Mass., U.S.A. 



©CU347519 



PREFACE. 

The lamented death of President Adams entails on me the 
duty of writing the preface to our joint work, — a duty which, 
had he lived, would naturally have fallen to him, since to his 
initiative and energy the volume owes its existence* Fortu- 
nately, the entire manuscript had the benefit of his wisdom 
and experience as teacher and investigator, and the proofs 
of about half the book passed under his watchful supervision. 

Five years ago, in a letter to me proposing the book. Dr. 
Adams gave, among his reasons for wishing to add to the 
long list of school histories of the United States, three 
principal objects : — 

First, to present fully and with fairness the Southern point 
of view in the great controversies that long threatened to 
divide the Union. 

Second, to treat the Revolutionary War, and the causes that 
led to it, impartially and with more regard for British conten- 
tions than has been usual among American writers. 

Third, to emphasize the importance of the West in the 
growth and development of the United States. 

These objects have been kept constantly in view. We felt, 
moreover, that the development of institutions and govern- 
ment may justly be considered of great importance, although 
naturally lacking in picturesqueness, and we have endeavored 
to set in relief this evolutionary process. How far we have 
succeeded in accomplishing the objects sought remains for 
others to judge. 



Vi PREFACE. 

I cannot forbear to place on record here my appreciation 
of the fortitude with which Dr. Adams bore his protracted 
sufferings and did his work ; of his conscientiousness in mat- 
ters of minutest detail ; of his fairness and sympathy toward 
those with whom he did not agree, and of the unfailing cour- 
tesy that marked every line of his correspondence. 

Acknowledgment is due to the highly competent services 
of Miss May Langdon White of New York, whom Dr. Adams 
selected to assist in the revision of the work. 



W. P. TRENT. 



Columbia University, 
New York, November, 1902. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

List of Maps xvi 

List of Illustrations xvii 

Chronological Table , xx 

PART I. — PERIOD OF DISCOVERY AND 
SETTLEMENT, 1492-1765. 



CHAPTER L— DISCOVERY. 

SECTION 

1- 3. The American Indians 

4. Pre-Columbian Discoverers . . , . 

5-13. Columbus and the Spanish Discoverers 

14-16. The French Explorers 

17-18. The English Explorers 

19-20. Summary of Results 

References ....... 



1 
4 

7 

18 
20 
22 
23 



CHAPTER IL— THE FIRST PLANTATIONS AND 
COLONIES, 1607-1630. 



21-28. The Settlement of Virginia . 
29-30. The Settlement of New York 
31-36. The Pilgrims at Plymouth . 
37-38. The Settlement of Massachusetts 
References .... 



24 
29 
31 
34 
36 



CHAPTER in. —SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689 

39-41. The Settlement and Growth of Marj^land 

42-45. Development of Virginia 

46-52. Development of New England 

53-60. The New England Confederacy . 

61-7 L Development of the Middle Colonies 

72-76. The Southern Colonies . 



References 



37 
40 
42 
46 
51 
57 
59 



vii 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV.— THE COUNTRY AT THE END OF 
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 



77- 78. General Conditions .... 
79- 84. Characteristics of New England 
85- 86. Characteristics of the Middle Colonies 
87- 90. Characteristics of the Southern Colonies 
References 



60 
61 
65 
66 
68 



CHAPTER V. — DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 
1690-1765. 

91- 94. Colonial Disputes , 69 

96-97. Virginia and Georgia 71 

98-100. French Discoveries and Claims ...... 73 

101-116. Wars with the French 75 

References , . 86 



PART II. — PERIOD OF THE REVOLUTION, 

1765-1789. 

CHAPTER VI. — CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 

117-120. General Causes 87 

121-126. The Question of Taxation 91 

127-132. The Resistance of the Colonies 93 

133-135. The Tax on Tea ,98 

136-139. New Legislation and Opposition 100 

140-143. The Crisis 103 

References 106 

CHAPTER VIL— THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 

144-147. Early Movements •. . . 107 

148-152. Washington in Command . 110 

153-158. The War in New York . . ' 114 

159-160. General Condition of the Country 118 

161-162. Failure of British Expeditions 119 

163-165. The Declaration of Independence 121 

166-176. The War in New Jersey 126 

CHAPTER VIJI.— THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

177-187. The Struggle for the Center 185 



CONTENTS. ix 



CHAPTER IX.— THE FRENCH ALLIANCE AND THE 
CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 

SECTION PAGB 

188-193. A Winter of Discouragement 144 

194-198. Prospects Brighten 149 

199-207. Conditions West of the Alleghanies 152 

208-209. The Conquest of the Northwest 158 

210-212. The Victories of Paul Jones 159 



CHAPTER X.— THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. 

213-214. The War in the South 162 

215-220. The Treason of Benedict Arnold 164 

221-223. Causes of Discouragement 167 

224-228. American Successes in the South 168 

229-237. The Close of the War 172 



CHAPTER XL — THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 
AND THE CONSTITUTION. 

238-243. Difficulties of Confederation 178 

244-256. The Constitution 181 

References 190 



PAET in. — THE ORGANIZATIOK OF 
POLITICAL PAKTIES, 1789-1825. 

CHAPTER XIL — THE COUNTRY AT THE CLOSE OF 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

257-262. General Conditions 191 

263-264. Spirit of the People 194 

References 196 

CHAPTER XIIL— THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. 

265-268. Early Legislation and Parties 196 

269-274. Difficulties of Administration 200 

References 204 



k 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XIV. —THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN 
ADAMS, 1797-1801. 

SECTION PAGE 

275-281. A Period of Dissensions ....... 206 

References 210 

CHAPTER XV. — THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. 

282-284. Jeffersonian Policy 211 

285-295. Measures and Events 214 

296-297. Character of Jefferson's Statesmanship .... 222 

References 224 

CHAPTER XVI. — THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
MADISON, 1809-1817. 

298-303. Outbreak of War 225 

304-305. Exploits of the Navy . , 230 

306-310. Reverses and Successes 234 

311-312. End of the War 238 

313-315. The Disaffection of New England • 240 

316-319. Consequences of the War 242 

References 244 

CHAPTER XVII. —THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
MONROE, 1817-1825. 

320-322. Character of the Period 246 

323-326. Diplomatic Achievements 247 

327-331. Slavery comes to the Front 250 

332-334. Factional Politics 254 

References 256 

PAET IV. — SPEEAD OF DEMOCRACY AND 
EXTENSION OF TERRITORY, 1825-1850. 

CHAPTER XVIII.— THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN 
QUINCY ADAMS, 1825-1829. 

335-339. Failures of the Administration 267 

340-342. The Tariff Question 260 

References 262 



CONTENTS. xi 



CHAPTER XIX. — THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1829-1837. 

SECTION PAGE 

343-345, Political Conditions 263 

346-350. Progress of the Nation 265 

CHAPTER XX.— JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 

1829-1833. 

351-354. A Popular Autocrat 271 

355-356. The Debate over the Nature of the Constitution . . 274 

357-358. The Tariff and Nullification 278 

References 280 

CHAPTER XXI. —JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRA- 
TION, 1833-1837. 

359-360. The Abolitionists . . . . ' . „ , .281 

361-367. Financial Disturbances 283 

References . 287 

CHAPTER XXII. — THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF VAN 
BUREN AND OF HARRISON AND TYLER, 1837-1845. 

368-371. A Period of Confusion 288 

372-373.' The Embarrassments of the Whigs 290 

374-376. Texas and Oregon 293 

References ... ....... 295 

CHAPTER XXIII.— THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 
1845-1849. 

377-379. The Opening of the Mexican War 296 

380-389. The Conduct and Results of the War . . . .299 
References 304 

PART v. — THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR, 
1850-1861. 

CHAPTER XXIV. — THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAYLOR 
AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. 

390-394. The Question of California 305 

395-400. The Compromise of 1850 308 

401-404. International and Domestic Affairs 313 



XU CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXV.— THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 

1853-1857. 

SECTION PAGE 

405-410. The Confusion of Parties 317 

411-415. Kansas-Nebraska Legislation ...... 320 

416-417. The Republican Party 323 

CHAPTER XXVI. — THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. 

418-422. The Supreme Court and Slavery 326 

423-427. Kansas and Utah 329 

428-431. The Great Debates 332 

432-434. John Brown and Public Opinion 336 

436-439. The Presidential Campaign of 1860 339 

440-446. Secession of the South 342 

447-449. The Country in 1860-1861 . . . . . . .348 

References 350 



PART VI. — THE CIVIL WAR AND RECON- 
STRUCTION, 1861-1869. 

CHAPTER XXVII. —THE BEGINNINGS OF THE 
CIVIL WAR. 

450-453. Opening of Hostilities 353 

454-458. Military and Financial Strength of the Combatants . . 357 

459-461. Description of the Seat of War 360 

462-465. Domestic and Foreign Complications .... 362 

466-471. Military Movements of 1861 365 

472-474. International Difficulties 369 

CHAPTER XXVIIL— THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 

475-483. The War in the West 372 

484-489. The Work of the Navy 381 

490-498. The War in the East . .387 

499-502. Public Feeling in the North and Great Britain . . .394 

503-506. The War in the East continued 397 

507-513. Domestic and Foreign Effects of the Campaigns of 1862 . 402 

References 406 



CONTENTS. xiii 

CHAPTER XXIX.— THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1868. 



6B0TI0N 



PAGE 



514-517. Vicksburg 408 

618-522. The Chattanooga Campaign 411 

523-525. The Eastern Campaigns 414 

526-529. Embarrassment of the Federal Government . . . 419 

References 421 

CHAPTER XXX.— THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. 

530-533. Grant and Lee in Virginia 422 

534-538. Sherman's Campaigns 426 

539-541. Naval Victories 430 

542-546. Political Affairs 432 

References 435 

CHAPTER XXXI.— END OF THE WAR, 1865. 

547-551. Movements of Sherman and Grant 436 

552-554. The Death of President Lincoln 440 

665-561. The Magnitude of the War 441 

References 445 

CHAPTER XXXII. —THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
JOHNSON: RECONSTRUCTION, 1865-1869. 

562-573. Different Policies of Reconstruction 446 

574-576. Effects of Reconstruction 462 

677-580. Johnson and Congress 464 

References 467 



PART VII. — PERIOD OF NATIONAL 
DEVELOPMENT, 1869-1902. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. —THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
GRANT, 1869-1877. 

581-688. Grant's First Administration, 1869-1873 . . . .468 
589-595. Grant's Second Administration, 1873-1877 . . .463 

696-599. Party Politics 468 

References 472 



xiv CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXXIV.— THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF HAYES 
AND OF GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1877-1885. 

SECTION PAGE 

600-603. Industrial Problems 473 

604-605. Financial Problems 475 

606-609. Political Affairs 476 

610^13. Chief Features of Arthur's Administration . . . 480 

614-617. Political Events 483 

618-619. The Presidential Campaign of 1884 ..... 485 

References 487 

CHAPTER XXXV. — FIRST ADMINISTRATION OF 
CLEVELAND, 1885-1889. 

620-623. Important Measures and Reforms 488 

624-628. Industrial and Financial Disturbances .... 491 

References 494 

CHAPTER XXXVI. —THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
BENJAMIN HARRISON, 1889-1893. 

629-638. Domestic Events and Measures 495 

639-641. Foreign Affairs . . . , 600 

642-643. Political Affairs 502 

CHAPTER XXXVIL— SECOND ADMINISTRATION OF 
CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. 

644-649. Financial Legislation 504 

650-651. Foreign Affairs 607 

652-655. Domestic Events 510 

References 513 

CHAPTER XXXVin. — THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. 

656-657. The Beginning of McKinley's Administration . . . 514 

668-670. The War with Spain 515 

671-676. Consequences of the War 624 

677-681. The Close of McKinley's First Administration . , .527 

682-683. McKinley's Second Administration 531 

684-700. Roosevelt's Administration 532 



CONTENTS. XV 

CHAPTER XXXIX. —THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAFT, AND 
THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT, 1909-1913. 

SECTION PAGE 

701-706. The Tariff and the Progressive Movement . . . 549 

707-711. The Political Situation, 1910-1912 554 

712-719. The United States in 1913 569 



APPENDIX. 

A. Declaration of Independence ... = .,. 663 

£. Constitution of the United States of America . . . 668 

Amendments to the Constitution 579 

C. List of Presidents and Vice Presidents, with their Terms of 

Office .... 685 

INDEX . . , . . « o . . . - 687 



MAPS. 



2. 
3. 

4. 
5. 
6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 
10. 
11. 

12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 

22. 
23. 

24. 
25. 
26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 
33. 
34. 
35. 



Distribution of the Barbarous Tribes East of the Mississippi. 

{Colored) facing 3 

Trench Explorations and Settlements. ( Colored) . facing 73 
Central North America at the Beginning of the French and 

Indian War, 1755. {Colored) .... facing 81 

The British Colonies in 1764. (Colored) . . . facing 87 

Boston and Environs, 1775 108 

Boston and Environs, 1776 112 

Retreat across New Jersey 128 

The Middle Atlantic States 145 

Operations in the South, 1780-1781 170 



Operations at Yorktown 

Land Claims of the Thirteen Original States in 1783. 



173 



( Colored) 

facing 179 

The Northwest Territory in 1787 . . . . . . 189 

United States in 1789. {Colored) .... facing 191 

The Areas of Freedom and Slavery in 1790. (Colored) facing 196 

United States in 1800. (Colored) . .' . . facing 211 

The Louisiana Purchase 217 

Operations in Canada, 1812-1814 229 

Operations in the East, 1814 236 

Operations around Washington in 1814 237 

Southwestern Operations, 1813-1815 239 

Areas of Freedom and Slavery as established by the Missouri 

Compromise of 1820. (Colored) .... facing 251 

United States in 1825-1830. (Colored) . . .following 256 
Territory claimed by Texas when admitted into the Union, 

1845. (Colored) faciiig 296 

Territory ceded by Mexico, 1848 and 1853. (Colored) facing 303 

United States — Acquisition of Territory. (Colored) facing 305 

The Compromise of 1850. (Colored) . . . facing 308 

Areas of Freedom and Slavery in 1854. (Colored) . facing 321 

United States in 1861. (Colored) .... following 348 

Operations in the West, 1862 376 

Norfolk, Hampton Roads 383 

The Vicksburg Campaign . . . ' 410 

Operations in the East, 1864 423 

Sherman's March to the Sea 429 

Colonial Possessions, 1913. (Colored) . . . facing 524 

United States, 1913. (Colored) .... following 548 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



George Washington Frontispiece 
Specimen of Indian Pottery . 2 
Inscription Rock, New Mexico 2 
Diego de Landa's Maya Al- 
phabet .... 3 
Long House of Iroquois . 3 
Cliff Dwellings on the Rio 

Mancos .... 4 
North Pueblo of Taos . . 5 
Specimen of Saga Manuscript 5 
The Dighton Rock in Massa- 
chusetts .... 6 
Old Mill at Newport . . 6 
Columbus .... 7 
Toscanelli's Map ... 8 
Ships of the Time of Columbus 10 
Sebastian Cabot . . .12 
Americus Vesj)ucius . . 13 

Balboa 14 

Magellan . . . .16 

Ponce de Leon ... 16 

De Soto 17 

Jacques Cartier . . .18 
Champlain . . . .19 

Sir Francis Drake ... 20 

Sir Walter Raleigh . . 21 
Ruins of the Old Church at 

Jamestown ... 25 

John Smith .... 26 

Pocahontas .... 27 

Henry Hudson ... 30 

New Amsterdam ... 30 

Miles Standish ... 33 



John Endicott 


34 


John Winthrop 


35 


First Lord Baltimore . 


37 


Cecilius Calvert, Second Lord 




Baltimore 


38 


Sir Henry Vane 


42 


Sir Edmund Andros 


50 


Peter Stuyvesant . 


52 


William Penn 


55 


Cotton Mather 


63 


James Oglethorpe . 


72 


La Salle 


74 


Jonathan Edwards 


. 77 


Sieur de Bienville 


79 


General Montcalm 


83 


William Pitt, Earl of Chathanc 


1 84 


General Wolfe 


85 


George III. . 


88 


Pennsylvania Journal . 


93 


Samuel Adams 


94 


James Otis . 


95 


Patrick Henry 


96 


John Dickinson 


97 


Governor Hutchinson . 


98 


Old South Church, Boston 


99 


Faneuil Hall, Boston . 


. 102 


Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia 


I 102 


John Hancock 


104 


Statue of Minuteman at Con 




cord 


106 


Gen. Joseph Warren 


. 109 


General Howe 


. 110 


Washington Elm, Cambridgi 


» 111 



xvii 



XVlll 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Col. Benedict Arnold 

Gen. Nathanael Greene 

Colonial Flag, 1776 

Gen. William Moultrie 

Richard Henry Lee 

Thomas Jefferson . 

House in which Jefferson wrote 
the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence 

Independence Hall, Philadel- 
phia 

Benjamin Franklin 

Portion of the Declaration of 
Independence 

Continental Currency . 

Marquis de Lafayette . 

George Washington 

Gen. Philip Schuyler 

Gen. John Stark . 

Gen. John Burgoyne 

Baron von Steuben 

Gen. Horatio Gates 

Gen. Anthony Wayne , 

Wayne's Dispatch to Wash 
ington 

Daniel Boonei 

Gen. John Sullivan 

Gen. George Rogers Clark 

Captain Paul Jones 

Lord Cornwallis . 

Place of Andre's Execution 

Colonel Tarleton . 

Gen. Daniel Morgan 

Alexander Hamilton 

James Madison 

Federal Hall, New York City 

Blockhouse at Mackinaw 

Stagecoach of the Time of 
Washington . 

John Jay 

Mount Vernon 



PAGE 




PAOB 


113 


John Adams .... 


205 


115 


Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 


207 


118 


Albert Gallatin . 


212 


120 


John Marshall 


213 


122 


Stephen Decatur . 


215 


123 


William Pitt the Younger . 


220 




Fulton's Steamboat 


223 




Robert Fulton 


223 


124 


Eli AVhitney .... 


224 




John C. Calhoun , 


227 


124 


Captain Isaac Hull 


231 


125 


The Constitution . 


232 




Captain James Lawrence 


233 


126 


Captain Oliver H. Perry 


2.34 


131 


Commodore Macdonough 


236 


132 


Andrew Jackson . 


238 


134 


James Monroe 


246 


136 


Henry Clay .... 


252 


137 


John Randolph 


253 


138 


John Quincy Adams 


255 


146 


Williani Lloyd Garrison 


269 


148 


Theodore Parker . 


270 


152 


Martin Van Buren 


272 




Daniel Webster . 


274 


153 


Thomas H. Benton 


275 


154 


Robert Y. Hayne . 


276 


157 


Daniel Webster's Carriage . 


277 


158 


Wendell Phillips . 


282 


160 


William Henry Harrison 


290 


163 


John Tyler .... 


292 


166 


Gen. Samuel Houston . 


293 


169 


James K. Polk 


297 


171 


Gen. Zachary Taylor . 


299 


182 


Gen. Winfield Scott 


302 


183 


Sutter's Mill, California 


307 


188 


Henry Clay .... 


308 


192 


William H. Seward 


309 




Millard Fillmore . 


310 


194 


Franklin Pierce 


316 


202 


Caleb Cushing 


317 


203 


Charles Sumner . 


2.2% 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



XIX 



John C. Fremont . 
Roger B. Taney . 
Harriet Beecher Stowe . 
James Buchanan . 
Stephen A. Douglas 
A Typical Pioneer's Cabin . 
John Brown .... 
Salmon P. Chase . 
Confederate Capitol, Mont- 
gomery, Ala. . 
Jefferson Davis 
Alexander H. Stephens 
Cyrus W. Field . 
Abraham Lincoln . 
Fort Sumter .... 
Palmetto Flag (Confederate) 
Confederate Flag . 
General Beauregard 
Gen. Nathaniel Lyon 
Edwin M. Stanton 
Gen. Ulysses S. Grant . 
Gen. A. S. Johnston 
Gen. Braxton Bragg 
Gen. W. S. Rosecrans . 
Confederate Ram . 
John Ericsson 
Admiral D. G. Farragut 
Gen. George B. McClellan . 
Gen. J. E. Johnston 
Stonewall Jackson 
Gen. R. E. Lee . 
Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck . 
Gen. John Pope . 
Gen. A. E. Burnside 
Gen. George H. Thomas 
Gen. William T. Sherman . 



PAGE 




PAGE 


325 


Gen. Joseph Hooker 


415 


327 


Gen. George G. Meade . 


416 


329 


Gen. James Longstreet . 


417 


330 


Gen. George E. Pickett 


418 


333 


Gen. B. F. Butler . 


425 


334 


Gen. J. B. Hood. . 


428 


337 


Gen. Philip H. Sheridan 


438 


340 


Signatures to the Agreement 






for Surrender . 


439 


344 


House at Appomattox in which 




345 


Surrender was arranged . 


439 


.346 


Andrew Johnson . 


447 


348 


Thaddeus Stevens . 


451 


352 


Horatio Seymour . 


456 


355 


Horace Greeley 


462 


356 


Gen. George A. Custer . 


467 


363 


Rutherford B. Hayes . 


470 


366 


Samuel J. Tilden . 


471 


368 


Gen. Winfield S. Hancock . 


477 


373 


James A. Garfield ... 


478 


375 


Chester A. Arthur 


480 


377 


Brooklyn Bridge . 


481 


379 


James G. Blaine . 


486 


380 


Grover Cleveland . 


489 


382 


Benjamin Harrison 


496 


384 


William J. Bryan . 


513 


385 


William McKinley 


515 


387 


Admiral George Dewey 


519 


389 


Gen. W. R. Shafter . ' . 


520 


390 


Admiral W. T. Sampson 


521 


393 


The Oregon .... 


522 


398 


Gen. Nelson A. Miles . 


523 


399 


Theodore Roosevelt 


529 


402 


Admiral W. S. Schley 


534 


411 


William H. Taft . 


548 


413 


Woodrow Wilson . . 


557 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1000 {circa) The Northmen reach America. 

1492 . . Columbus lands at Watling's Island. 

1497 . . John Cabot lands near the mouth of the St. Lawrence. 

1498 . . Voyage of Sebastian Cabot. 

1499-1503 Americas Vespucius makes four voyages to America. 

1512 . . Ponce de Leon discovers Florida. 

1513 . . Balboa discovers the Pacific. 

1520 . . Magellan passes the straits named after him. 

1641 . . De Soto discovers the Mississippi River. 

1562-1564 Huguenots in South Carolina and Florida. 

1665 St. Augustine, Florida, founded by the Spanish. 

1577-1580 Drake makes his voyage round the world. 

1584-1587 Sir Walter Kaleigh sends out colonists. 

1607 . . Founding of Jamestown, Virginia. 

1608 . . Champlain founds Quebec. 

1609 . . Hudson discovers the Hudson River. 
1614 . . The Dutch settle on Manhattan Island. 
1620 . . Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. 

1626 . . The Dutch found New Amsterdam (New York City). 

1630 . . Winthrop leads Puritan emigration to Massachusetts. 

1630 . . Boston founded. 

1632 . . Charter for Maryland granted the second Lord Baltimore. 

1634 . . St. Mary's, Maryland, founded. 

1635 . . Settlements made in Connecticut. 

1636 . • Roger Williams founds ProYidence, Rhode Island. 
1636 . . Harvard College founded. 

1638 . . New Haven settled. 

1638 . . Swedes occupy Delaware. 

1639 . . Constitution of Connecticut framed. 
1643 . . New England Confederacy established. 

1663 . . Government organized in North Carolina. 

1664 . . The English seize New Netherland and settle in New Jersey. 
1670 . . Settlement in South Carolina. Charleston founded. 
1674-1676 King Philip's War. 

1676 . . Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia. 

XX 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



XXI 



'48 



1682 

1682 

1689-169< 

1690 

1692 

1692 

1697 

1701 

1701 

1702-1703 

1713 

1718 

1730 

1733 

1744-17- 

1745 

1746 

1748 

1754 

1754 

1755 

1759 

1763 

1763 

1766 

1766 

1767 

1768 

1770 

1773 

1774 

1774 

1776 

1775 
1776 

1777 



1778 
1779 
1780 



La Salle explores Mississippi River. 

Philadelphia founded. 

King William's War. 

Colonial Congress at New York. 

Salem witchcraft. 

William and Mary College (Virginia) founded. 

Peace of Ryswick. 

Detroit founded. 

Yale College founded. 

Queen Anne's War. 

Treaty of Utrecht. 

The French found New Orleans. 

Baltimore founded. 

Savannah founded. 

King George's War. 

Capture of Louisburg. 

Princeton College founded. 

Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

King's (Columbia) College founded. 

French and Indian War begins (ends 1763). 

Braddock's defeat. 

Capture of Quebec. 

Peace of Paris. 

The Conspiracy of Pontiac. 

The Stamp Act passed. 

Repeal of Stamp Act. 

Townshend Acts. 

British troops in Boston. 

Boston Massacre. 

" Boston Tea-party." 

Boston Port Bill. 

First Continental Congress meets in Philadelphia. 

Battles of Lexington and Concord. Siege of Boston. Battle 

of Bunker Hill. 
Mecklenburg Resolutions. 
Declaration of Independence. 
Victories of Princeton, Bennington, and Saratoga. Defeats 

of Brandywine and Germantown. Washington at Valley 

Forge. 
France becomes an ally of the United States. 
Naval victories of Paul Jones. 
Arnold's treason. 



XXll 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



Articles of Confederation finally agreed to. 

Battle of Cowpeus. Cornwallis surrenders at Yorktown. 

Preliminary treaty with Great Britain. 

Peace of Versailles. 

Federal Convention frames the Constitution. 

Ordinance concerning the Northwest Territory passed by 

Congress. 
The states ratify the Constitution. 
Washington inaugurated at New York. Organization of 

Congress and the Departments. 
Formation of Federalist and Democratic-Republican parties. 
Washington's proclamation of neutrality. 
Jay's Treaty ratified. 
The Alien and Sedition Laws. 
The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. 
The city of Washington becomes the national capital. 
Jefferson elected President by the House of Representatives 
Purchase of Louisiana. 
Expedition of Lewis and Clark. 
Fulton's steamboat. 
Passage of the Embargo. 
The Non-intercourse Act. 
War with Great Britain. 
The British capture Washington. 
The Hartford Convention. 
The Treaty of Ghent. 
The battle of New Orleans. 
Florida purchased from Spain. 
First Missouri Compromise. 
Monroe Doctrine. 
Erie Canal opened. 
Hayne- Webster debate. 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad opened. 
Nullification in South Carolina. 
Rise of the Whig party. 
Chicago founded. ^ 

Independence of Texas. 
Sub-treasury system established. 
Liberty party formed. 
Ashburton Treaty. 
Dorr's Rebellion in Rhode Island. 
Moi-se completes the first telegraph line. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



XXlll 



1846-1848 Mexican War. 

1846 . . Wilmot Proviso. 

1846 . . Oregon Treaty. 

1848 . . Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. 

1848 . . Discovery of gold in California. 

1850 . . Compromise of 1850. 

1850 . . Clayton-Bulvver Treaty. 

1852 . . Rise of Know-Nothing party. 

1853 . . Gadsden Purchase. 

1854 . . Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 

1854 . . Republican party formed. 

1855 . . Struggle in Kansas. 

1857 . . Dred Scott Decision. 

1858 . . First Atlantic cable. 

1858 . . Lincoln-Douglas debates. 

1859 . . John Brown's raid. 

1860 . . Election of Lincoln. Secession of South Carolina. 
1861-1865 The Civil War. 

1862 . . Fight between Merrimac and Monitor. 

1863 . . Proclamation of Emancipation. 

1863 . . Battle of Gettysburg. Capture of Vicksburg. 

1864 . . Battle of the Wilderness. 

1865 . . Surrender of Lee and Johnson. 

1865 . . Assassination of Lincoln. 

1866 . . Successful laying of the Atlantic cable. 

1867 . . Congressional system of reconstruction. 

1867 . . Purchase of Alaska. 

1868 . . Impeachment of President Johnson. 

1869 . , Completion of the Pacific Railroad. 
1871 . . Treaty of Washington. 

1876 . . Electoral Commission. 

1877 . . Troops withdrawn from the South. 
1879 . . Resumption of specie payments. 
1883 . . Civil Service Reform Commission 
1892- . . Rise of People's Party. 

1898 . . War declared with Spain. Treaty of Paris. Acquisition of 

the Philippines. 

1898 . . Annexation of Hawaii. 

1901 . . Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. 

1902 . . Panama Canal authorized. 
1905 . . Treaty of Portsmouth. 
1907 . . Financial crisis. 



1 



I 



PAET I. 

PERIOD OF DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT, 

1492-1765. 



CHAPTER I. 

DISCOVERY. 

THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

1. The Aborigines. — When America became known to Europe 
at the end of the fifteenth century, it was by no means an unin- 
habited country. Wherever the discoverers effected a landing, 
and however far they pushed inland, they found themselves con- 
fronted by native inhabitants of varying degrees of savagery. 
Hence the settlement of both Americas, from first to last, has 
been dependent upon the supplanting of one race by another 
or upon their intermixture. 

2. Characteristics of the Indians. — The original inhabitants 
of both continents have been known as Indians, in consequence 
of a mistake made by Columbus (§§ 5-7). The North American 
Indians were fiercer foes than the native Mexicans and Peruvians 
whom the Spaniards, under Cortez and Pizarro, overcame, and 
with whom they intermarried. We know, however, from linguis- 
tic characteristics, that all the aborigines from the Arctic Circle 
to Cape Horn belonged to the same race. How they first came 
to America is a matter of dispute ; but their main peculiarities 

1 



2 



DISCOVERY. 



r§!2 



are well understood. In Peru and Mexico they had made some 
progress toward civilization. They constructed good roads, 
were not unskillful artisans, and had 
even learned some astronomy. But 
they lived in large communal groups 
under their chiefs, and had made slight 
advance in the art of government; 
hence they fell an easy prey to small 
bodies of Spaniards. Similar in char- 
acter to the Mexicans, but inferior to 
them, were the Pueblos and Cliff- 
dwellers of the region of New Mex- 
ico, Arizona, and Lower California, 
as well as the Natchez Indians of the 
Lower Mississippi Valley. Most of 
the North American Indian tribes 
lived in villages of wigwams and had a primitive form of 
government. In each village there was a communal, or 




Specimen of Indian Pot- 
tery, from a mound near 
Pecan Point, Arkansas. 
Now in the National Mu- 
seum at Washington. 




Inscription Rock, New Mexico. 

"long," house, in which clan business was transacted. In a 
few cases this "long" house gave shelter to a whole tribe. 
These Indians, except among the Southern tribes mentioned 
below, were chiefly in what is called the hunter and fisher 
state, although they frequently practiced a rude form of agri- 




DISTRIBUTION 



BARBAROUS TRIBES 

East of the Mississippi 



To face p. 3. 



\ 



K 



3] 



THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



culture. Sometimes, however, as in the case 



of the Digger 






© 



I 






«# 






Indians, thby subsisted mainly on roots.^ 

3. The Principal Indian Tribes. — 

Of the North American Indians 
with whom our own forefathers 
came chiefly in contact, there were 
four principal groups, commonly 
known as the Algonquiris, the Iro- 
quois, the Southern Indians, and 
the Dakotahs. The Algonquins 
were the most numerous, although 
it is doubtful if at any time they 
numbered ninety thousand. Bang- 
ing through the vast forests from 
Kentucky to Hudson Bay and from 
the Mississippi to the Atlantic, 
they were naturally in frequent 
conflict with the whites. Opposed to these, and wedged 
into the very center of their territory, were the fierce 

Iroquois, the craftiest of 
their race, whose tribal 
names — Mohawks, Onei- 
das, Onondagas, Cayugas, 
and Senecas — are insep- 
arably connected with 
rivers and lakes in the 
State of New York. They 
formed a loose confeder- 
acy, called by the whites the " Five Nations." ^ The Southern 
Indians show^ed a milder disposition and were given to agricul- 
ture and rude manufactures. Of these the Creeks were the 



Diego de Landa's Maya 
Alphabet. 




Long House of the 
Iroquois. 



1 For a brief but scientific account of the chief characteristics of the aborig- 
ines, see article, " Indians," by D. G. Brinton and J. W. Powell, in Johnso7i's 
Universal Cyclopsedia. 

2 They became the ** Six Nations " after they were joined by the Tuscaroras 
of North Carolina. 



DISCOVERY. 



C§* 



most advanced ; beneath them in point of civilization were the 
Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Seminoles.^ West of 

the Mississippi ranged the 
wandering Dakotahs or Sioux, 
fierce fighters, whose descend- 
ants have given trouble down 
to our own day. Of the infe- 
rior tribes living in the extreme 
north of the continent, we need 
take no special account. 

PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOV- 
ERERS. 

4. The Northmen.— While 

Columbus and his followers 
were the real discoverers of 
Ajnerica in the sense that they 
first made it generally known 
to Europe, it is practically cer- 
tain that they were not the 
first Europeans to set foot on 
the new continent. It is pos- 
sible that seamen from France 
and England preceded Colum- 
bus, but there is much better 
reason to believe that Scandi- 
navians from Iceland, having 
first discovered Greenland, 
visited the North American 
mainland as early as the year 
1000. Evidence to this effect is found in the so-called 
Sagas of the Northmen, poetic chronicles based on tradition 
and dating from about two centuries after the events which 




Cliff Dwellings on the Rio 
Mangos. 



1 " Seminoles " meaus "wanderers"; the tribe was made up of refugees 
from other tribes, notably from the Creeks. 



§4] 



PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERERS. 



they recorded. According to these stories, navigators were 
driven south from Greenland to a strange shore about the year 




North Pueblo of Taos. 



985. Fourteen years later, Leif, son of Eric the Eed, hav- 
ing introduced Christianity from Norway into Iceland and 

""^^ eya fema vetr-u k^f etaks %xo5 w^ 

Specimen of Saga Manuscript. 

Greenland, visited the newly discovered land, with thirty-five 
companions. They wintered in a country which, from its 



DISCOVERY. 



[§4 




Thk Dighton Rock in Massachusetts, long supposed to bear an inscrip- 
tion left by the Northmen. The figures are now known to be Indian 
hieroglyphics. 

abundance of wild grape vines, they called Vinland, built 
some houses, and then returned to Greenland with a cargo of 

timber. Several other 
voyages were made 
thither and a temporary 
colony was established, 
the latest mention of 
a voyage dating from 
about the middle of 
the fourteenth cen- 
tury. Such is the story 
of the Sagas. The main 
features of the account 
are generally held to 
be correct, but the loca- 
^ tion of the Northmen's 

Vinland cannot be de- 

Old Mili. at Newport, long erroneously termined, and no archae- 
supposed to have been built by the North- ological remains have 

^®^- been found on the 

American continent to corroborate the Sagas.^ 




1 The remains of the old mill at Newport, Rhode Island, and certain inscrip- 
tions have at one time and another been held to date from the visits of the 
Northmen ; but archaeologists have not assented to these views. 



§6] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 7 

COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 

5. Columbus and the Indies. — That Christopher Columbus^ 
of Genoa is entitled to the honor of being considered the real 
discoverer of America 
is clearly proved by 
the fact that he was 
the first person who 
planned to sail west- 
ward over the un- 
known ocean, and that 
he never faltered in 
the prosecution of his 
heroic design. It is 
true that he made the 
mistake of thinking he 
would come to India 
rather than to a new 
continent, and that 
he underestimated the 
distance he would 
have to sail; but 

such mistakes were 

, , . . „ , , Columbus. 2 

natural m view oi the 

lack of geographical knowledge at that time. It was generally 

believed, by priest and layman alike, that the earth was flat, 

1 Born at Genoa, Italy, about 1436 ; died, 1506. Early became a maker of 
maps and charts ; about 1470 went to Lisbon, whence he sailed to Guinea, and 
probably to Iceland; studied the matter of circumnavigating the globe, and 
planned the project of reaching the East Indies by sailing in a westerly direc- 
tion ; failing to procure aid in Portugal, went to Spain, where he finally re- 
ceived help from the Spanish court, immediately after the fall of Granada in 
1492; set out with three vessels, August 3, 1492 ; landed, October 12; discov- 
ered Cuba and Hayti, and reached home in March, 1493; sailed again in the 
autumn of 1493, and remained till 1496 ; made a third voyage, 1498 ; was im- 
prisoned on charges of cruelty, and taken to Spain in chains ; was soon re- 
leased, and made his fourth and last voyage in 1502. 

* No portrait of Columbus has any claim to authenticity. There is no 
evidence that his likeness was drawn or painted by any one wha ever saw hinw 




8 DISCOVERY. [§ 6 

and good Scripture warrant was produced for the belief. Yet 
since the days of Aristotle a few scholars had concluded, from 
the evidences furnished by eclipses and from other reasons, 
that the earth was spherical in form. Columbus had obtained 
this idea from some source and seems to have been fascinated by 
the possibilities it opened. Oriental commerce, especially that 
from India, was then of great consequence to Italian merchants ; 
and if the recent military successes of the Turks should close 




ToscANELLi's Map (simplified). 

the overland routes to the East, it was thought this commerce 
would be destroyed. But Columbus held that, if the earth 
were round, India could be reached by sailing westward, and 
thus trade could be carried on in spite of the Turks. 

6. Motives and Difficulties of Columbus. — Columbus was 
urged on by patriotism, desire of gain, missionary hopes of 
Christianizing distant lands, and a natural enthusiasm for 
heroic enterprise. He corresponded with Toscanelli, a learned 
Italian, who sent him letters and a map, but underestimated 
greatly the distance to be traversed. This mistake was fortu- 



§ 7] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 9 

nate, as Columbus would probably never have secured a hear- 
ing had he proposed to take a voyage of ten thousand miles, — 
the actual distance between Spain and the East Indies. As 
it was, for a long time he applied in vain to princes and 
potentates — who alone could sustain the expenses of such an 
expedition — for permission and means to make a voyage which 
he believed to be about three thousand miles in length. The 
record of his hopes and fears, his successes and reverses, reads 
like a heroic poem. Fortunately for him, the Portuguese had 
been making voyages down the African coast, with their eyes 
fixed on the Eastern trade, and the Spaniards, strong through 
the recent union of Castile and Aragon and the conquest of the 
Moorish kingdom of Granada, had been aroused to eager rivalry 
in maritime enterprise. At the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
the Spanish monarchs, Columbus eloquently pleaded his cause. 
Success at last crowned his efforts. Under the patronage of 
Isabella he sailed from the port of Palos, with a fleet of three 
vessels, on the 3d of August, 1492. 

7. Voyages of Columbus. — Within a month the adventurers 
had left the Canaries and were traversing the unknown ocean. 
As the days went by the crews became restless, but the 
dauntless resolution of Columbus prevented mutiny. Finally, 
after a fortunate change of course to the southwest, the great 
navigator saw a light ahead, on the evening of October 11, and 
the following morning he found that an island had been reached. 
It was probably Watling's Island, one of the Bahama group, 
though the identity of the landing place has been a matter of 
much dispute.^ On this first voyage Columbus coasted along 
the northern side of Cuba, and also discovered the island now 
known as Hayti. Then, after losing his largest ship and suf- 
fering many other trials, he returned to Spain, confident that he 



1 The diary of Columbus, studied in connection with the possible landing 
places in the West Indies, shows that the vessels probably floated past Wat- 
ling's Island in the night of October 11, and that a landing was made the next 
morning on the west side of the island. 



10 



DISCOVERY. 



[§7 



had reached islands off the coast of India. The Spanish sover- 
eigns received him with great respect and pomp, and soon sent 
him back to take possession of his discoveries in the name of 
Spain. Unfortunately, there was little or no wealth to be ob- 
tained from the new possessions except by capable colonists, 
and Columbus was not fitted to govern dependencies. So 
great did the opposition to him become that he was arrested 
some years later, on account of charges of extortion and cruelty 
brought by his followers, and was sent to Spain in irons. He 




Ships of the Time op Columbus. 



was soon released, however, and undertook his fourth and last 
voyage.. The results of his last three expeditions were not 
important. He succeeded in exploring more of Cuba, and in 
discovering Jamaica. He reached also the mouth of the Ori- 
noco, and was much puzzled to account for its size, which was 
too great for an island river. On his last voyage he coasted 
the shores of Central America, in a vain search for a waterway 
to India. He found no strait, but did find an isthmus ; and 
when he heard reports of a vast body of water lying on the 
other side of the land, he thought that it must be the Indian 
Ocean. Thus he was confirmed in his error with regard to the 
nearness of India, and doubtless cherished his delusion to his 



§9] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 11 

death. ' After his fourth voyage he returned to Spain, and died 
there in 1506, in poverty and obscurity. 

8. The Cabots and the English Title. — Almost immediately, 
after Columbus's first voyage, Pope Alexander VI. issued a 
bull dividing the non-Christian portion of the world into two 
parts : Spain to have all that she might discover west of a line 
to be drawn one hundred leagues west of the Azores ; and Por- 
tugal all that she might discover east of it. In the follow- 
ing year the rival nations fixed the line at three hundred and 
seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands. Aroused by 
these events, Henry VII. of England, who was laying the 
foundations of Tudor greatness, granted a license of explora- 
tion to John Cabot, an Italian then living in Bristol. This 
seaman landed somewhere near the mouth of the St. Lawrence 
River, in 1497. Accounts of the voyage are unsatisfactory; 
and those of the voyage of 1498, supposed to have been made 
under the command of Cabot's fon Sebastian,^ are still more 
vague. That the Cabots did make northerly discoveries on 
which the English based their right to colonize North America 
is, however, quite certain. 

9. Other Successors of Columbus. — The discovery of the 
West Indies, as the new islands were named in consequence 
of Columbus's mistake, naturally gave a great impetus to ex- 
ploration. In 1497-98 the Portuguese under Vasco da Gama 
rounded the Cape of Good Hope and reached the real India, 
the goal of their desires. In the last year of the same century 
another Portuguese, Caspar Cortereal, explored a good deal of 
the North American coast, and in a few years Newfoundland 
was much frequented by fishermen, especially from France 
and England.^ Little was known, however, about the geog- 
raphy of the new world. Many strange errors were current 

1 Born about 1474, in Venice or Bristol. Probably accompanied his father 
John in the latter's first voyage to America in 1497, and succeeded him in 
command of the second expedition, in 1498. 

2 In consequence of these discoveries fishing rights on the island have been 
held by the French to our day. 



12 DISCOVERY. [§ 10 

respecting it, and some years passed before it was given a name. 
One of the errors was that North America was a projection of 
Asia, which was not disproved until 1728, when the Eussian 
navigator Vitus Bering sailed from the Pacific into the Arctic 




Sebastian Cabot. 

Ocean. This error had much to do with the delay in furnishing 
the two continents with names. By a curious chain of circum- 
stances, too, the name finally settled upon did not do honor to 
Columbus. 

10. The Name '* America." — Among the early successors of 
this great explorer was another Italian, Amerigo Vespucci, or, 



§11] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVEKERS. 13 

in the Latin form then current, Americus Vespucius.^ Little 
is known of him or his voyages, but it is clear that he was one 
of the first Europeans 
after Columbus to visit 
the northern coast of South 
America, and that in 1504 
he wrote an account of his 
adventures. This account 
circulated as far as the col- 
lege town of St. Die in the 
Vosges Mountains, and 
was there printed with an 
introduction by one of the 
professors, Martin Wald- 
seemiiller by name, who 
proposed that, since now 
a fourth division of the 
earth's inhabited surface 
must be named, this should 
be known as America, in 
honor of Americus Vespu- 
cius, who was supposed to 
have discovered it. There 
appears to have been no 
intention to slight Colum- 
bus, whose voyage to the Orinoco was probably not widely 
known. At any rate, the suggestion was followed, first as 
regards South America, later with regard to both conti- 
nents. 

11. Balboa's Discovery of the Pacific. — Geographical knowl- 
edge was much advanced by the discovery of the Pacific Ocean 




Americus Vespucius. 



1 Born in Florence, 1451 ; died, lol'i. After becoming an expert astronomer 
and map-maker, made four voyages to America, two in the Spanish and two 
in the Portuguese service. To his Brazilian discoveries he gave the name 
Mundus Novus, or New World. 



14 



DISCOVERY. 



[§11 



by Vasco Nunez de Balboa ^ in 1513. This brave Spaniard had 
sought the New World for the sake of wealth, but had met with 
many difficulties. Lured by tales told by the natives of Panama 
of a large ocean and lands abounding in gold beyond the moun- 
tains, he made his way to the top of the Cordilleras, and thence 




Balboa. 



beheld a great sea to the south of him, which he called the 
South Sea, a name long retained by English writers. It is 
the irony of fate that in the best-known reference in English 
literature to this discovery, — in the famous sonnet by Keats, — 



1 Born in Spain, 1475; died, 1517. Migrated to Hayti in 1500, and in 1510 
accompanied Enciso in an expedition to Darieu; quarreled with Enciso 
and obtained the chief command of the party; from the Summit of a moun- 
tain discovered the Pacific, September 25, 1513; was afterward accused 
of treasonable designs and put to death. 



§12] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 16 

the honor of making it should have been transferred to Cortez, 
who had celebrity enough of his own. 

12. The Voyage of Magellan. — The name Pacific was given 
to the great ocean by the most glorious of Columbus's succes- 
sors, the Portuguese 
Fernado de Magal- 
haes,^ better known 
as Magellan. In 1519, 
while in the service of 
Spain, he followed the 
coast of South Amer- 
ica, hoping to find a 
strait that might lead 
into the South Sea. 
Late in the next year 
he discovered the strait 
that bears his name, 
and sailed into the 
great ocean to which he 
gave the name Pacific, 
on account of its peace- 
ful character. This 

name was ironical so 

_ , . Magellan. 

tar as nis own career 

was concerned ; for one of his five crews mutinied, one ship 

was cast away and another abandoned him, and he himself 

was killed in an encounter with the natives of the Philippine 

Islands. But he had won a glorious immortality, although it 

1 Born in Portugal, about 1470; died, 1521. Served in the East Indies from 
1505 to 1512 ; renounced allegiance to Portugal and went to Seville, 1517 ; con- 
ceived the plan of reaching the East Indies by a voyage south of South 
America; in 1519 was given by Charles V. a squadron of five ships, with two 
hundred and sixty-five men ; explored the coast of South America, and passed 
the straits which have since borne his name, November 28, 1520; discovered 
and named the Ladrones (Robber) Islands; discovered the Philippine Islands, 
where, with eight of his men, he was killed. 




16 



DISCOVERY. 



[§13 



was really the survivors of his crews that finally made their 
way around the Cape of Good Hope and completed the first 
circumnavigation of the globe. 

13. Spanish Conquests. — Meanwhile a Spaniard, Ponce de 
Leon,^ had discovered Florida in 1512 and had found the perfect 




I 



Ponce db Leon. 

climate, but not the gold and silver and fountain of youth he 
sought. His attempt nine years later to establish a colony 
there was a complete failure. Success attended, however, the 
expedition of Hernando Cortez for the conquest of Mexico 
(1519-1521), and similar good fortune befell that of Francisco 

iBorn, 1460; died, 1521. Spanish explorer, who probably accompanied 
Columbus on his second voyage. He was governor of eastern Hayti and 
conqueror of Porto Rico. In 1512 he started in search of the fountain of 
perpetual youth, and landed in Florida, near St. Augustine. In 1521 he re- 
turned, but lost most of his force. Spanish claims to Florida were based on 
these discoveries. 



§13] COLUMBUS AND THE SPANISH DISCOVERERS. 17 



Pizarro for the subversion of Peru (1532). The New World 
was rapidly alluring the Spaniards, who made many explora- 
tions. For example, Cabeza de Vaca, an officer in Panfilo de 
Narvaez's unfortunate expedition to the Gulf coast, wandered 
in the interior regions a long while, and finally emerged on the 
Mexican border, with 
marvelous tales of what 
he had seen and heard 
(1536). These tales 
caused the Viceroy of 
Mexico, Mendoza, to 
send a certain friar to 
investigate them; and, 
upon the facts and the 
numerous errors con- 
tained in the friar's 
report, hopes were 
founded that induced 
the sending out of a 
large force under Fran- 
cisco Yasquez Corona- 
do (1540-1542). This 
expedition conquered 
many pueblo villages 
of the Southwest, but 
obtained no gold or 

silver, and, after struggling as far north as Kansas, ended 
in a disconsolate retreat. At about the same time another 
expedition was moving westward from Florida through the 
Gulf region, under the command of Hernando de Soto (1539- 
1542). This gallant man pushed northwest across the moun- 
tains and discovered the Tennessee Eiver, and later the Mis- 
sissippi ; but he died soon after, and his followers abandoned 
their enterprise. Thus by the middle of the century no per- 
manent Spanish settlement had been made in what is now the 
United States. Nor was Spain long to have things her own way. 




De.Soto. 



18 



DISCOVERY. 



[§14 



THE FRENCH EXPLORERS. 

14. French Discoveries. — As we have seen, French fisher- 
men were among the first to reach Newfoundland. A little 

, later the voyage of 
^•'> Giovanni da Yerraza- 

no, a native of Flor- 
ence, under commission 
of Francis I., showed 
the dawning interest in 
the New World taken 
by the French court. 
In 1524 Verrazano ex- 
plored much of the 
Northern coast as far 
as Newfoundland. In 
1534 and 1535 Jacques 
Cartier ^ discovered 
Prince Edward Island, 
sailed up the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence, and 
penetrated the great 
river as far as the 
present site of Mont- 
real, fancying most 
of the time that he was rapidly nearing China.^ A few 
years later he came again, bringing colonists with him; 
but the enterprise did not succeed, and in consequence was 
soon abandoned. 




Jacques Cartier. 



1 Born at St. Malo, France, 1494 ; died, 1554. Explored the American coast 
and ascended the St. Lawrence River to Montreal, 1535; returned to France, 
but revisited Canada in 1541, and explored the rapMs above Montreal. For 
these explorations, which were the basis of the French claims to Canada, 
Cartier was ennobled by the king of France. 

2 It is said that one of Cartier's men, on seeing the foaming water above 
Montreal, exclaimed, " La Chine ! " (China) , and that in consequence the name 
" La Chine " has ever since been applied to the rapids. 



§15] 



THE FRENCH EXPLORERS. 



19 



15. Arrival of Huguenots. — France was now torn with civil 
and religious discord, and, as a result, Admiral Coligny, the 
great leader of the Huguenots, determined to found a place 
of refuge for his co-religionists in a more tempting part of 
America than Canada. Accordingly, in 1562, Jean Ribaut, 
under his orders, sailed for the Southern coast and discovered 
the present St. John's Kiver in Florida. He left a small colony 
on Port Royal Sound, but it was soon scattered. Two years 
later, Rene de Laudon- 
niere established another 
settlement on the St. 
John^s, but the colonists 
were disorderly. Some 
of them mutinied and at- 
tempted to plunder the 
Spaniards ill the West 
Indies. Learning thus of 
the existence of the French 
settlement, the Spaniards 
under Menendez organized 
a stroDg expedition against 
it. The French had mean- 
while been reenf orced by a 
fleet under Ribaut and by 
Sir John Hawkins, the 
English slave-trader and 
famous fighter. But in spite of these reenforcements the 
French did not use their opportunities, and their vessels were 
soon scattered by a storm. Then Menendez, who had just 
established himself at St. Augustine (1565), destroyed the 
French fort and killed or captured nearly all the Frenchmen at 
that time in Florida. St. Augustine, the oldest town in the 
United States, still stands to record this savage warfare. A 
little later a French soldier, Dominic de Gourges, partly 
avenged his countrymen ; but St. Augustine was not taken, 
and the French crown relinquished all claims to Florida. 




Champlain. 



20 



DISCOVERY. 



[§1<3 



16. Champlain. — In the progressive reign of Henry IV. of 
France, attention was once more paid to Canada. After a colony- 
had failed on the Isle of Sable, near Nova Scotia, and another 
had all but come to grief in Nova Scotia proper, Samuel de Cham- 
plain ^ succeeded in establishing a permanent post at Quebec in 
1608. In a few years, owing to the zeal of the Jesuit mission- 
aries and the enterprise of the fur-traders, the French had 
obtained a firm grip upon Canada and were rapidly pushing 
inland. 

THE ENGLISH EXPLORERS. 

17. English Explorations during the Reign of Elizabeth. — 

The English, unlike the French, were at first content with their 

fisheries in Newfoundland; 
and it was not until after 
1570 that they seriously took 
part in the affairs of America. 
Their tardiness was probably 
at first due to the marriage 
of Henry VIII. with a Span- 
ish princess, then to their 
own internal troubles in 
consequence of the Pope's 
condemnation of Henry's 
conduct. Finally, in the 
reign of Elizabeth, a love of 
geographical knowledge and 
discovery having sprung up, 
they turned their attention 
to^ exploring for a north- 
SiR Francis Drake. west passage to the East. 




1 Born, 1567 ; died, 1635. In 1599 sailed from his home in France to the West 
Indies, whence he proceeded to Mexico, and on his return crossed the Isthmus 
of Panama, where he conceived the idea of a ship canal ; from 1603 to 1604 
explored the St. Lawrence River ; founded Quebec in 1608 ; discovered the 
lake that bears his name in 1609, and Lake Huron in 1615. He was one of 
the most cultured and gallant of the early explorers. 



§18] 



THE ENGLISH EXPLORERS. 



21 



Martin Frobisher made three voyages (1576-1578), and sought 
gold in Labrador. Francis Drake,^ in his voyage round the 
world (1577-1580), explored part of the Pacific coast of the 
present United States. Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his half- 
brother, Sir Walter 
Ealeigh,^ wished to 
colonize as well as 
explore, and after one 
disastrous attempt 
Gilbert took posses- 
sion of Newfoundland 
in the name of Queen 
Elizabeth. He was 
lost on the return 
voyage, but left be- 
hind him an undying 
reputation for courage 
and piety .^ 

18. Raleigh's Colo- 
nies. — Raleigh con- 
tinued the work of 
Gilbert by organizing 
expeditions, in which 
he took, however, no 
personal part. The first exploration was made in 1584 by 
Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe. These two leaders vis- 
ited the coast of North Carolina, and returned bringing favor- 




SiR Walter Raleigh. 



1 Born in 1546 ; died, 1596. English navigator, who reached Mexico in 1567 
and South America in 1572 ; explored the Pacific coast from 1578 to 1579, and 
returned to England the next year, after having circumnavigated the globe. 

2 Born, 1552 ; died, 1618. English navigator, who, after serving with the 
French Huguenots in the Netherlands, and in Ireland, led an unsuccessful 
expedition to colonize America in 1579 ; attempted to organize others with 
similar results; was confined in the Tower lor several years after 1603 ; made 
an unsuccessful voyage to Guiana ; was rearrested on his return, and executed. 

3 It was Gilbert who told his companions not to fear, since heaven was as 
near by sea as by land. 



22 DISCOVERY. [§ 19 

able accounts of the region, which was named Virginia, after 
the Virgin Queen. The next year Raleigh fitted out seven 
ships, and a colony was established on Roanoke Island. This 
in spite of several reenforcements finally proved a failure, the 
last colonists having disappeared in a manner never accounted 
for.^ Meanwhile the defeat of the Spanish Armada off the 
coast of England had rendered it quite certain that with 
England's sea power established, she would be able to col- 
onize the northern parts of America without great fear of 
molestation. 

SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 

19. Colonization in the Sixteenth Century. — As we have just 
seen, Spain, France, and England made many efforts during 
the sixteenth century to obtain permanent possessions in the 
New World. Spain succeeded in Mexico and Peru, and made 
a mere beginning in Florida. France did not really get a foot- 
hold in Canada until the first decade of the next century, and 
this was likewise the case with the English in Virginia. All 
three nations had too many things to disturb them at home to 
be able to put forth their full strength in establishing their 
claims to the new country. The work of exploration in con- 
sequence was hazardous and slow. Then, again, the pre- 
cise value of the possessions they were striving for was 
not understood. Men chiefly sought the precious metals, and 
in the race for these Spain came off victor. But to obtain 
them she sacrificed the lives of the helpless natives and of 
imported negro slaves, and thus never laid the foundations for 
successful, thriving colonies. She injured herself, too, by 
accustoming her own people to the idea that the mother 
country ought to be supported by her colonies, and that labor 
was beneath a Spaniard of good blood. 

20. Changes in the Theory of Colonization. — France and 

England, also, sought for gold and silver, but found none. 

1 It is an interesting fact that the first English child horn on American soil 
was Virginia Dare, granddaughter of John White, governor of this colony. 



§■20] SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 23 

The lands they occupied could be made productive, but not by 
the ne'er-do-well adventurers who first came out. When, 
however, fish and furs, and, later on, tobacco, became far 
more profitable than the metals would have been, the char- 
acter of both English and French colonists gradually improved. 
The value of the new possessions was not to be perceived fully, 
however, until the eighteenth century, when they played a 
part in all the important European wars. Nor even then did 
statesmen at home realize that the mother country's interests 
were best served by keeping her colonists prosperous. A 
colony was at first viewed merely as a source of revenue, and 
in some cases even as a dumping-ground for criminals. It is 
only of late that colonies have figured as outlets for superfluous 
population and as bases for extending commercial operations. 



References, — General Works which should be consulted in con- 
nection with each of the five chapters of Part I. are : J. Winsor, Narrative 
and Critical History of America (contains special monographs of great 
value); G. Bancroft, History of the United States (revised edition); R. 
Hildreth, History of the United States; J. A. Doyle, The English in 
America; R. G. Thwaites, The Colonies, chaps, i.-iii. ("Epochs of 
American History"); G. P. Fisher, The Colonial Era ("American 
History Series"). 

Special Works : J. Fiske, Discovery of America ; E. J. Payne, His- 
tory of the New World called America; W. H. Prescott, Conquest of 
Mexico and Conquest of Peru ; E. Eggleston, The Beginners of a 
Nation; J. Winsor, Christopher Columbus; also biographies of Colum- 
bus by Washington Irving, C. K. Adams, and C. R. Markham ; W. 
Irving, Companions of Columbus ; A. Helps, Spanish Conquest of 
America; F. Parkman, Pioneers of France ; J. Winsor, From Cartier to 
Frontenac; E. J. Payne, Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen (also 
various biographies of Drake, Raleigh, etc.); H. H. Bancroft, The Pacific 
States, Vol. XVIII. 

On the Indians, see Fiske and Payne, as above, and the writings of L. 
H. Morgan and A. F. Bandelier. For full bibliographies, consult Channing 
and Hart's Guide to American History. For illustrative material, consult 
Old South Leaflets and Hart's American History told by Contemporaries. 
The first voyage of Columbus is described in Cooper's Mercedes of Castile ; 
Elizabethan maritime enterprise, in C. Kingsley's Westward Ho I 



CHAPTER II. 

THE FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. 

THE SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. 

21. The Virginia Company. ^- At the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century England undertook in earnest to plant colonies 
in North America. Her only important rival was France. 
Efforts were first directed toward the vast unoccupied stretch, 
of country between Canada and Florida. The upper part of 
this region was explored, with favorable results, by Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold in 1602, by Martin Pring in 1603, and by George 
Weymouth in 1605. These enterprises were encouraged by 
the new king, James I., and Ealeigh was soon out of favor. 
The work of colonization required cooperation; and the ex- 
ample of the Muscovite and East India companies led certain 
important citizens to obtain a charter authorizing them, as 
the Virginia Company, to promote and govern colonies in the 
unsettled region. It was a favorable time for such an under- 
taking, since changes in agricultural methods and other eco- 
nomic causes had created a spirit of unrest and filled England 
with men eager for employment. Besides, the passion for dis- 
covery and the energy that marked Elizabeth's reign had by 
no means died out, and fortune seemed beckoning from the new 
shores. 

22. The Sub-companies. — The Virginia Company's charter 
covered a region extending from the thirty-fourth to the forty- 
fifth degree of north latitude. This was not to be controlled 
by one set of men, however, for there were two sub-companies, 
one consisting of the charter members living in or near Lon- 

24 



1 



§24] 



THE SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. 



25 



don, and the other of those living in or near Plymouth. The 
Londoners could colonize from the thirty-fourth to the thirty- 
eighth degree ; the Plymouth people from the forty-first to the 
forty-fifth, while the intervening space was left to whichever 
company should first colonize it, with the proviso that neither 
company should settle within one hundred miles of the other. 
This idea of competition between the 
companies led to nothing, and indeed 
the whole scheme of the charter was a 
cumbrous one that promised little per- 
manent success. 




Ruins of 
Church 

TOWN. 



THE Old 
A.T James- 



23. The Settlement at Jamestown. — 

In 1607 both sub-companies began 

operations. The Plymouth men sent a 

fleet to the coast of the present state of 

Maine, but the colony they tried to plant 

was a failure. The London Company 

was more fortunate. Their colonists 

reached Chesapeake Bay in the spring, 

and settled about fifty miles above the mouth of a large river, 

since then known as the James, in honor of the English king. 

They called their new settlement Jamestown, and at once began 

to build huts and fortifications. 

24. Captain John Smith.^ — Their leading spirit was Captain 
John Smith, an adventurous and 'able man, who in spite of 
jealousies put himself at the head of affairs and saved the 
colony. The men sent out were mainly gentlemen adven- 
turers seeking to mend their fortunes, and even some of the 
real workers followed callings not required in the wilderness. 



1 A noted English adventurer ; born, 1579 ; died, 1632. Fought in the Nether- 
lands and against the Turks; joined the expedition to Virginia, 1606-07; on 
the voyage he was imprisoned, but after landing became practical head of the 
colony ; explored the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries ; returned to England 
in 1609 ; explored the coast of New England in 1614. He left voluminous and 
romantic accounts of his exploits. 



26 FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§ 25 

There was consequently much, bickering, and soon a scarcity 
of provisions caused great suffering. The site of the town 

proved unhealthy, and 
the Indians encoun- 
tered had to be 
watched. Altogether 
the situation was a 
wretched one, and but 
for the energy of 
Smith and a few 
others, Christopher 
Newport, the captain 
of the fleet, who had 
gone back to Eng- 
land for supplies, 
might have found few 
vestiges of a settle- 
ment on his return 
in 1609. Newport 
brought stores, but 
also a number of un- 
desirable colonists. 
He speedily sailed 
back to England with a cargo of shining earth, which did not 
yield the gold it promised to credulous eyes. Smith besought 
the Company to send out good workmen to cultivate the rich 
soil ; and after a while the promoters of the colony learned 
not to expect vast discoveries of gold and silver. In October, 
1609, owing to an accident to his eyes, Smith left the colony, 
never to return. 




John Smith, 



25. Smith's Character. — Smith's relations with Virginia have 
been the subject of much hostile criticism. Discrepancies have 
been found between his earlier and his later accounts of his 
exploits, and some historians have been led to regard him as 
little more than a braggart. This is an untenable view. His 



26] 



THE SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. 



27 



management of the refractory colonists, his dealings with the 
Indian chief Powhatan, his wise and manly remonstrances 
with the London Company, 
— all go to show that he 
was an able and unselfish 
leader to whom the life of 
the struggling settlement 
was mainly due. On the 
other hand, there can be 
little doubt, save in the 
minds of his partisans, that 
he frequently embellished 
his accounts of his adven- 
tures, and that he is not the 
most reliable of historians. 
It is not at all impossible 
that he was really saved by 
Pocahontas,^ yet the story 
may be as mythical as the 
coat of arms granted to him 
by the king of Hungary. 




Pocahontas. 



26. Annulling of the Virginia Company's Charter. — In 1609, 

the year of Smith's departure, King James gave the Virginia 
Company a new charter, which defined the limits of its territory 
in a very vague way and increased its power over its colonists. 
In 1612 he gave another charter, which took in the Bermuda 
Islands and allowed the shareholders of the Company to hold 



1 Born about 1595; died, 1617. Daughter of the Indian chief Powhatan. 
Smith reports that when he was taken prisoner by Powhatan and was about 
to be put to death, Pocahontas placed her own head in the way of the execu- 
tioner's club. This may have been a sign that she wished to have Smith 
spared that he might become her husband. It is at least certain that Smith 
was sent back to Jamestown, and that Pocahontas afterward befriended the 
colonists. She was converted to Christianity in 1613, and christened Rebecca; 
married John Rolfe in 1614 ; went to England in 1616, and was presented at 
the court of James I. as Princess Lady Rebecca. From her have descended 
many illustrious families of Virginia. 



28 FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§ 27 

general meetings in London. Twelve years later, when the 
king's Puritan opponents had got control of these meetings and 
used them for political purposes, he caused the charter to be 
annulled by a decree of court, which was a legal though not a 
justifiable act. The records of the Company were preserved 
in a romantic way,^ and are now in the possession of the gov- 
ernment at Washington. 

27. Growth of Virginia. — Meanwhile the colony had had vari- 
ous ups and downs under several governors, — Lord Delaware, 
Sir Thomas Dale, the tyrannical Samuel Argall, Sir George 
Yeardley, and Sir Francis Wyatt, — but had on the whole be- 
come firmly established. Dale was strict, but successful in 
controlling the rougher elements ; he also encouraged the policy 
of allowing settlers to become individual proprietors of land. 
Argall was speedily recalled for his misconduct. Liberal sen- 
timents then prevailed in the colony, and its inhabitants were 
allowed, during Yeardley's administration, to hold a yearly 
representative assembly, or legislature (1619), the first of its 
kind in America. This long step toAvard self-government, 
together with the increasing importance of the tobacco crop, 
gave Virginia a decided impetus, which the contemporaneous 
introduction of slavery, in the persons of twenty blacks landed 
and sold at Jamestown by a Dutch ship in 1619, did not at first 
affect. The presence of white slaves in the persons of inden- 
tured servants — a class recruited from convicts, vagabonds, 
and kidnapped children — produced some confusion. But col- 

1 The Privy Council ordered Nicholas Ferrar, deputy treasurer of the Com- 
pany, to hand over all books and papers of the corporation. Ferrar, having 
in view the future justification of his colleagues and himself, had the records 
copied and intrusted to the keeping of the Earl of Southampton, the Com- 
pany's treasurer, who had been elected against the wishes of King James. In 
1667 the copy was sold to William Byrd of Virginia. Then it passed to Rev. 
William Stith, one of the earliest Virginian historians, then to Peyton 
Randolph, president of the Continental Congress, then to Thomas Jefferson, 
and finally, in 1814, on the sale of Jefferson's library, to the government of 
the United States. It is now in the Library of Congress and fills two folio 
volumes. See Fiske's Old Virginia and Her Neighbors, I. chap. vi. 



§ 29] THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK. 29 

onists of position aiid means soon began to exert an influence 
opposed to disorder, and tlirough. Sir Francis Wyatt the Com- 
pany promised to stand by its grant of free institutions. 

28. Charles I. and the Virginia Burgesses. — In 1622 the 
colonists endured a loss of three hundred settlers, from an attack 
by the Indians whom they had maltreated. The collapse of 
the Company (1624) made Virginia a crown colony, dependent 
on the king, who was succeeded the next year (1625) by his 
son, Charles I. Charles, needing money in order to be able to 
govern without his Parliament, tried to get a profit out of a 
monopoly of the tobacco trade, but the colonial assembly, or 
Burgesses, as they were called, withstood him (1629). The 
convening of this assembly to discuss such a matter was an 
important precedent in the government of the crown colonies ; 
but the assembly, although it could resist the king's demand, 
could not prevent a royal governor like Sir John Harvey from 
making himself obnoxious.^ 

THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK. 

29. Hudson and New Amsterdam. — In the autumn of 1609 
Henry Hudson,- an English seaman employed by the Dutch 
East India Company, sailed up the river now called by his 
name, as- far as the site of Albany. He was searching for a 
northwest passage to India; he found instead a good oppor- 
tunity to trade with the red men, which the Dutch after- 
ward cultivated. By 1615 houses were built on the site of 
Albany and of the present New York. The fur trade of New 

1 Harvey came to Virginia iu 1629, but by 1635 he was ousted from office 
by the Burgesses, and forced to go to England to appeal to the king, who sent 
him back. Four years later, however, Charles, in order to ingratiate himself 
with his tobacco-growing subjects, removed Harvey. 

2 One of the boldest of English navigators, born about 1580 ; explored the 
coast of Greenland in 1607 ; in 1609 skirted the coast of Labrador, and turning 
southward discovered the Hudson ; in 1610 entered the strait and bay which 
were named for him ; but his crew mutinied and put him, with seven com- 
panions, adrift. They were never heard of again. 



30 FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§30 



Netherland, as the 
region was named, 
was turned over to 
a corporation organ- 
ized for that pur- 
pose, called the New 
Netherland Com- 
pany. Politically no 
steps were taken at 
first against the Eng- 
lish title to the 
country. In 1621 the 
Dutch West India 
Company took up the 
role of the New Neth- 
erland Company, and 
three years later sent 
over a number of colo- 
nists. These settled 
mainly near Albany j 
but there were other 

centers of population, all of which did a thriving fur trade 

with the Indians. 

30. Organization of the Dutch Colony. — In 1626 Peter Minuit, 
director for the Dutch West India Company, purchased the 




Henry Hudson. 
[By permission of the New York History Company.] 




New Amsterdam. 



Island of Manhattan from the Indians for a trifling amount 
(about twenty -five dollars), and made the town of New 
Amsterdam, afterward New York, the center of government. 



§32] THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 31 

In 1629 the Company obtained a new charter and proceeded 
to develop a semi-feudal system of land tenure among the 
colonists. Individuals, styled "Patroons" (patrons), were 
allowed to buy tracts of land from the Indians and to settle 
colonists upon them. For every colony of fifty persons the 
Patroon was granted a large tract for himself ; and as he was 
given political and judicial power over his colonists, New 
Netherland was soon in the hands of a powerful landed aris- 
tocracy, some families of which have retained a certain prestige 
down to the present time. 

THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

31. The Plymouth Colony. — The London Company and the 
Dutch West India Company had now established promising 
colonies, but the Plymouth Company had done nothing since 
their unsuccessful attempt in 1607. Seven years later, Captain 
John Smith had made a voyage along the northern coast and 
given the region the name of New England. Other voyages 
added to geographical knowledge and developed the fisheries, 
but the more southerly colonies for some time attracted all 
intending settlers, and the reorganized Plymouth Company of 
1620 might have fared poorly had not accident favored them. 
This accident was nothing less than the landing of the Pilgrim 
Fathers at Plymouth Rock instead of somewhere within the 
jurisdiction of the London Company, as they at first intended. 

32. The Pilgrims in Holland. — The causes that led the Pil- 
grims to the New World were briefly as follows. There were 
large numbers of English Protestants who thought that the 
Established Church of England had not sufficiently broken 
away from the Church of Rome, especially in regard to the 
forms of worship. Such dissatisfied Protestants were called 
Puritans, and those of their number who refused to commune 
with the Church of England were further known as Dis- 
senters. Those Dissenters who were ruled by elders, according 
to the system of Calvin and Knox, were known as Presby- 
terians. Such as desired each congregation to be independent 



32 FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§ 33 

were called Separatists, or Brownists, or Independents. The 
Pilgrim Fathers were Separatists who, in order to escape per- 
secution, had fled from the village of Scrooby to Holland. 
The emigrants, headed by their pastor, John Robinson, and 
their elder, William Brewster, numbered about one hundred. 
Settling first at Amsterdam, then at Leyden, they were joined 
by other refugees, and lived peacefully by their labors. 

33. Movement of Pilgrims to America. — These Pilgrims 
naturally did not wish their children to become Dutchmen ; 
so their minds turned to America. Securing a grant of land 
from the London Company and financial aid from London 
capitalists who became partners in the enterprise, they col- 
lected their effects and sailed to their new home in the 
Mayjiower} They sighted Cape Cod on November 9, 1620. 
The captain, for some reason, would not sail farther southward ; 
so after exploring the coast, the emigrants, who had already 
formed themselves into a body politic under a very liberal 
written agreement, landed at Plymouth (December 21, 1620). 

34. Experiences of the Pilgrims. — Although the winter was 
mild, the colonists had much difficulty in obtaining shelter 
and food, and great loss of life was the result, Deacon John 
Carver, the first governor, being among the victims. William 
Bradford, one of the finest characters in our history, suc- 
ceeded him as governor. His courage and that of his people, 
who believed firmly that they had the support of God, enabled 
the colony to pull through the crisis. Huts and a fort were 
built, land was cleared, and provisions and fuel laid in for the 
next winter. In November, 1621, fifty more of the Leyden 
people arrived. These were a burden to the colonists for a 
time, since the supply of food was small ; and distribution was 
made, as at Jamestown, from the common stock. Settlers con- 

ilfc is worth noting that the Mayjloioer was not the only vessel of this 
expedition as it was first arranged. The companion ship, Speedwell, had 
an accident, and was obliged to return. 



36] 



THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 



33 




tinned to be sent out by the London partners, but as a rule 
they came empty handed. 

35. Success of the Pilgrims. — The colony nevertheless flour- 
ished under a patent it had obtained from the Plymouth Com- 
pany. It owed much of its success to Bradford, who was often 
elected to the governorship, and to Captain Miles Standish, a 
brave soldier, not a Separatist, who 
was especially useful in managing 
the Indians. Various neighboring 
settlements of Englishmen who ridi- 
culed the strict customs of the Pil- 
grims could not be easily dealt with; 
but finally the chief offenders, 
Thomas Morton and his associates 
at Merrymount, who had furnished 
the Indians with firearms, were put 
down with a stern hand. Meanwhile 
the communal system was aban- 
doned for individual allotments of 
land. At about the same tim.e (1627) the colonists purchased 
the share of the London capitalists in the enterprise. 

36. Government of the Pilgrims. — They governed themselves 
at first by a primary assembly, then by a general court com- 
posed of two delegates from each township, elected by popular 
vote, together with the governor and representatives, called 
assistants. In 1636 a special code of laws was adopted ; but on 
the whole the government remained as simple as were the habits 
of the God-fearing, thrifty people, who in many ways set an 
example of steadiness and perseverance to all the other colo- 
nists. It was, however, a very small settlement, and after va- 
rious failures to secure its perpetuation through a royal charter, 
it was finally merged, in 1691, with Massachusetts^ (§ 60). 

1 It should be remembered that while the Pilgrims were Puritans, most of 
the Puritans who settled in Massachusetts were far from being Pilgrims. The 
importance attaching to the Pilgrims in American history is due mainly to 
the priority of their landing and to the picturesqueness of their early history. 



Miles Standish. 



34 FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§37 

THE SETTLEMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

37. The Puritans and the Founding of Massachusetts. — In 
1623 some merchants of Dorchester, England, sent out a colony 
to the coast of Maine, which for some reason was diverted to the 
site of the present Gloucester in Massachusetts. Three years 

later the colony was 
almost abandoned ; but 
John White, the Puri- 
tan rector of Trinity 
Church, Dorchester, 
fearing the aggressions 
of the Crown in ecclesi- 
astical matters, advised 
the remaining settlers 
to continue at Salem, 
whither they had mi- 
grated, and immedi- 
ately laid plans in 
England for planting 
a permanent colony. 
Two years later a pat- 
ent was obtained from 
the Plymouth Com- 
pany for a strip of 
coast land, and John 
Endicott ^ led sixty 

persons to Salem. In 
John Endicott. ^ „^^ , , « , , 

1629 the owners of the 

patent, who still lived in England, were organized as a Com- 
pany and given a charter by the king. This charter provided 

1 Born about 1588 ; died, 1665. In 1628 came to Massachusetts Bay as gov- 
ernor, in which capacity he acted till the Company was established and trans- 
ferred to New England in 1630; from 1641 to 1644 and from 1651 to 1665 
(except 1654) was deputy governor; in 1645 was appointed to the highest 
command of the colonial army, and in 1658 was president of the colonial 
commissioners. 




38] 



THE SETTLEMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS. 



35 



for popular election of the governor and other officers, for a 
"general court," or assembly, as well as for the passage of 
laws not conflicting with those of England. 



38. Government of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. — The 

new " Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England " 
was ostensibly to engage in trade, but in reality its founders 
intended to form a religious commonwealth. This could be 
easily done, since somehow or other no proviso that the Com- 
pany should have its headquarters in England was inserted in 
the charter. Thus it 
was possible to trans- 
port the Company 
bodily to New Eng- 
land, and this a num- 
ber of prominent 
Puritans, at a meet- 
ing held at Cam- 
bridge in 1629, agreed 
to do. There was to 
be no violent separa- 
tion from the Estab- 
lished Church except 
such as was caused 
by distance ; but un- 
congenial practices 
would be avoided, 
and the heavy hand 
of Archbishop Laud, 
then the strenuous 
Primate of England, ** 

would hardly reach across the sea. Thus many men of 
wealth and education, whose conservatism would naturally 
have prevented their taking rash steps in their opposition 
to the Crown, were led to join in the Massachusetts enter- 
prise. In April, 1630, eleven vessels sailed for America, 




John Winthrop. 



3t) FIRST PLANTATIONS AND COLONIES, 1607-1630. [§ 38 

and by the end of the year about a thousand persons had 
emigrated to the new colony and founded such towns as 
Boston, Charlestown, and Watertown. They chose as gov- 
ernor a wealthy and highly educated Suffolk gentleman, John 
Winthrop,^ and under his able administration the colony began 
a career of great prosperity and importance. 



References. — General Works : To the list already given may be 
added : Bryant and Gay, Popular History of the United States ; H. C. 
Lodge, Short History of the English Colonies in America; Richard 
Frothingham, Bise of the Bepuhlic of the United States. 

Special Works: J. Fiske, Beginnings of New England; J. Fiske, 
Old Virginia and Her Neighbors; J. G. Palfrey, History of New Eng- 
land; W. B. Weeden, Economic History of New England; P. A. Bruce, 
Economic History of Virginia; A. Brown, Genesis of the United States ; 
J. E. Cooke, Virginia ("American Commonwealths"); R. C. Win- 
throp. Life and Letters of John Winthrop ; E. Eggleston, Transit of 
Civilization. 

Standard state and colonial histories, such as Hutchinson's Massa- 
chusetts and Belknap's New Hampshire^ may also be used, as well as 
biographies of colonial worthies. For documents, consult Macdonald's 
Select Charters Illustrative of American History, 1606-1775. Illustra- 
tive specimens of the earliest historical writings, such as Bradford's 
" History of the Plymouth Colony " and Winthrop's " History of Massa- 
chusetts" will be found in Old South Leaflets, Hart's American History 
told by Contemporaries, Stedman and Hutchinson's Library of American 
Literature, and Trent and Wells' Colonial Prose and Poetry. See 
Channing and Hart's Guide. Many books relating to colonial life and 
manners have been published recently, but Edward Eggleston's articles 
in the Century Magazine (Vols. HI. -VIII.) will probably be sufficient 
for most purposes. Longfellow's The Courtship of Miles Standialt 
should be read in connection with this chapter. 



1 Born, 1588 ; died, 1649. Graduated at Trinity College, Cambridge ; opposed 
the Stuarts ; was made governor of Massachusetts in 1629 ; arrived at Salem 
and Boston in 1630 ; opposed the younger Vane, hut was governor again 
from 1637 to 1640, and a third time from 1646 to his death. His journal 
" History," and his letters are among the most valuable historical documents 
of New England. 



CHAPTER III. 

SPREAD or PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. 
THE SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH OF MARYLAND. 

39. The First Lord Baltimore. — Among the most important 
counsellors of James I. was his Secretary of State, George 
Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore,^ who had been connected 
with both the London 
and Plymouth Com- 
panies. His interest 
in colonial matters was 
such that he obtained 
a patent for a colony 
in Newfoundland ; but 
the enterprise failed 
in spite of his personal 
efforts (1621). Later 
he tried to get a foot- 
ing in Virginia with 
some of his fellow- 
religionists (for he 
was a stanch Eoman 
Catholic); but the Prot- 
estant settlers would 

not have them (1G29). Then he secured a charter from King 
Charles I. for a tract which, although north of the Potomac 
River, was within the original bounds of Virginia. The new 

1 Born, 1582; died, 1632. Graduated at Oxford, 1597; became a Roman 
Catholic in 1624 ; obtained a patent (1632) from Charles I. for what is now 
Delaware and Maryland. 

37 




First Lord Baltimore. 



38 



SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. 



C§40 



province was named Maryland, after Queen Henrietta Maria. 

Lord Baltimore died before he could utilize his grant; but his 

son, Cecilius Calvert, 
inherited it and be- 
came almost a feudal 
sovereign in the new 
region. He could 
declare war, appoint 
all officers, and con- 
fer titles. The free- 
men of the colony- 
were to assist him in 
making laws which 
required no supervi- 
sion in England; and 
the colonists were 
granted an unprece- 
dented amount of 
religious liberty. 

40. The Growth of 
Maryland. — In No- 
vember, 1633, Leon- 
ard Calvert, brother of Cecilius, crossed the ocean with two 
hundred colonists, and the next year the town of St. Mary's 
was founded. Trouble soon arose with a prominent Virginian, 
"William Claiborne, who had previously established a colony on 
Kent Island, within Baltimore's jurisdiction. Claiborne was 
finally expelled, and the colonists, although many of them were 
Protestants, settled down peacefully. Disputes, however, soon 
arose with Cecilius Calvert over laws which the freemen insisted 
on passing; but no serious trouble occurred until the Civil War 
broke out in England. Then the Protestants gained the upper 
hand, and in 1645 Leonard Calvert was forced to flee to Vir- 
ginia. He soon returned, however, and governed until his 
death, in 1647. After this, considerable confusion ensued; 




I 



Cecilius Calvert, Second Lord Baltimore. 



§41] SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH OF MARYLAND. 39 

and when Virginia had been secured for the Parliamentarians 
(§ 42), Claiborne, who had cherished his grievances, com- 
pelled Governor Stone of Maryland to renounce his allegiance 
to Lord Baltimore. When Stone repudiated this agreement, 
Claiborne, who was a parliamentary commissioner, with the aid 
of an armed force deposed him, and Maryland passed under the 
control of the Protestants, who would not allow Roman Catholics 
to vote or hold office. Cromwell, however, forbade interference 
with the rights of the Second Lord Baltimore, and Stone, the 
latter's legal representative, endeavored to overthrow the Puri- 
tan government of the colony, but was defeated in a battle at 
Providence in 1655. Two years later, Baltimore, through the 
favor of the English Parliamentarians, recovered his proprie- 
torship and obtained control of Maryland, after a compromise 
had been made with the Puritan colonists and their Virginia 
abettors. Greater privileges were granted to the freemen, and 
there was a general religious toleration. Then followed the ex- 
cellent administration for fourteen years (1661-1675) of Charles 
Calvert, the eldest son of Cecilius, who at the end of that period 
became the third Lord Baltimore. During his governorship 
many Quakers and foreign immigrants were attracted to the 
colony, which produced fine crops, notably of tobacco. 

41. Revolts of Fendall and Coode. — In 1681 there was a slight 
revolt, led by a demagogue named Josias Fendall, who had 
previously been treacherous to the proprietor. He was aided 
by John Coode, a retired clergyman, and by some Virginians. 
The uprising was easily put down and would not have made 
headway had not the people been disturbed by an unpopular 
local law about the sufPrage and by religious and economic 
legislation in England (§ 43). . Another revolt in 1689, led by 
Coode, was more successful. But in two years the revolution- 
ists were driven from power, and Maryland was made a royal 
province, the proprietor becoming merely a landlord.^ 

1 Under royal control religious persecution was allowed, and the colony 
ceased to flourish until in 1715 the Calverts were again made proprietors 
Conditions then Improved, and in 1729 Baltimore was founded as a port. 



40 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1680-1689. r§ 42 



DEVELOPMENT OF VIRGINIA. 

42. Virginia under Berkeley's First Administration. — We 

have seen that the royalist governor, Harvey, caused the Vi^:- 
ginians at first to regret the gentle rule of the London Com- 
pany. In 1639, however, Sir Francis Wyatt succeeded Harvey, 
and affairs began to improve. Three years later, Sir William 
Berkeley began his long and checkered career as the king's 
representative. He was a brave, well-educated gentleman, but 
full of passions and prejudices that often brought him into 
conflict with the colonists. His opposition to all efforts to 
make the colonial government more liberal was intense. He 
disliked Roman Catholics and hated Puritans; hence such 
followers of Baltimore and such New Englanders as happened 
to enter Virginia's borders, were soon made uncomfortable, as 
were also the Indians, who were vigorously put down in 1644. 
Berkeley and most of the Virginians sympathized with Charles I. 
in his struggle against Parliament to such an extent that after 
the death of that monarch the governor invited Charles II. to 
come to America. Charles'was too wise to accept, but several 
thousand cavaliers did come, and thus the colony waxed strong.^ 
Parliament did not fail, however, to assert its supremacy. It 
appointed, as its commissioners, William Claiborne, who had 
played such a disturbing part in Maryland affairs and was an 
enterprising trader, and Richard Bennett, a man of prominence 
and excellent character. It also sent a frigate to the Chesa- 
peake ; and with no struggle Berkeley was superseded in 1652 
by Bennett, who was elected by the Burgesses. He and his 
successors ruled well, on the whole, and the colony pros- 
pered. 



43. Virginia under Berkeley's Second Administration. — With 
the Restoration in 1660, Berkeley, who had been living quietly 
on his estate, was recalled, and then a period of disturbance 
set in. Severe measures against the Puritans alienated them. 

1 Compare fifteen thousand in 1650 with forty thousand in 1670, 



§44] DEVELOPMENT OF VIRGINIA. 41 

Enforcement of the Navigation Act, which compelled colonists 
to ship tobacco to English ports alone and to receive European 
goods only from vessels loaded in England, bore heavily on all 
classes. Then again, Charles II.'s grant of the province to two 
of his dissolute courtiers, Lords Arlington and Culpepper,- nat- 
urally caused indignation. At the same time the bad condition 
of the church in the colony, and the corruption of the public 
officials, called for correction. The Puritans tried to revolt 
in 1663, but were suppressed, ^and matters grew worse. Berke- 
ley became despotic and refused to call a new House of Bur- 
gesses, the old House elected in 1660 holding over and actually 
passing a law restricting the suffrage under which new elections 
would be held. To crown all, the Indians began to murder 
frontier settlers ; but the governor, who feared printing presses 
and schools, feared the native militia also, and would not allow 
them to atta^ the savages. 

44. Bacon's Rebellion. — At this juncture, Nathaniel Bacon, 
a young member of the council, brave, honest, and hot-headed, 
raised, without orders, a |)rivate force and defeated the Indians 
(1676). Berkeley resented this unauthorized action and de- 
clared Bacon and his followers rebels. For several months a 
petty civil war went on, good fortune being with Bacon, who 
drove Berkeley out of Jamestown, and burned the place. The 
revolt would not have reached such dimensions had not the 
general situation been intolerable ; but it was bound to be 
practically local, whatever may have been Bacon's schemes for 
a general colonial uprising against the Crown. Even as a local 
movement it was soon ended, for Bacon's premature death 
(October, 1676), whether from poison or fever, left no one to 
oppose Berkeley. The latter returned to power and continued 
his tyrannical course, executing no less than twenty-three of 
the leading rebels. This disgusted Charles II., who had shown 
much mildness toward his rebellious subjects in Great Britain. 
So Berkeley was recalled to England in 1677, and died there 
shortly after in disgrace. 



42 



SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. 



[§45 



45. Berkeley's Successors. — The Virginians hailed his depar- 
ture with bonfires ; but in spite of his faults, Berkeley's career 
is a pathetic one. He had not moved with the times. His 
successors in office, on the other hand, moved too fast, for they 
imitated the corruption of the court at London and overawed 
the colonists in addition to taking money from them. There 
were six of these governors in twenty-one years. They quar- 
reled with the Burgesses and kept the colonists in a ferment of 
riots and hangings ; yet the population grew, and some progress 
was made. A new capital was established at Williamsburg, 
and the College of William and Mary was founded there in 
1692 by Rev. James Blair. 

DEVELOPMENT OF NEW ENGLAND. 

46. The Progress of Massachusetts. — Although the colony 
of Massachusetts Bay had a most vigorous start, it was not 

without its troubles from the 
beginning. The governor's 
" assistants " soon tried to con- 
centrate power in their own 
hands, but the freemen (who, 
by law, must be church mem- 
bers) resisted, and a represent- 
ative house was inaugurated. 
Voting by ballot was intro- 
duced in 1634, but it was not 
until ten years later that the 
administration of affairs was 
thoroughly organized under 
a governor and two houses. 
The migration of such leading 
Puritans as Sir Henry Vane 
the younger,^ and the proposed 
Sir Henry Vane. coming of others, did not serve 

1 Born, 1612; died, 1662. Noted Puritan statesman who came to Boston in 
1635, and became governor the next year ; took sides with Mrs. Hutchinson 




i 



§48] DEVELOPMENT OF NEW ENGLAND. 43 

to put down the democratic -tendencies of the colony, which 
was daily increasing in population and wealth, much of the 
latter being due to the fisheries and the coasting trade. As a 
rule, the colonists were of the educated middle class, thoroughly 
religious and devoted to their pastors, many of whom were very 
able men. One of these clergymen, John Harvard,^ by means 
of a legacy and the gift of his lib"rary, assured the founding of 
the first college in the country, which has since grown into the 
great university at Cambridge that bears his name. 

47. Troubles between Massachusetts and the Crown. — Mean- 
while persons who had been driven out for not conforming 
with the ideas of church and religion held by the majority of 
the citizens of Massachusetts, had complained to Archbishop 
Laud, and that prelate and other councilors had passed laws 
for securing religious uniformity, obviously aimed at Massa- 
chusetts. The colony was soon up in arms, but dispatched 
Edward Winslow to England to try first the force of plead- 
ing. The breaking up of the Plymouth Company complicated 
matters, and after legal proceedings the colony's charter was 
declared null and void. The colonists silently refused, how- 
ever, to surrender their charter, and were saved from further 
external trouble, for a time, by the civil turmoils in England 
itself. 

48. Domestic Difficulties. — Internal troubles beset them also, 
for they were as determined as their persecutors to have religious 
uniformity of their own kind. They drove out the noble pastor 
of Salem, Roger Williams, because he was opposed to giving 
political power to church members only. They disliked, more- 
over, his advocacy of liberal principles of toleration, as well as 

in the famous Antinomian controversy ; soon returned to England ; entered 
Parliament, became treasurer of the navy, and was prominent in the impeach- 
ment of Strafford ; became a prominent leader and frequently opposed Crom- 
well ; presided over the state council in 1659 ; is believed to have invented 
"the previous question" in parliamentary practice; on the accession of 
Charles II., was executed on the general charge of treason. 
1 Harvard died in 1638, having been in the colony only a year. 



44 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§49 

his theories limiting the king's power to grant lands in Amer- 
ica. Williams escaped in the winter of 1636, thanks partly to 
the kindness of Indians, to whom he was always a friend; 
in the spring of the same year he founded Providence Planta- 
tion on Narragansett Bay. Then Massachusetts was thrown 
into a ferment by a Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who preached cer- 
tain theological doctrines distasteful to the mass of the Puri- 
tans, although agreeable to some of their leading ministers. 
In 1637 she was banished ; whereupon some of her adherents 
betook themselves to the island of Aquidneck, afterward 
called Rhode Island, where she subsequently joined them. 
The affair seems ridiculous now, but it disturbed the colony 
and marked the beginning of a tyrannical policy of repression 
that had evil results (§ 55). 

49. Foundation of Rhode Island. — This intolerance led, how- 
ever, to the more rapid settlement of New England, and was 
thus in part a power for good. The Hutchinsonians founded 
a town which they called Portsmouth, and thither, as well as 
to Providence, many discontented people flocked from Massa- 
chusetts, both settlements receiving bad names in consequence. 
In 1639 Newport was founded by Portsmouth people who dis- 
sented from Mrs. Hutchinson; but the next year the two towns 
united to form the colony of Rhode Island. In 1644 all the 
towns in the region joined to form the colony of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations, under a charter obtained by 
Roger Williams from the Parliamentarians. A separate charter 
was later obtained by a faction for Newport and Portsmouth ; 
but finally, in 1654, the single colony was restored under Wil- 
liams. It was a home of toleration, and as such reflects credit 
upon Roger Williams, its founder ; but it was for a long time 
a home also of fanatics of all sorts. 

50. The Connecticut Settlements. — Meanwhile settlements 
had been made by Massachusetts men^ on the Connecticut 

1 Plymouth built a fur-trading house at Windsor in 1633; Dutchmen had 
already settled at Hartford. 



§ 52] DEVELOPMENT OF NEW ENGLAND. 45 

River (1635), which angered the powerful Pequot Indians and 
drove them to war. The Narragansetts were kept from the 
war-path by the entreaties of Eoger Williams, but the Pequots 
were strong enough to harass the Connecticut towns of Hart- 
ford, Windsor, Saybrook, and Weathersfield. The Connecticut 
settlers appealed for aid to Massachusetts and Plymouth. A 
small army was raised which, under Captains John Mason and 
John Underbill, stormed the Indian village and almost exter- 
minated the tribe (1637). 

51. Free Government in Connecticut. — For a short time Con- 
necticut owed allegiance to Massachusetts, but independence 
was assured in 1639. The people adopted a written constitu- 
tion, liberal in its terms. This was the first of its kind in 
America, and was chiefly the work of Rev. Thomas Hooker of 
Hartford. In 1638 a colony was founded at New Haven by a 
congregation of Englishmen under Theophilus Eaton and John 
Davenport. Other congregations, all ultra-Puritanic, formed 
towns around, which were at first independent, but afterward 
united with New Haven. The new colony was weak, however, 
and was finally joined to Connecticut in 1665. 

52. Evolution of New England. — Four years previously Mass- 
achusetts had absorbed the last of the towns founded in the 
colony of Maine, which Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a prominent 
member of the Plymouth Company, had been endeavoring to 
develop since 1622. The colony of towns planted on the 
Piscataqua under the grant made by the Plymouth Company 
to John Mason in 1629, which afterward became known as 
New Hampshire, was incorporated with Massachusetts by 
1643.^ Thus one by one the New England colonies were being 
evolved and developed, Massachusetts, however, retaining her 
primacy. While local differences were soon to be detected, 
the people of the entire region were one in their main charac- 
teristics. They were religious after the Puritan fashion. 

1 It was a royal province from 1679 to 1685, after which it was reunited 
with Massachusetts. 



46 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§53 

They were brave and enterprising in extending their borders 
and their influence. They were thrifty and resolute in ex- 
tracting wealth from their rugged soil and their storm-tossed 
waters. 

THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. 

53. Formation of the Confederacy. — Similarity of habits, 
union of interests, and contiguity of territory naturally led 
the New England colonies early to think of establishing some 
form of political union. In 1637 the Connecticut people, who 
were menaced by the Dutch on the one hand and by the French 
Canadians and Indians on the other, made overtures for union 
to the people of Massachusetts. The latter were indiffer- 
ent, but the proposition was renewed in 1639 and in 1643, and 
was acted upon favorably in the latter year. One reason for 
the final success of the movement for union was the belief 
that the civil turmoil in England might react on this side 
of the Atlantic, especially if the illiberal king should win. 
Accordingly, in 1643 a written constitution bound the colonies 
of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven 
in a " perpetual league of friendship and amity for offense and 
defense," under the name of "The United Colonies of New 
England." Each colony was independent in local matters, 
and each contributed two members to a commission which 
determined such large matters of common interest as declaring 
war, forming leagues, etc. In case of disagreement among the 
commissioners, questions were to be decided by the legisla- 
tures of the colonies. 

54. The "Work of the Confederacy. — The Confederacy thus 
established lasted theoretically forty-one years, but was really 
efficient only during the first twenty. The chief difficulty it 
had to contend with was the disproportionate burden laid 
upon Massachusetts, which had but one vote and yet was 
more heavily taxed in men and money than any other member 
of the league. This led to friction, but in the main, Massa- 
diusetts, being stronger than the other colonies, succeeded in 



§66] THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. 47 

directing the general policy. This was on the whole exclusive, 
since the people of Rhode Island and Maine were not allowed 
to enter the league. There was a curious disregard of England's 
wishes in the matter of such a combination of dependent colo- 
nies, but at that time England had enough to do in looking after 
herself. Massachusetts was particularly jealous of English in- 
terference,, and did not even proclaim the Protectorate of so 
stanch a Puritan as Cromwell. The Confederacy need not, in- 
deed, have attracted much notice, for the commissioners acted 
mainly as a committee to look after the general prosperity of 
the colonies. But Massachusetts showed not a little boldness 
in passing laws against the raising of troops in the interest of 
King Charles. There was also, as was to be expected, quite a 
show of religious independence. The Presbyterians, although 
for a short time triumphant in England, were not so fortunate 
in Massachusetts ; for in 1648 a synod was held at Cambridge, 
which defined and established a Congregational system, the 
principles of which have been strong in New England ever 
since, and have played an important part in the evolution of 
American democracy. 

55. Trouble with the Dutch. — Meanwhile the settlers in New 
Haven and Connecticut came into unpleasant relations with the 
Dutch at New Amsterdam, on account of settlements pushed 
out in the direction of the latter. When England and Holland 
went to war in 1652, the Connecticut colonies tried to make 
the other members of the Confederacy engage in hostilities 
with the Dutch in America, but Massachusetts resisted. 
Cromwell sent over a fleet to Boston, which only partially 
succeeded in coercing Massachusetts ; but before the eight 
hundred New Englanders gathered to attack New Amsterdam 
could be utilized, news came that England and Holland had 
made peace. Another instance of local troubles between 
Connecticut and Massachusetts was due to a war of trade 
duties between the two colonies, which came near breaking 
down the union. Still another cause of commotion was the 



48 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§ 56 

arrival in Massachusetts of a few members of the newly 
established society of Friends, or Quakers, who astonished the 
staid citizens by their extravagant opposition to the state re- 
ligion. Some laws were passed against them, and four were 
actually hanged on Boston Common. Plymouth and New 
Haven also treated them harshly, but Connecticut indulged in 
little persecution, and Rhode Island in none at all. 

66. Dissolution of the New England Confederacy. — The practi- 
cal breaking up of the Confederacy followed the restoration of 
Charles II., and was due to the fact that the king suspected 
that the colonies wished to separate completely from England. 
They had been slow to recognize his supremacy, and had har- 
bored two of the judges that had condemned his father. At 
first Massachusetts managed to stave off the crisis ; but in 1664 
the king sent over four royal commissioners to investigate 
colonial affairs. After conquering the Dutch port of New 
Amsterdam, with the aid of Connecticut and of the troops they 
brought over, the commissioners quarreled with the people of 
Massachusetts with regard to their charter. The General Court 
of the colony evaded giving an answer to the king's demands, 
and his agents returned home, having accomplished little. 
Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Plymouth were more submis- 
sive, and the first named was rewarded with a liberal charter 
and with the annexation of New Haven. This interference of 
the king with American affairs greatly weakened the Confed- 
eracy ; besides, the new generation that was growing up prob- 
ably did not feel the same alienation from England that their 
fathers had felt. 

57. King Philip's War. — Meanwhile there had been trouble 
Avith the Indians, although the New Englanders had treated 
them better than any of the other colonists had done — a fact 
strikingly exemplified in the life work of the Apostle John 
Eliot, who translated the Bible into a written language rather 
unskillfully invented for them by himself. Troubles arose in 
connection with Alexander and Philip, two sons of Massasoit, 



§59] THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. 49 

the friendly chief of the PokanOkets. Alexander died at 
Plymouth, and Philip thought the colonists had poisoned him ; 
hence he planned a general Indian uprising, making his head- 
quarters on Mount Hope, a peninsula running into Narragansett 
Bay. After many fiendish outrages had been committed on towns 
in Plymouth and Massachusetts, the federal commissioners en- 
listed a volunteer army. In December, 1675, this army attacked 
a palisaded fort of the Indians at what is now South Kings- 
ton, Rhode Island, and slew about one thousand warriors, half 
the force within the walls. Philip still continued the struggle ; 
but the following August he was killed, to the great rejoicing 
of the whole of New England ; for the two years' war, since 
known as King Philip's War (1675-1676), had been a frightful 
experience. 

58. Loss of Massachusetts' Charter. — Their own king was 
now to give the people of Massachusetts further trouble. 
Massachusetts, by extending her dominion over New Hamp- 
shire and Maine, had involved herself in disputes with the 
proprietors of those colonies ; Church of England people were 
enraged at the fact that she would not tolerate their form 
of religious service or give them the suffrage; she was also 
charged with violating the navigation laws. Aggrieved at 
these things, Charles made New Hampshire a royal province 
in 1679 ; but his governor proved a tyrant, the people rebelled, 
and in six years the sway of Massachusetts was resumed. Con- 
trol of Maine was lost for three years (1665-1668), but later on 
Massachusetts shrewdly purchased the rights of the proprie- 
tors over it. Charles intended to give Maine to his son, the 
Duke of Monmouth, so he had an additional pretext for de- 
manding that Massachusetts should make a fair answer to all 
his complaints — a course of action which the General Court of 
the colony continued to evade. In 1684, weary of the evasions of 
Massachusetts, he caused the old trading charter to be annulled. 

59. The Tyranny of Andros. — Massachusetts was now a 
royal colony, and in one year it exchanged masters for the 



50 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§60 

worse. James II. was a devoted Eoman Catholic, who had no 
sympathy with New England Puritans. In 1686 he sent over 

Sir Edmund Andros/ 
as governor of Mass- 
achusetts, Plymouth, 
New Hampshire, and 
Maine. Andros was 
a servant worthy of 
his master, vexatious 
and tyrannical. He 
demanded the charters 
of Ehode Island and 
Connecticut ; his de- 
mand was acceded to 
in the former colony, 
but in the latter it is 
said that the important 
document was hid at 
Hartford, in a tree 
since known as the 

"Charter Oak." The 
Sir Edmund Andros. i. j. t_ 

governor was not to be 

foiled, however, for he declared Connecticut to be under his 

jurisdiction, and took in New York and the Jerseys (§ 68) 

as well. Thus he had the largest territory ever ruled by a 

provincial governor in America. He held Episcopal services 

in Congregational churches, suspended the writ of habeas 

corpus, levied illegal taxes, and made himself thoroughly 

obnoxious. 

60. Fall of Andros : New Charters. — In the spring of 1689 
news came of the accession of William and Mary, and the tyrant 
of the colonies was driven out, just as James had been from Eng- 

1 Born in London, 1637 ; died, 1714. Governor of New York, 1674 to 1681 ; 
seized New Jersey in 1080; appointed governor of New England and New 
York in 1686, with headquarters at Boston ; was deposed in 1689 and sent to 
England ; governor of Virginia, 1692 to 1698. 




§ 62] DEVELOPMENT OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 51 

land. The old charters were restored for a time, but in 1691 
Plymouth and Acadia (§ 98, note 1) were added to Massa- 
chusetts, and in 1692 a new charter was given the colony. By 
this instrument the people were still permitted to vote for rep- 
resentatives ; but the governor was appointed by the Crown, 
and religious qualifications for the suffrage were abolished. 
Massachusetts was allowed to keep Maine, but New Hampshire 
was made a separate colony. Connecticut and Ehode Island 
recovered their charters, and the century ended with New 
England comparatively quiet and loyal. 

-DEVELOPMENT OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 

61. The Dutch Settlers. — The Dutch West India Company 
fared badly at the hands of its own members, the " Patroons," 
who shut it out from trading with their estates. It also had 
trouble, as we have seen, with New Englanders at Hartford, 
and likewise with the Virginians, who came trading as far 
north as the Delaware River. With the Indians, too, there 
were serious disturbances, chiefly with the Algonquins, through 
the mismanagement of Governor Kieft (1643-1645). 

62. Attempts to check the Patroons. — The Company sought 
to check the power of the " Patroons " by establishing com- 
munities more or less independent of them, but the attempt 
did not thoroughly succeed. Political disturbances were also 
due in large measure to the overbearing conduct of governors, 
and to the lack of proper guarantees of popular liberty. In 
1641, however, a council of twelve deputies from the settle- 
ments was called in to assist the governor, and a little later, 
under Peter Stuyvesant,^ this was made a self-perpetuating 
council. Government was rendered specially difiicult on ac- 

1 Last Dutch governor of New Netherlands; born, 1612; died, 1682. Ap- 
pointed governor in 1647 ; ruled in arbitrary fashion and encountered much 
popular opposition ; attacked and annexed the Swedish colony of Delaware in 
1655; signed a treaty surrendering New Netherlands to the English, Septem- 
ber 9, 1664; died on his farm of " Great Bowerie," which embraced a large 
part of the present lower New York City. 



52 



SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. 



[§63 



count of the mixture of population in the colony. For example, 
so many French Huguenots had fled thither that documents 

were often printed in 
both French and Dutch. 

^ 

63. Swedish Settle- 
ment. — Meanwhile dif- 
ficulties arose between 
the Dutch and the 
Swedes; for in 1638 
the South Company 
of Sweden, which had 
been chartered under 
Gustavus Adolphus by 
an enterprising man, 
William Usselinx, sent 
' out a former employee 
of the Dutch Company, 
Peter Minuit, to found 
a colony. He erected 
- a fort on the site of 
what is now Wilming- 
ton, Delaware, and 
called the country New 
Sweden, under the protests, of course, of the Dutch, whose 
territorial claiuiS had been invaded. New Englanders tried 
to establish themselves on the Schuylkill and in the present 
New Jersey, but were soon driven out. The Swedes perse- 
vered until Stuyvesant built a fort near one of theirs, not far 
from what is now Newcastle, Delaware ; and four years later 
(1655) the Swedish Company was forced to give up its attempt 
at colonization. 

64. New York taken by the English. — These successes of the 
Dutch, and the fact that their territory cut off New England 
from Virginia and gave Dutch traders, by means of the Hud- 
son River, the best possible opportunity of reaching the Indians, 




Peter Stuyvesant. 



§65] DEVELOPMENT OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 53 

made it impossible for England long to acquiesce in the con- 
tinuance of Dutch rule in the New World. There had already 
been trouble in Connecticut, on Long Island, and on the Schuyl- 
kill (§§ 55 and 61), and things came nearly to a crisis in 
1654, when Cromwell sent out a fleet to take New Netherland. 
But peace between England and Holland delayed the crisis for 
ten years. In 1664 Charles II., as we have seen (§ 56), renewed 
the English claim to the territory, and acting on his orders 
Colonel Nicolls menaced New Amsterdam with a small fleet, 
which carried English regulars and Connecticut volunteers. 
Governor Stuyvesant wished to hold out, but the townsmen 
surrendered in haste. The other Dutch settlements yielded 
rapidly, and the whole Atlantic coast from Maine to Florida 
thus became English. New Netherland was now called New 
York, in honor of its proprietor, the Duke of York, Charles's 
brother — afterward James II. Nicolls was made governor, 
and the prosperity of the colony was greatly augmented. 

65. Government of New York. — Dutch customs were on the 
whole little changed, but the form of government was modified 
in accordance with English precedents. The towns were pro- 
vided with a local government, under an elected constable and 
overseers. Several towns formed a " riding," ^ under the juris- 
diction of a sheriff ; later, the ridings became counties. Thus 
New York had an intermediate system between the town 
government of New England and the county government of 
Virginia (§§ 82 and 89). The conduct of colonial affairs, 
however, depended entirely on the governor and his council. 
The early governors presented much the same contrasts of 
character as had been seen in the other colonies. Some were 
excellent, others were tyrannical. On the whole, the colony 
managed to grow and prosper, although in 1673, when England 
and Holland were at war, a Dutch fleet captured the town of 
New York. The next year the province was given back to the 
English by treaty, and, curiously enough, the first governor 

1 A term used in Yorkshire, England, for a division of a county. 



54 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689 [§66 

under the new English rule — Edmund Andros, the later 
tyrant of New England — gave the colonists an excfellent ad- 
ministration. After a few years the people clamored for greater 
political privileges. An electoral assembly of deputies and 
certain reforms were in consequence granted by the Duke of 
York ; but when he came to the throne as James II., he restored 
the old illiberal system. 

66. Leisler's Insurrection. — Belief was at hand, however; 
for on the news of the accession of William and Mary a German 
shopkeeper, Jacob Leisler, put himself at the head of the militia 
and drove out Francis Nicholson, who was acting as deputy for 
Andros. Leisler was a rash patriot, who would not give up 
his irregularly acquired power. Two years later he was forced 
to surrender, and was executed under circumstances not alto- 
gether creditable to the regular authorities. Leisler's admin- 
istration is notable for his having issued a call for a colonial 
congress, which came together at the town of New York, on 
May 1, 1690, and discussed French and Indian affairs. After 
Leisler, the people of New York suffered at the hands of a 
corrupt governor, Benjamin Fletcher, who was in league with 
the numerous pirates of the period; but at the end of the 
century his successor, the Earl of Bellomont, put down piracy 
and corruption, and restored order generally. 

67. The Settlement of the Jerseys. — Meanwhile the country 
south of New York and east of the Delaware River had ac- 
quired the name of New Jersey, through the fact that in 1664 
the Duke of York granted it to Lord Berkeley and Sir George 
Carteret, the latter of whom had been governor of the island 
of Jersey during the English civil war. The region for which 
Dutch, Swedes, and English had already struggled was still 
scantily populated ; but the proprietors gave it a liberal form 
of government, and sent out as first governor Philip Carteret, 
nephew of Sir George, with a body of emigrants who settled at 
Elizabeth. 



1 



68] 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 



55 



68. Disturbances in the Jerseys. — Other settlers came in, 
and by 1668 a code of laws of remarkable severity was adopted 
by the delegates of the people. Disturbances arose over the 
subject of the quit-rents paid by freeholders in discharge of 
services, and Lord 
Berkeley was so dis- 
gusted that he sold 
his share in the prov- 
ince to certain Qua- 
kers who wished to 
secure for their co- 
religionists a place 
of refuge in the 
New World. William 
Penn^ and some as- 
sociates shortly after- 
ward acquired this 
interest. Then a di- 
vision was made be- 
tween Carteret and 
the new proprietors, 
the Quakers getting 
less than half, which 
formed West New 
Jersey. Here they 

set up a liberal government, which attracted several hundred 
immigrants. In 1682, two years after Carteret's death, William 
Penn and others purchased his interest in East New Jersey, 
and established another liberal government. Governor Andros 

1 Born, 1644 ; died, 1718. Was expelled from Oxford for joining the Quakers ; 
was imprisoned in the Tower for preaching their tenets ; received from Charles 
II. an extensive grant in 1681 ; took possession of his province and negotiated 
his famous treaty with Indians in 1682; returned to England in 1684; was 
deprived of his province in 1686; regained it in 1688; visited America again at 
the close of the century ; during his career in England he did much writing and 
preaching, was now influential in politics, now under suspicion, had trouble 
with his settlers in America, and also with members of his own family. 




William Penn. 



56 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§69 

of New York endeavored to assert his jurisdiction over both 
the Jerseys, but his attempts were defeated until 1686, when 
James II., by writs of quo warranto,^ forced the surrender of 
the patents. The Jersey men, however, resisted all Andros's 
attempts to tax them, and also quarreled with the proprietors, 
whose land rights had not been affected by the loss of their 
political powers. Finally, at the beginning of the eighteenth 
century, the proprietors, worn out Avith the struggle, sur- 
rendered all their rights to the Crown, and the two provinces 
were united into the royal colony of New Jersey.^ 

69. The Founding of Pennsylvania. — William Penn's interest 
in the colonization of West Jersey led to his taking a greater 
part in American affairs. In 1670 his father, an admiral in 
the English navy, died, and left him a claim against the gov- 
ernment, in compensation for which he induced Charles II. to 
give him a charter for forty thousand square miles in America 
(1681). This region was named Pennsylvania in honor of the 
admiral, against the modest wishes of the proprietor. Penn at 
once offered liberal terms to colonists, and promised a thor- 
oughly equitable government. Later in 1681, three shiploads 
of Quakers emigrated, and the next year Penn himself came 
over and founded Philadelphia. He soon convened an assem- 
bly, and a code of laws was drawn up, allowing considerable 
religious freedom and providing for the humane treatment of 
the Indians. With these savages Penn, through his shrewdness 
and kindness, was always successful in his negotiations, and as 
a result Pennsylvania did not suffer from border warfare. 

70. Mixture of Population. — The mixed population for which 
Pennsylvania has been always noted was present from the 
beginning. The Dutch had a church within the region now 
known as Delaware, and settlements of Swedes also existed. 



1 A writ compelling a person or body of persons to show by what authority 
they hold certain rights or offices. 

2 Until 1738 New Jersey was administered by the governor of New York, 
through a deputy. 



§ 73] THE SOUTHERN COLONIES. 57 

This Delaware region came into Penn's hands through 
a special grant from the Duke of York. When the whole 
province was divided into counties, three were made in Penn- 
sylvania proper, and three in the small strip covered by the 
Duke's grant, which became known as " The Territories." 

71. Delaware made a Province. — Penn was soon obliged to 
return to England, and did not come back again till the end 
of the century, when he paid a two years' visit. His absence 
was marked by considerable political disturbance. There were 
boundary disputes with Maryland, and there was so much 
trouble in "The Territories" that in 1703 Penn made the 
latter the separate province of Delaware. Disputes in both 
provinces continued, however, and lasted, under both him and 
his heirs, down to the Revolution. Nevertheless, there was a 
marked and continuous growth in material prosperity. 

THE SOUTHERN COLONIES. 

72. The Settlement of the Carolinas. — As we have seen, 
attempts had been made to settle in the region between 
Spanish Florida and Virginia, both by French Huguenots and 
by Englishmen sent out by Raleigh. But all such efforts 
had failed. After the founding of Jamestown, hunters and 
other adventurous spirits wandered through southern Virginia 
into what Charles I. subsequently granted to Sir Eobert Heath 
as " The Province of Carolina." This grant was not used, but 
the Virginia Burgesses authorized exploring expeditions into 
the new region, and in 1653 some Virginian dissenters who 
had been harshly treated formed a colony in North Carolina, 
which they called Albemarle. Other parties, including Quakers 
and individual settlers, gradually pushed into the section. 

73. Grant of the Carolinas to Clarendon and Berkeley. — In 1663 

Charles II. turned over the province to a group of favorites, 
among whom were the famous historian, the Earl of Clarendon, 
and Sir William Berkeley, the governor of Virginia. The set- 
tlers of Albemarle had their land claims recognized, and were 



58 SPREAD OF PLANTATIONS, 1630-1689. [§74 

given a governor in the person of William Drummond, a Scotch- 
man who had settled in Virginia. South of Albemarle, on the 
Cape Fear River, a number of emigrants from the island of 
Barbadoes had planted a colony, known as Clarendon, under 
the leadership of Sir John Yeamans, who continued as gov- 
ernor under the new proprietors. Thus there were a northern 
and a southern Carolina almost from the first. 

74. Liberality of Proprietors. — The proprietors were very 
liberal to their colonists. Indeed, in the northern province 
the first legislature actually felt bold enough to decree that no 
debts contracted by settlers previous to their coming to Caro- 
lina could be collected within its borders, — a proceeding which 
naturally attracted some not very desirable immigrants. 

75. Locke's Constitutions. — But the proprietors made a great 
mistake when they intrusted to the celebrated philosopher, 
John Locke, the task of drawing up a scheme of government 
for their provinces. He prepared a document known as the 
" Fundamental Constitutions," in which he seemed to forget 
most of the advances toward individual and popular liberty 
that had been made since the Middle Ages. Various divisions 
of the territory were to be presided over by orders of nobility 
known as Landgraves, Caciques, etc. The tenants were called 
" leetmen," and could not leave the estate of their lord without 
his permission, nor could their children be anything but leetmen 
through all generations. It is needless to say that this scheme 
for a mediseval aristocracy in a land not yet cleared of forests 
was doomed to failure, for it at once produced discontent in the 
settlements, to which that of Charleston (originally Charles- 
town, founded in 1670) was now added. 

76. Progress of the Carolinas. — For some time the proprietors 
left the settlers of Albemarle, or the North Carolinians, as we 
may now call them, severely alone, and the people managed to 
live by means of a rude sort of agriculture and by trade with New 
England. When governors were appointed for them, troubles 



A 



§ 76] THE SOUTHERN COLONIES. 59 

at once ensued, and the legislature in 1688 actually drove out 
Governor Seth Sothel, who by his corruption and tyranny had 
amply deserved his fate. At Charleston, however, things went 
much better, and population and trade increased, while the 
arrival of considerable numbers of French Huguenots added 
greatly to the moral and intellectual advancement of the settlers. 
But there were some troubles. For example, the Scotch set- 
tlement at Port Royal was completely destroyed by the Span- 
iards ; yet the proprietors would not allow the Carolinians to 
chastise their enemy. Then, too, the Huguenots were for some 
time denied political rights, and the numerous dissenters had 
trouble with the Church of England people. Trade restric- 
tions and the constant presence of pirates in. the harbor of 
Charleston and on the coast were also a source of embarrass- 
ment. Finally, there was a series of bad governors, and it was 
not until 1695, when one of the proprietors, John Archdale, 
a shrewd and good Quaker, came from England as governor, 
that things began to improve. 



Keferences. — The bibliography is much the same as for Chapter 
II., with the addition of: David Ramsay, History of South Carolina 
(2 vols.) ; Edward McCrady, History of South Carolina (3 vols.) ; Alex- 
ander Johnston, Connecticut ("American Commonwealths"); E. H. 
Roberts, New York ("American Commonwealths"); W. H. Browne, 
Maryland (" American Commonwealths ") ; C. F. Adams, Massachusetts, 
its Historians and its History ; F. L. Hawks, History of North Caro- 
lina (2 vols.) ; J. T. Scharf, History of Delaware (2 vols.) ; J. T. 
Scharf, History of Maryland (3 vols.) ; S. G. Arnold, History of Bhode 
Island (2 vols.) ; S. G. Fisher, The True William Penn ; W. H.Browne, 
George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert ("Makers of America"); O. S. 
Straus, Boger Williams. For both Chapters II. and III., see especially 
Thwaites, The Colonies^ chaps, iv., vi., vii., and ix. 

Several interesting novels have their scenes laid in the early colonial 
period ; of these, Hawthorne's Scarlet Letter is the most famous. Coop- 
er's Water Witch and Simms's Cassique of Kiowah describe early New 
York and Charleston. Irving's History of New York by Diedrich Knick- 
erbocker is practically a work of fiction and is full of humor. For more 
recent and other older novels, see Channing and Hart's Guide, § 36 a. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE COUNTRY AT THE END OF THE SEVENTBEN1« 

CENTURY. 

GENERAL CONDITIONS. 

77. Population. — We have now learned that of tht thirteen 
original colonies that formed the United States, all except the 
youngest, Georgia, had attained individual, or semi-individual, 
existence by the end of the seventeenth century. The popula- 
tion of New England in 1700 was about one hundred and five 
thousand, Massachusetts, including Maine, leading with about 
seventy thousand, and Connecticut coming second with about 
twenty ,-five thousand. Ehode Island and New Hampshire were 
much smaller, containing only six thousand and five thousand 
respectively. Homogeneity, thrift, piety, and love of liberty 
characterized the population of the New England colonies, and 
were the presage of the great development the eighteenth cen- 
tury was to see. The population of the Middle colonies in 1700 
was about fifty-nine thousand, New York having twenty-five 
thousand, the Jerseys fourteen thousand, and Pennsylvania 
and Delaware about twenty thousand. Homogeneity was 
characteristic of New Jersey alone, both New York and Penn- 
sylvania having very mixed populations. Thrift characterized 
all the Middle region ; but English enterprise was somewhat 
tempered by Dutch phlegm and Quaker sobriety. In the 
Southern colonies (if we may estimate from figures of 1688) 
there were more than twenty-five thousand persons in Mary- 
land, sixty thousand in Virginia, and about five thousand in the 
Carolinas. The English race was dominant, but the presence 
of large numbers of black slaves, who were chiefly fit for work 

60 



§80] CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW ENGLAND. 61 

in the fields, checked the enterprise of the whites by confining 
it i3ractically to agriculture. 

78. Social Conditions. — With regard to social conditions, 
the tendency in the South was to form an aristocracy, based 
on race and the distinction between manual and other forms 
of labor. In New England, too, there was an aristocracy, based 
mainly on education and religion, but also on birth and wealth. 
In the Middle colonies there were traces of an aristocracy in 
the '^ Patroons " of New York and in the masters of the fairly 
numerous negro slaves. But on the whole, manual labor was 
held in esteem, and the population was democratic in its ten- 
dencies. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

79. Political Characteristics of New England. — The aristocracy 
of New England was unlike any other the world has ever seen. 
Its members were energetic, unusually well educated, serious, 
and full of a sense of responsibility. They filled with dis- 
tinction the public offices and the professions, especially the 
ministry. Precedence was allowed them by the merchants, 
farmers, and mechanics through force of custom, not through 
the presence of a caste system like that of slavery (although 
a few slaves were owned), or through the force of laws derived 
from the feudal system. As the masses of the people increased 
in wealth and culture, and learned to use the opportunities 
allowed them by the New World, the power of the aristocracy 
naturally decreased, although it continued to exert considerable 
influence well into the nineteenth century. 

80. Professional Life. — As was to be expected in such reli- 
gious communities, the clergy formed the most important 
section of the aristocracy. They led in all public affairs, down 
to the struggle for independence, and even beyond it, in spite 
of the loosening of religious ties that began to make itself felt 
in the eighteenth century. The other learned professions 
did not at first reach corresponding importance. There were 
hardly any trained barristers before the beginning of the 



62 END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. [§ 81 

eighteenth century, although the magistrates were men of 
good character and general education. The physicians, like 
their European brethren, used, strange drugs, and prescribed 
heroic remedies which seem very queer to us now; and they 
frequently combined their profession with that of the gospel 
or with the trade of the barber. 

81. Mechanic Arts and Commerce. — In the mechanical arts, 
the New Englanders were more independent than the other 
colonists. They imported elaborate manufactured products, 
but supplied themselves with the simpler ones in spite of the 
repressive effects of English laws. Among the most impor- 
tant industries were mining, timber-cutting, tanning, and dis- 
tilling. Various needful commodities were manufactured in 
small quantities, while almost every farmer's family made 
homespun cloth for its own consumption, as well as nails and 
similar articles. Fishing was carried on at great profit, and 
ship-building had developed considerably by the middle of the 
seventeenth century. The whale fisheries were specially impor- 
tant and attracted many adventurous men. The hardy sailors 
made both coast and ocean voyages, the trade with the West 
Indies being of great consequence, since from these islands 
sugar and molasses were brought home and made into rum. 

82. Town Life in New England. — Boston and New Haven 
were the chief towns, and presented a prosperous appearance. 
There were many well-kept villages, which were centers of 
active political life, since those local affairs which were far 
more important to the inhabitants than the more general busi- 
ness of the colony, were settled by the citizens at town meet- 
ings. The houses of the people were on the whole comfortable. 
Each village had a school for the common branches, and soon 
good Latin schools were provided. Puritan simplicity pre- 
vailed in manners and dress, and, what was better, in conduct, 
crime being rare. There is practically but one stain on New 
England character during the early colonial period — the stain 
of persecution. We have already seen its effects in the religious 



§83] CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW ENGLAND. 63 

intolerance displayed against churchmen and Quakers and inde- 
pendent thinkers like Roger Williams ; but at the end of the 
seventeenth century it took an even worse form. 

"83. The Persecution of the Witches. — Owing to political dis- 
turbances, fear of Indians, and the ravages of smallpox 
epidemics, the inhabitants of Massachusetts, near the end of 
the seventeenth century, were seized with great despondency. 
In common with 
many persons in Eng- 
land and in Germany 
they believed that the 
Scriptural injunction, 
"Thou shalt not suf- 
fer a witch to live,'' 
was binding upon 
a modern Christian 
community. Under 
the impulse of this 
belief they began a 
persecution of many 
citizens, chiefly old 
women, for the sup- 
posed crime of witch- 
craft. Trials were 
held, presided over 
by learned magis- 
trates ; the testimony ^^^'^^^ Mather. 
of frightened children was taken ; and in Salem (1692) nineteen 
persons were hanged, and one pressed to death. Hundreds of 
others were arrested on suspicion, and for a time the colony 
seemed completely to have lost its reason. Even such a distin- 
guished scholar and minister as Cotton Mather ^ shared in the 

iBorn, 1663; died, 1728. Graduated at Harvard before he was sixteen; 
urged the witchcraft persecutions with great energy ; wrote much against 
intemperance and on many other subjects, his learned and quaint works 
numbering about four hundred. 




64 END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. [§84 

frenzy and defended it. But Judge Samuel Sewall (now known 
for a famous diary descriptive of the life of the period) made a 
public recantation in church of his share in the frightful busi- 
ness. It was indeed a terrible time, but Kew England emerged 
from it safely, and could point in extenuation to many similar 
outbreaks of popular frenzy in the Old World. 

84. Literature. — It has been held, with much show of 
truth, that only a people gifted with imagination could have 
been stirred into such a frenzied state of mind as characterized 
the New Englanders during the persecution of the witches. 
Unfortunately, their imaginative powers were employed too 
exclusively upon religious and theological themes, with the 
result that although much was written in New England dur- 
ing the seventeenth century, little truly imaginative literature 
was produced. Drama and fiction were non-existent, and the 
verse written hardly rose to the dignity of poetry. Mrs. 
Anne Bradstreet (1613-1672) and the Eev. Michael Wiggles- 
worth (1631-1705, author of a quaint, grewsome poem en- 
titled The Day of Doom) are almost the only poets worthy 
of mention, and their works are unread to-day. There were, 
on the other hand, many learned divines, like Thomas Hooker 
(1586-1647), John Cotton (1585-1652), Roger Williams (1607- 
1684), and Increase Mather (1639-1723), whose sermons and 
religious tracts were widely read by their contemporaries ; but 
oblivion has fallen upon them also, save perhaps in the case 
of Williams. Next in importance to theology stood history, 
and among the historians the chief place must be given to 
Governors William Bradford and John Winthrop, who wrote 
the early annals of their respective colonies of Plymouth and 
Massachusetts Bay. But probably the most able and distin- 
guished writer produced in America during the seventeenth 
century was the celebrated divine already mentioned. Cotton 
Mather (1663-1728), who was, as scholar, theologian, and his- 
torian, an epitome of the learning of the age. His best-known 
book, Magnolia Christi Americana (1702), is an ecclesiastical 



i 



§86] CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 65 

history of New England that is of great vahie to all students 
of early American annals. There was a little writing done in 
the Middle and Southern colonies, but it did not differ in 
quality from that done in New England and does not demand 
attention here. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MIDDLE COLONIES. 

85. Social Classes and Occupations. — The Middle colonies, 
as we have seen, were in the main democratic, but the New 
York " Patroons '^ on their estates asserted their privileges as 
semi-feudal landlords, and in their town houses even lived in 
comparative luxury. Among the Quakers, too, in the other colo- 
nies, there were always some leading families that formed a 
quasi-aristoci'acy. The professions, as in New England, com- 
manded the respect of the people, especially in Pennsylvania, 
which attracted some well-educated settlers. The masses of 
the people were engaged either in agriculture or in trade. 
Fur was the most important article of export ; but grain and 
flour were also exported in return for foreign commodities. 
Manufacturing was carried on in a small way, especially by 
the Germans at Germantown, Pennsylvania. There was a 
fair amount of coast and river trade ; for the roads were quite 
bad, except on the main post-line running from New York to 
Philadelphia through New Jersey, and in consequence the 
waterways were much used for purposes of transportation of 
goods and travelers. 

86. Social and Political Life. — With regard to social life 
the Middle colonies were somewhat less sober than New 
England. Dancing parties, corn-huskings, and the like fes- 
tivities diverted the country people; while the towns had 
races, cock-fights, and other similar amusements of the period. 
In point of elegance and fashion. New York was inferior to 
Boston, but was superior to Philadelphia. The English pre- 
dominated in the towns ; but the Dutch, with their sobriety, 
neatness, and narrowness of life, dominated the country dis- 



66 END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. [§ 87 

tricts, which did not extend much farther than Albany, or, 
indeed, far away from the Hudson Kiver. The settlers of the 
outlying districts in both New York and Pennsylvania were 
rude and simple in their manner of living — were, in fact, our 
first backwoodsmen. Facilities for education were everywhere 
far inferior to those of New England, although one or two good 
schools existed in New York and Philadelphia. Eeligious 
influences were much mixed, owing to the variety of creeds 
tolerated ; but Quaker sobriety was almost as strong as Puri- 
tan rigor in suppressing Sabbath-breaking and other forms of 
popular license. Politically, the Middle colonies were not so 
stable and well governed as New England. In New York and 
Pennsylvania taxes were heavy, and there was considerable 
discontent against the colonial officials and the mother coun- 
try. Rioting at elections Avas frequent in New York. The 
Quakers were naturally more peaceful ; indeed, their reluctance 
to bear arms partly prevented a complete union of the colo- 
nies for self-defense against the Indians. But all things con- 
sidered, the Middle colonies in 1700 were in a prosperous 
condition, and had laid a foundation for the immense wealth 
and population they possess to-day. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN COLONIES. 

87. Mode of Life. — The aristocracy of the Southern colo- 
nies was based partly on birth, partly on slavery, and existed 
chiefly because of the richness of the soil and of the fact that 
the numerous waterways encouraged a system of practically 
independent plantations. In many cases ocean-going ships 
could come up to private wharves, be there loaded with tobacco, 
indigo, rice, and other commodities, carry these to England, 
and return laden with manufactured articles required by the 
planters. It followed that retail trades and manufactures and 
all save minor handicrafts were practically non-existent in the 
South. Towns were hardly to be found. Jamestown was 
the seat of government in Virginia, and was resorted to by 
the wealthier planters for the purposes of fashion and pleas- 



§88] CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN COLONIES. 67 

ure, Williamsburg taking its place later ; but for a long time 
Charleston was the only settlement in the South that exhibited 
real town life. Another result of the independent plantation 
system was the paucity of schools, as well as the feeble state of 
the Church. The richer planters employed private tutors, and 
often sent their sons to English universities. The middle and 
lower classes got practically no education. The clergy, except 
in South Carolina, were, as a rule, illiterate and were often 
immoral in conduct. The other learned professions were at a 
low ebb also, and education and culture were almost entirely 
confined to a few privileged persons. 

88. Social Classes in the South. — There were four classes of 
society, separated by sharp distinctions. Lowest of all came 
the black slaves,^ who increased rapidly in Virginia after 1650, 
were numerous in Maryland, and preponderant in South Caro- 
lina. They were, on the whole, fairly well treated, though 
much overworked in South Carolina. Toward the end of the 
seventeenth century a very severe code of laws with regard to 
them came into existence ; but it is not likely, however, that 
the cruel punishments allowed were often inflicted. Above the 
blacks were the indented white servants, who frequently came 
of the English criminal classes and were treated more or less 
harshly. Then came the small farmers and mechanics, who 
had little education, were fond of rough sports, and were some- 
what looked down on by the planters. They possessed sturdy 
English virtues, however, and were jealous of their independ- 
ence. The highest class, the planters, were often gentlemen 
of excellent birth, courteous manners, and vigorous qualities 
of mind and heart. Although keeping up many ties with 
the mother country, they were by no means subservient to it, 
and in political matters often resisted the colonial governors. 
From them were recruited many of the revolutionary leaders. 

1 There were slaves in all the other colonies, and tlie institution of slavery 
was regarded by most persons as moral and legal ; but they were not held in 
great numbers, and were by no means so profitable as in the South. 



68 END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. [§89 

89. Isolation of the South. — Thus we see that there was noth- 
ing in the South to correspond with the town life of New Eng- 
land, with its enterprise, or with its educational and religious 
solidarity. There was nothing to correspond with the thrift 
of the Middle colonies. Isolation was the rule, in agricul- 
ture, commerce, and even in matters of administration. The 
administrative unit was the large county, hence local govern- 
ment was always difficult and somewhat inefficient. Society 
in many respects reproduced feudal aspects; but this lack of 
social solidarity was not without beneficial results. It fostered 
a love of independence, a fondness for manly sports, and a self- 
reliance that were to stand the people in good stead during the 
trials of the Revolution and of the Civil War. 

90. General View of the Colonists. — On the whole, we may con- 
clude that the English colonists at the end of the seventeenth 
century had made remarkable progress. They had secured 
firm hold of the Atlantic coast from Maine to Florida, and 
had absorbed the rival settlements of the Dutch and Swedes. 
They had pushed the Indians back and laid the foundations 
of national wealth in agriculture, manufacturing, fishing, and 
commerce. They had developed a spirit of independence and 
of moral sobriety, and had not allowed their intellectual powers 
to decline. They were increasing rapidly in uumbers, and 
only their French and Indian foes remained to dispute their 
possession of the central portion of the continent. 



References. — See especially Thwaites, The Colonies^ chaps, v., 
viii., and x. Add to preceding bibliography : M. C. Tyler, History of 
American Literature^ Vols. I. and II. ; C. F. Richardson, History of 
American Literature; B. Wendell, Cotton Mather ("Makers of Amer- 
ica") ; B. Wendell, Literary History of America; E. A, and G. L. 
Ouyckinck, Cyclopcedia of American Literature^ Vol. I. 



^ 



CHAPTER V. 

DEVELOPMENT OP THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. 

COLONIAL DISPUTES. 

91. Character of the Period. — During the first quarter, or 
indeed the first half of the eighteenth century, colonial his- 
tory contains few salient features apart from boundary dis- 
putes, quarrels with royal governors, and struggles with the 
French and Indians. There was a steady growth in numbers, 
which may be measured by the fact that from the first to the 
middle of the century New England increased fourfold, the 
Middle colonies sixfold, and the Southern colonies sevenfold in 
population. Wealth and general prosperity increased in fair 
proportion also. During such a period of development his- 
torians rarely find events of a startling or romantic nature to 
chronicle. 

92. Charters in Danger. — The people of the various colonies 
were, however, disturbed from time to time by political events 
that were of considerable importance to them, as, for instance, 
by the attacks made in England upon their charters. These 
were in the main successfully warded off by the colonial agents 
in London, but they sometimes became serious. For example, 
it was proposed in 1715 to annex Ehode Island and Con- 
necticut, which had liberal charters, to the royal colony of New 
Hampshire, which had no charter at all. In the case of the 
Carolinas, the proprietors, when threatened with a writ of 
quo loarranto on account of popular disturbances in their terri- 
tories, surrendered their charters to the Crown for a compen- 
sation. Thereafter royal governors were sent to both South 

69 



70 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 16P0-1765. [§ 93 

and North Carolina, the latter province having to that time 
been under a deputy of the governor of the former. 

93. Boundary Disputes. — Boundary disputes were very bitter 
between the colonies and continued, after they became states, 
into the nineteenth century. Connecticut especially was in- 
volved in frequent quarrels with her neighbors. New York 
and New Hampshire also had disputes with regard to the 
territory adjoining Lake Champlain. Some of the settlers of 
this region revolted just before the Eevolution, in order to 
establish an independent government, which was recognized in 
1777 as the state of Vermont. Pennsylvania and Maryland 
likewise had a dispute, which was settled by the drawing of 
the famous Mason and Dixon Line (1763-1767). ' To the south 
there were boundary disputes with Spain and to the west with 
France. The latter were to lead to serious results. 

94. Quarrels with Governors. — The disputes between the colo- 
nies and their governors were numerous and bitter. Frequently 
the point at issue touched upon the payment of a regular 
salary to the governor by the colony, the colonists preferring 
to keep him dependent upon them by voting him supplies at 
irregular intervals. They argued correctly that fixed pay- 
ments would be equivalent to a tax levied by the Crown, and 
they held out bravely, especially in Massachusetts, against all 
efforts on the part of the English government to force them 
to submit. We have already seen that some disagreements 
were based upon the corruption of governors, their dealings with 
pirates, and their general tendency to tyranny. Sometimes, 
as in South Carolina after the middle of the century, the gov- 
ernor would oppose a pernicious policy like the rash issuing 
of paper money, and would thus incur popular displeasure. 
Or he would become unpopular merely as the instrument 
through which the English government or the proprietors 
endeavored to carry out some obnoxious measure. Eeligious 
persecution of dissenters, when attempted by the governor, 
was sure to earn him hatred in all quarters, as in the case of 



§96] VIRGINIA AND GEORGIA. 71 

Lord Cornbury in New York and New Jersey (1702-1708). 
Probably the disputes carried on by the Pennsylvanians against 
their executives over questions of taxation, etc., were more 
heated than those of any other colony. 

VIRGINIA AND GEORGIA. 

95. A Successful Governor. — There was, however, at least 
one thoroughly honest and efficient governor. This was Alex- 
ander Spotswood, who came out in 1710 to Virginia. He was 
a bluff, energetic soldier, who had been wounded at Blenheim. 
His coming was especially gratifying to the Virginians, since 
he brought them the long-craved privileges of the writ of 
habeas corpus. But even Spotswood found it difficult to ex- 
tort money from the Burgesses in order to prepare for defenses 
against an expected French invasion. He did not, however, 
allow this opposition to render him indifferent to the interests 
of the colony. He sought especially to develop its mineral 
resources, and caused blast furnaces to be erected, — the first in 
the colonies. He also imported Germans to develop the vine- 
yards, which were necessary to his scheme for making Virginia 
a wine-producing country. He furthermore showed his inter- 
est in the Indians by establishing a school mission. 

96, The Crossing of the Blue Ridge Mountains. — The most 
memorable event connected with Governor Spots wood's ad- 
ministration is his romantic expedition across the Blue Eidge. 
Little or nothing was known of the beautiful valley beyond 
these mountains. Spotswood set out in August, 1716, with a 
large cavalcade, well furnished with hunting equipments, and, 
according to the fashion of the times, with a quantity and 
variety of liquors that would now be thought excessive. It 
was a good deal of a frolic ; but it resulted in the discovery of 
the splendid valley of the Shenandoah, to which river the gov- 
ernor gave the rather inappropriate name of the Euphrates. 
This region was destined soon to be settled by thrifty German 
colonists, and it has ever since been considered the garden spot 



72 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§97 

of Virginia.^ Spotswood commemorated his expedition bj pre- 
senting his companions with small golden horseshoes set with 
jewels. He had to pay for these himself, since King George I. 
was probably not anxious to encourage even such worthy 
colonial orders of knighthood as the " Knights of the Golden 
Horseshoe." The king thought, perhaps, that his trusty ser- 
vant did him a better 
service when two years 
later he sent out two 
armed ships, which con- 
quered and rid the colo- 
nies of the notorious 
pirate John Theach, 
otherwise known as 
"Blackbeard." 

97. The Colonization 
of Georgia. — The coun- 
try between the Savan- 
nah Eiver and the St. 
John's River in Flor- 
ida, was claimed by the 
English ; and when the 
Carolinas became royal 
provinces, this region 
was reserved as crown 
land. It soon attracted 
the attention of a noble-minded Englishman, James Ogle- 
thorpe.^ He conceived the idea that it would be an excel- 
lent place in which to establish a colony to be composed of 
such persons as needed a new chance in life after having been 

1 Some of the most interesting operations of the Civil War took place 
within the Shenandoah Valley. 

2 Born in 1698 ; died, 1785. Officer of the British army ; received grant, which 
he named Georgia, in 1732 ; founded Savannah in 1733 ; returned twice to Eng- 
land, and had a somewhat unsuccessful military and naval career ; gave up the 
charter to the Crown in 1752, nine years after finally leaving America.. 




James Oglethorpe. 







FRENCH EXPLORATIONS 
AND SETTLEMENTS 



To face p. 73. 



§98] FRENCH DISCOVERIES AND CLAIMS. 73 

released from the then crowded debtor prisons of England. 
He secured the aid of a company in establishing his proposed 
colony, which was also intended to serve as a bulwark against 
the Spanish colony of St. Augustine and as an important out- 
post of the fur trade. The colony was styled Georgia, in honor 
of King George II. The company of proprietors were very 
liberal ; they prohibited slavery and religious persecution, and 
provided that none of their own number should hold a salaried 
office. Oglethorpe came out in November, 1732, and early in 
the following year founded the town of^ Savannah. He treated 
the Indians well and made a firm alliance with them. In 1734 
a number of German settlers arrived and added much stability 
to the colony. This same year Augusta was founded as an 
armed trading-post, and soon became the center of a large fur 
traffic. The English debtors, however, were not the best of 
colonists, and the company was wise enough to induce more 
Germans and some Scotch Highlanders to seek the colony. 
After this the growth of Georgia was certain, but very slow ; 
for even so benevolent an enterprise could not escape internal 
discontent and friction, due largely to the thriftless character 
of the English beneficiaries. 

FRENCH DISCOVERIES AND CLAIMS. 

98. French Exploration of the Mississippi Valley. — From the 

beginning, the Erench colonists settled in Acadia^ and New 
Erance ^ succeeded in making friends with the Indians, to an 
extent rarely equaled by the English. But friendship with 
the Hurons and Algonquins involved enmity with the enemies 
of the latter, the Iroquois. This in turn meant that the French 
would have great difficulty in penetrating New York. It also 
meant that their explorations would at first penetrate the 
western region bordered by Lake Superior and Lake Michigan. 

1 The region comprising what is now New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and 
part of Maine. 

2 The region along the St. Lawrence of which Montreal and Quebec have 
always been the two chief centers. 



74 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§99 

In this region they heard rumors of the Mississippi Eiver, 
and in 1673 a Jesuit priest, Pere Marquette, and Louis Joliet, 
a trader, undertook to look for it. With incomparable reso- 
lution Marquette surmounted every difficulty, and finally with 
his companions floated down the Wisconsin Eiver into the 
mighty Mississippi, which they followed to a point below the 

Arkansas. Then they 
made their arduous way 
back, having accom- 
plished one of the most 
magnificent voyages of 
exploration known in 
history. 

99. The Explorations 
of La Salle. — Their work 
was finished ten years 
later by Eobert de la 
Salle,^ who with his 
companions crossed from 
Lake Erie to the Illinois 
River and, after endur- 
ing many hardships, 
tracked the Mississippi 
^^ ^^^^^- southward to the Gulf 

of Mexico. There, taking possession of the region for Louis 
XIV. of France, La Salle named it Louisiana in his honor. He 
had been about four years at his work, in which he had 
shown a courage that has made him memorable. Two years 




1 French explorer; boru, 1643; died, 1687. Migrated to Canada in 1666; 
explored westward as far as Lake Michigan and the Illinois River ; was in 
France in 1677, but at once returned, and, passing via Niagara, ascended the 
lakes to Mackinaw, finally (1679) exploring the Illinois River beyond Peoria ; 
descended in a canoe the Illinois and Mississippi rivers to the Gulf m 1682 ; 
organized a new expedition in 1684; sailed from France for the Mississippi, 
but landed by mistake at Matagorda Bay ; murdered by his followers at some 
unknown spot in Texas. 



§ 101] WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 75 

later, in 1684, he sailed from France to plant a colony 
on the Mississippi; but, missing its mouth, landed on the 
coast of Texas. Here a fort was built, and from its occupar 
tion France got her claim to the territory as far as the Kio 
Grande. La Salle and his party, after suffering many hard- 
ships, determined to separate into two bands. The party led 
by La Salle murdered their brave commander, and finally 
reached the Illinois River. 

100. French and English Claims. — Thus France, through the 
labors of her loyal subjects, had established a claim to an 
enormous region stretching from the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence, around the English colonies, to the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, and thence to the Rio Grande. East and west the 
boundaries were practically the Alleghany and the Rocky 
mountains. But these claims were sure to be resisted, for the 
charters of the English colonies gave them almost indefinite 
rights to the westward, and they were growing too fast to 
be long cooped up between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic. 
Before the close of the seventeenth century, the struggle for 
predominance in the Mississippi Valley had begun, and in about 
seventy-five years France had been stripped of all the posses- 
sions which had been secured for her by the intrepidity and 
foresight of leaders who had often been but ill-supported by 
their king and government. 

WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 

101. King William's "War (1690-1697). — The colonial wars 
against the French for the possession of the region west of the 
Alleghanies are known by the names of the English sovereigns 
reigning at the time of hostilities ; but they practically coincide 
with important European wars. For example, the first break 
in the American struggle corresponded with the famous Peace 
of Ryswick (1697). Indeed, throughout the eighteenth cen- 
tury colonial questions formed a most important factor in the 
numerous and destructive wars waged in Europe. The French 



76 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§ 102 

early began to see that war must soon arise between the English 
colonists and their own, and about the time of the revolution 
which brought in William and Mary (1689), they sent over the 
able Count Frontenac with instructions to overrun New York. 
At first he had to beat off the Iroquois ; but in 1690 he began 
that long series of horrible raids, conducted by mixed bands of 
French and Indians, which gives such a bloody tinge to the 
annals of the times and accounts for the hatred cherished for 
both their Christian and their savage enemies by the English 
colonists. First it was Schenectady, New York, that was burned 
and laid waste; then Salmon Falls, New Hampshire; then 
Fort Loyal (now Portland, Maine) ; then Exeter, New Hamp- 
shire. No one knew where the blow might fall next. Panic 
reigned among the colonies, and a meeting of delegates from 
several of them was held at Albany, in February, 1690, to dis- 
cuss the situation (§ 66). A threefold attack on the French 
possessions was planned, but only that against Port Royal in 
Acadia, led by Sir William Phips, governor of Massachusetts, 
was successful. Having destroyed Port Royal, he attempted 
to take Quebec, while another body of troops attacked Montreal. 
Both expeditions were failures, and, as a result, the French 
ravages continued until the Peace of Ryswick, in 1697. 
Neither side had gained ground, but the English had suffered 
terribly. Massacres of the inhabitants of frontier towns made 
life a terror to the pioneers, and in 1697 the invaders actually 
sacked Haverhill, not thirty miles from Boston. 

102. Queen Anne's War (1702-1713). — Peace did not last 
long, for William III. was resolute in opposing the aggressions 
of Louis XIV. His policy was carried on after his death (in 
1702) by the advisers of his successor. Queen Anne, chief 
among whom was the famous Duke of Marlborough, the vic- 
tor of Blenheim. Massacres soon began again in New Eng- 
land. Port Royal was attacked unsuccessfully in 1707 and 
successfully in 1710, and another expedition to Quebec came 
to nothing. The Treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, put a stop to 



103] 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 



77 



hostilities, and this time the English diplomats were si,if- 
ficiently resolute to retain Acadia. Thenceforth Port Eoyal, 
or Annapolis, as it was now named in honor of the queen, was 
held by the English. 

103. Colonies at Peace : the *' Great Awakening." — Peace was 
to last for thirty years, a period which the French improved by 
exploring expeditions and 
by the building of forts 
to secure the great region 
watered by the Mississippi. 
Nor did the English lose 
sight of the vast interests 
at stake. They did per- 
haps the best thing to be 
done under the circum- 
stances — they waited and 
grew strong in numbers 
and wealth, filling out as 
well as possible their more 
compact territory. They 
experienced also a spiritual 
awakening that must have 
strengthened the popular 
character in many ways. 
This was the " Great Awakening " which, beginning early in the 
century, became especially potent in 1734 under the preaching of 
the famous Jonathan Edwards^ at Northampton, Massachusetts. 
The religious enthusiasm spread far and wide, and after a sfiort 
lull, began, in 1739-1740, to flame out afresh under the inspira- 
tion of the great revivalist, George Whitefield. This eloquent 
English preacher went to Georgia to join John and Charles Wes- 




JoNATHAN Edwards. 



1 Metaphysician and theologian ; born in Connecticut, 1703; died, President 
of Princeton College, in 1758. Became pastor of Congregational church in 
Northampton, Massachusetts, 1727, where he remained till 1750 ; preached to 
Indians at Stockbridge from 1751 to 1758 ; wrote many works, of which Inquiry 
into the Freedom of the Will is the most noted. 



78 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§ 104 

ley, and there carried on the religious work which the brothers 
had begun. Whitefield preached throughout the colonies, 
stirring men everywhere, and undoubtedly producing many 
good results in spite of the evil consequences which a period 
of excitement always leaves behind it. 

104. Establishment of French Forts. — After the Peace of 
Ryswick, Pierre le Moyne, Sieur d'Iberville, established a 
French settlement at Biloxi, in the present state of Mississippi. 
La Salle had previously built Fort St. Louis on the Illinois 
Eiver, and it was now the French policy to fill up the territory 
between these two points with a chain of forts and settlements. 
Mobile was founded in 1702, New Orleans in 1718. The 
founder of New Orleans was Iberville's brother, Bienville. At 
the other end of the line Detroit was founded in 1701, Fort 
Niagara was built in 1726, and Crown Point was erected on 
Lake Champlain in 1731. In order that Acadia might be won 
back if possible, the strong fortress of Louisburg was erected 
on Cape Breton Island. 

105. King George's War (1744- 1748). — In 1744 the war 
known in Europe as the War of the Austrian Succession, and 
in America as King George's War, was begun by a successful 
French attack on an English post in Nova Scotia, and by an 
unsuccessful attempt to take Annapolis. Great efforts were 
now made by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts to save Nova 
Scotia. He applied to the English king, but his main reliance 
was upon Massachusetts and her sister colonies of New Eng- 
land. In the spring of 1745, just one year after the com- 
mencement of hostilities, a large expedition set out to capture 
Louisburg, and after a siege of six weeks took that redoubtable 
fortress. The victory was celebrated in many long and sincere 
prayers of thanksgiving and in some remarkably bad poetry. 
But the English government was so blind to the importance of 
the interest at stake as to restore Louisburg to the French at 
the close of the war, in 1748. 



§106] 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 



79 



106. The French in the Ohio Valley. — The French now 
turned their attention to the task of securing the region 
watered by the Ohio Eiver. In 1749 Celoronde Bienville, 
under orders of the governor of Canada, by means of canoe 
voyages and portages, 
reached Chautauqua Lake 
and thence the Allegheny 
River, where formal posses- 
sion of the country was 
taken in the name of Louis 
XV. of France. Leaden 
plates with inscriptions as- 
serting the French claim 
were interred at various 
points along the Ohio and 
its tributaries. Three years 
later a chain of forts was 
begun along the route taken 
by Bienville, the first erected 
being that of Presque Isle, 
near the present city of Erie. 
These movements of the 
French alarmed the English colonists greatly, and, most of all, 
Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia. This executive was interested 
in an American scheme for settling the Ohio region, through the 
agency of the so-called Ohio Company, and his colony claimed 
the country now threatened by the French. As soon as he 
heard of the new fort, he dispatched George VV^ashington to 
demand the withdrawal of the French. Washington was just 
twenty-one years old, but he had seen life as a surveyor in the 
frontier counties of Virginia, and had learned to command 
men and to understand Indian character. 




SiEUR DE Bienville. 1 



1 Born, 1680 ; died, 1765. Accompanied Iberville to the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, and became director of the colony of Louisiana in 1701; in 1713 
was appointed lieutenant governor; founded the city of New Orleans; was 
removed from office in 1720 ; reappointed in 1733 ; returned to France in 1743. 



80 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§ 107 

107. Washington in the West. — Washington, who was already 
an adjutant general, took with him only a few companions on 
his winter journey of seven hundred and fifty miles through 
the perilous wilderness. He braved numerous dangers, which 
he set down modestly in a journal that is still preserved. 
His training as a surveyor enabled him to pick out as a proper 
site for a fort the spot at the junction of the Allegheny and 
Monongahela rivers where Fort Duquesne was shortly after- 
ward built by the French, and where Pittsburg now stands. 
He reached Fort Le Boeuf (near the present Waterford, 
Pennsylvania) and gave his letter to the French commandant. 
The latter promised to send it on to the governor of Canada, 
but continued to occupy the fort. On his return journey 
Washington nearly lost his life while attempting to cross the 
Monongahela on a raft ; but he finally reached Williamsburg 
in safety, having been absent only eleven weeks. 

108. Founding of Fort Duquesne. — Dinwiddie determined to 
take possession of the Forks of the Ohio at once. William 
Trent, a trader, and some militia were hurried forward and 
began the erection of a fort. While the Virginians were thus 
occupied, and in the absence of their leader, a party of French- 
men and Indians descended upon them and they were forced to 
surrender, their conquerors finishing the fort and naming it 
after Duquesne, the governor of Canada. 

109. Washington at Fort Necessity. — Meanwhile great prep- 
arations had been made in Virginia. Washington, now lieuten- 
ant colonel, set out with a few troops to aid Trent, but heard of 
the surrender shortly after starting. He would not go back, 
but pushed on into southwestern Pennsylvania, and there at a 
place called Great Meadows began a fort. Having been warned 
of the approach of a party of French, he attacked them suddenly 
and completely routed them. Then he pushed on to the Ohio, 
but on learning that the French were advancing in numbers, 
finally fell back on his stockade, which he had called Fort 
Necessity. Here the French and Indians attacked him vigor- 



§ 111] WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 81 

ously, and after a brave struggle he surrendered honorably on 
July 4, 1754. 

110. The French and Indian War (i 754-1 763). — This was 
practically the beginning of what is generally called the 
French and Indian War, which nearly coincides with the Seven 
Years' War in Europe. Both sides made extensive prepara- 
tions, for the fate of a continent was now plainly seen to be 
in the balance. A congress of delegates from the colonies met 
at Albany to make a treaty with the Iroquois, and here (1754) 
Benjamin Franklin secured the adoption of a plan for a union of 
the colonies. The scheme was not approved, however, when 
submitted to the individual colonies, which were more or less 
jealous of their privileges. But if the colonists would not join 
to repel the foe, the English under Pitt were determined to 
do their best to drive out the French, not foreseeing that as a 
result the colonists, freed from danger at home, would be likely 
in a short time to form a union to secure independence. They 
sent out one of their ablest officers. Major General Edward 
Braddock, and an elaborate plan of campaign was determined 
on at a conference of the colonial governors assembled by 
him at Alexandria, Virginia. Four expeditions were to be 
made: one to be directed against Fort Crown Point in New 
York, and thence against Quebec ; another, from New England, 
by water, against the French possessions in the northeast ; the 
third, from Albany against Niagara; the fourth, from Fort 
Cumberland in Maryland against Fort Duquesne. 

111. Braddock's Defeat. — General Braddock decided to take 
charge of the last-named expedition. His European training 
had not qualified him to command in an unsettled country, and 
in spite of his personal efforts he found great difficulty in mov- 
ing regular troops and artillery through the wilderness. He 
could hardly have moved at all if Franklin had not persuaded the 
Pennsylvania farmers to hire out their horses and wagons. In 
June, 1755, the army began to cut its way through the forest. All 
went well, though slowly, until the fort was nearly reached, when 



82 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§112 

suddenly (July 9, 1755) the advanced guard came upon a large 
body of French and Indians. These wily foes immediately 
adopted border habits of warfare, and picked off their enemies 
from behind trees. Braddock, who had all an Englishman's 
contempt for colonial ways, pronounced this method of fighting 
barbarous, and would not allow his men to imitate it. He in- 
sisted on using the same tactics in the backwoods of America 
that he had been accustomed to employ on the battlefields of 
Europe. There could be but one result. His men offered 
themselves as targets until so many were killed that a retreat 
had to be sounded. Even this would have been unavailing but 
for the fact that Washington, who was present as an aid-de- 
camp and had vigorously protested against his superior's hard- 
headedness, used his Virginians, who had fought their enemies 
in backwoods fashion, to cover the retreat of the regulars. 
Washington performed many feats of valor throughout the 
day, and had several narrow escapes. Braddock, quite as brave, 
but entirely out of place in such a situation, was wounded just 
before the retreat, and died a few days later. Thus the most 
important of the four expeditions was a failure. 

112. Acadia, Crown Point, and Niagara. — The second expe- 
dition succeeded in dispersing several thousands of the poor 
inhabitants of Acadia among the colonies ; ^ that against Crown 
Point resulted in a victory over the French on the shores of 
Lake George, but that against Niagara did not even reach its 
destination. 

113. Effects of Pitt's Policy. — Although there had been 
plenty of fighting along the American frontier, war was not 
formally declared between Great Britain and France until 
May, 1756. The French sent over a very able soldier, the 
Marquis of Montcalm,^ who was quite successful for about 

1 See Longfellow's Evangeline. 

2 Born, 1712; died, 1759. Fought in the War of the Austrian Succession; 
was sent to take command in the New World in 1756 ; took Oswego in 1756 ; 
Fort William Henry in 1757 ; repulsed Abercrorabie's greatly superior force at 



§114] 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 



83 



two years, and might have been altogether so but for the 
energy and foresight of that great English statesman, William 
Pitt.^ Pitt saw more clearly 
than any other man of his 
time how important her 
colonial empire was to Great 
Britain, and how it could 
best be maintained and ex- 
tended. He supported Fred- 
erick the Great on the 
Continent, and caused re- 
newed efforts to be made in 
America against the French. 
The fourfold attack of a few 
years before was again tried, 
with almost complete suc- 
cess. In 1758 Louisburg 
was forced to surrender; 
Washington captured Fort 
Duquesne (afterward Fort 
Pitt), and Fort Frontenac 

on Lake Ontario was destroyed. Thus the Ohio region was cut 
off from Quebec; but by resisting an attack on Ticonderoga, 
Montcalm managed to keep the French forces wedged into 
New York. 

114. The Fall of Quebec. — The next year saw the practical 
conclusion of the struggle, in the fall of Quebec. This again 

Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758 ; was met and defeated by Wolfe at Quebec, Sep- 
tember 13, 1759. His defeat practically transferred America from the French 
to the British. 

1 Born, 1708 ; died, 1778. Entered the House of Commons in 1735 ; Secretary 
of State and practically Prime Minister, 1756-1761 ; laid the foundation of sub- 
sequent British greatness by securing the defeat of the French in America 
and in India; resigned in 1761 on account of George III.'s attitude toward 
America; gained the appellation of "The Great Commoner," through his 
oratory and his personal influence ; was a constant advocate of the Ameri- 
can cause; was raised to the peerage in 1766 as Earl of Chatham, but was 
subsequently given no important office. 




General Montcalm. 



84 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§ 114 




\\ ILLIAM I'l 



LAliiAAl.^ 



was due indirectly to Pitt. He put James Wolfe- in com- 
mand of an expedition against Quebec, by way of the St. 

1 From an old print in the possession of Frank W. Coburn, of Lexington, 
Mass. 

2 Born, 1727; died, 1759. Fought in the War of the Austrian Succession; 
also against the Young Pretender in 1745; was sent as brigadier general under 



115] 



WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 



85 



Lawrence. Wolfe landed with his troops below the city, which, 
rising from the summit of its precipitous hill, seemed to be 
impregnable. But the 
young general was 
dauntless. He per- 
formed the extraor- 
dinary feat of passing 
up the river under 
the guns of Mont- 
calm, and landing his 
troops. During the 
night they climbed 
the cliffs, and by 
dawn were ready to 
offer battle on the 
Plains of Abraham 
(September 13, 1759). 
The conflict was hotly 
waged, the British 
eventually securing 
the victory, at the 
cost of their brave 
general, whose equally brave rival, Montcalm, was also killed. 
It would be hard to estimate the consequences of this battle. 

115. The Treaty of Paris (1763).— The fall of Quebec had 
been preceded by the capture of the posts of Crown Point and 
Ticonderoga held by the French within New York. It was 
followed the next year by the taking of Montreal. This practi- 
cally closed the war in America, but peace was not declared 
until 1763, when the Treaty of Paris was signed. By these 
victories and the peace which followed them. Great Britain 

Amherst to the siege of Louisburg in 1758 ; was promoted for his gallantry 
to rank of major general, and selected by Pitt to lead the British against 
Montcalm at Quebec ; was victorious, September 13, 1759, in one of the most 
brilliant assaults ever undertaken ; died in the hour of victory. The event 
gave Wolfe immortal fame, and secured America to Great Britain. 




General Wolfe. 



86 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIES, 1690-1765. [§ 116 

obtained Canada and Cape Breton, nearly all the islands of 
the St. Lawrence, and all the territory east of a line running 
down the middle of the Mississippi River to a point jnst 
above New Orleans. Spain received all the French possessions 
west of this line, together with New Orleans. In return for 
Havana, which had been taken by the English, Spain gave up 
Florida to Great Britain. 

116. The New Provinces. — The newly acquired territory was 
divided into three provinces. Canada became the Province 
of Quebec, part of its southern boundary line limiting the 
present states of New York, Vermont, New Hampshire, and 
Maine. Florida was divided into two provinces. East and 
West Florida. A line was also drawn around the head waters 
of all the Atlantic-flowing rivers in the colonies, and the 
colonists were forbidden to settle in the reserved territory, 
which was set apart for the Indians. To defend these new 
provinces it was resolved to maintain within their borders a 
force of ten thousand men, who were to be supported partly 
by the Crown and partly by the colonies. That troops were 
needed was proved by the harassing though unsuccessful siege 
of Detroit by the Indians, led by Pontiac, chief of the Ottawas, 
in the spring and summer of 1763. 



References. — See Thwaites, The Colonies, chaps, xiii.-xiv. Add to 
preceding bibliography : A. V. G. Allen, Jonathan Edwards; C. C. Jones, 
History of Georgia (2 vols.); C. Gayarr^, History of Louisiana (4 vols.); 
F. Parkman, Frontenac and New France^ La Salle and the Discovery of 
the Great West, A Half Century of Conflict, Montcalm and Wolfe; A. B. 
Hart, Formation of the Union, chaps, i.-ii. ("Epochs of American 
History ") ; W. M. Sloane, The French War and the Bevolution, chaps, 
i.-ix. ("American History Series") ; H.C.Lodge, George Washington, 
Vol. I., chaps, i.-iii. ("American Statesmen Series") ; J. Winsor, The 
Mississippi Basin; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest; T. Roosevelt, 
The Winning of the West, Vol. I. ; B. Franklin, Autobiography ; J. F. 
Cooper, TTie Deerslayer, The Last of the Mohicans, and The Pathfinder; 
Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac contains a resume' of the struggle for 
Canada. 



72 67 




To face p. 87. 



PART TI. 



PERIOD OF THE REVOLUTION, 1765-1789. 



CHAPTER VI. 

CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 

GENERAL CAUSES. 

117. Tendencies toward Separation. — From the first there 
were certain conditions that tended to force the American 
colonies away from the mother country. The colonists, espe- 
cially those of New England, had very generally left Great 
Britain for the purpose of escaping oppression ; and, after the 
new settlements were made, the conduct of the home govern- 
ment was not such as to diminish the sense of wrong. It w^as 
less than thirty years after the landing at Plymouth when the 
first of the " Navigation Acts " marked the beginning of a 
policy designed to encourage British at the expense of colo- 
nial commerce (§ 43), and in 1672 this unwise course of action 
was carried still further. A law was passed which imposed 
the same duties on trade between one colony and another as on 
trade between America and foreign countries ; and to enforce 
this law, customhouses were established along the border 
lines between the different colonies. This naturally led to a 
constant and a growing friction between the royal governors 
who had to collect the revenue, and the colonists who had to 
pay it. The seventy-five years immediately before the Seven 

87 




George III. 



§ 119] GENERAL CAUSES. 89 

Years' War are full of instances of the unfriendly relations 
between the people and the agents of the home government^ 
(§ 94). 

118. Influence of the Seven Years' War. — These unfriendly 
relations were happily interrupted by the war which resulted 
in the fall of Quebec and the transfer of Canada from the 
French to the English. The fact that the Americans were 
united with the English in a common cause against a common 
enemy drew them nearer and nearer together. In the prosecu- 
tion of the war the colonists bore a prominent and honorable 
part, and at its close they everywhere shared in the general re- 
joicing. In this spirit old Fort Duquesne was given the name 
Pittsburg, in honor of the great statesman who had accom- 
plished so much for the continent; and the legislature of 
Massachusetts voted for Westminster Abbey an elaborate 
monument to Lord Howe, who had fallen at Ticonderoga. 
It is certain that a new spirit of loyalty and devotion to the 
mother country had sprung up, when in 1760, one year after 
the fall of Quebec, George III., then a young man of twenty- 
two, ascended the throne. He had a great opportunity to con- 
ciliate the colonists and to increase their growing affection ; 
but he defiantly took the opposite course. 

119. George III.^ — The young king brought to the throne 
a very unfortunate mixture of good and bad qualities. He had 



1 In 1743 the governor of New York wrote that he "could not meet the 
Assembly without subjecting the king's authority and himself to contempt." 
The governor of South Carolina wrote, " The frame of the civil government 
is unhinged ; the people have got the whole administration in their hands ; 
the Constitution must be remodeled." Governor Slierlock wrote that " Vir- 
ginia had nothing more at heart than to lessen the influence of the crown." 
The governor of New Jersey wrote of the legislature that he " could not 
bring the delegates into passing measures for suppressiug the wicked spirit of 
rebellion." The governor of Massachusetts wrote deploring "the mobbish 
turn of the town," and accounting for it by saying that " the management 
of it devolved upon the popular Assembly in their town meeting." 

2 Born in 1738 ; died, 1820. Began his reign with an obstinate determination 
to increase the power of the Crown; accepted the resignation of Pitt, and 



90 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. [§ 120 

an unblemished character ; he had a strong will and was very I 
conscientious and industrious ; but he was possessed with the ' 
idea that the power of the throne should be greatly strength- 
ened, and that all opposition to such increase of power should 
be put down, if need be, by main force. His ambition was to 
restore to the Crown the power which it had unlawfully exer- 
cised before the two English revolutions had made it subor- 
dinate to Parliament. For the accomplishment of this purpose 
he committed the fatal blunder of pushing aside the great 
statesmen he found in office and of surrounding himself 
with ministers who would aid him in carrying out his own 
policy. 

120. Independent Spirit among the Colonies. — Another pecul- 
iarity of the situation was the prevalence of a decided spirit of 
independence of one another among the individual colonies. 
No effort to bring them together for purposes of common action, 
even against the Indians, had been successful. Even Frank- 
lin's plan in 1754 had failed to unite them (§ 110). On the 
contrary, they had drawn farther and farther apart, so that 
a very intelligent traveler, who had visited various parts of the 
country, wrote in 1760, " Were the colonies left to themselves, 
there would soon be civil war from one end of the continent to 
the other." And James Otis, one of the foremost of American 
patriots, said in 1765, " Were the colonies left to themselves, 
to-morrow America would be a mere shambles of blood and con- 
fusion before the little petty states could be united." When 
George III. ascended the throne, the colonies seemed more 
afraid of one another than they were of England, and more 
likely to drift into separate nationalities like those of Europe 
than they were to unite in a common effort to secure independ- 
ence of the mother country. 



called weak mluisters about him ; persisted in his policy of taxing America 
and humiliating the colonies ; reluctantly consented to peace in 1782; became 
mentally incompetent during the later years of his life, when the government 
was transferred to his son as Prince Regent (1811-1820). 






§ 123] THE QUESTION OF TAXATION. 91 

THE QUESTION OF TAXATION. 

121. Excuse for the Policy. — The energetic and fatal policy 
of the Crown first showed itself in a determination to impose 
additional taxes on the Americans. There was some excuse 
for this policy. The Seven Years' War had been carried on at 
heavy expense, and a large debt had been the result. The 
king claimed that this burden, chiefly incurred in an effort to 
protect the American colonists, should be borne, in large part, 
by the colonists themselves. To this claim the colonists might 
not have objected, if they had themselves been allowed a voice 
in determining their share of the tax. But the English insisted 
upon determining it without colonial advice. 

122. The British View of the Matter. — In the course of 
centuries the British people had come to recognize the prin- 
ciple, " No taxation without representation." But in the time 
of George III. representation, even in England, was absurdly 
imperfect. Boroughs of not more than half a dozen voters 
sometimes sent two members to the British Parliament, while 
some large towns like Manchester and Birmingham sent no 
representatives. The people permitted this bad state of affairs 
to continue, because the doctrine was held that every member 
of Parliament, no matter by whom he was elected, represented 
all the people of the kingdom, and not merely those who had 
chosen him. According to this theory, the colonies were as 
much represented in Parliament as Manchester and Birming- 
ham ; and if those towns could be taxed without direct repre- 
sentation, there appeared no just reason why Massachusetts and 
Virginia and the other colonies should complain of the same 
method. 

123. The Colonial View of the Case. — But the colonists, and a 
small but very influential minority in Parliament, took another 
view of the case. Many of the colonies had been settled by 
men who had come to America for the purpose of escaping 
from a system which they regarded as unfair and tyrannical. 



92 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. [§ 124 

Two revolutions in England had established the authority of 
Parliament as against the individual will of the king, but the 
methods of representation had not been changed. Indeed, 
they were worse than they had been when the Puritans came 
to New England, more than a hundred years before. Dur- 
ing the intervening period the colonists had been receiving a 
liberal education in matters of government. In their town 
meetings and their provincial legislatures they had had to 
consider and decide a vast number of subjects, until they veiy 
naturally came to think they could understand the real require- 
ments of the country far better than could a Parliament three 
thousand miles away. Some of the colonial writers denied that 
the British had the legal right to tax the Americans, while 
others claimed that, even if they had the legal right, an enforce- 
ment of that right would be contrary to the whole spirit of 
English liberty, and ought to be resisted. 

124. Folly of the British Government. — If the British govern- 
ment had been wise, these differences might have been recon- 
ciled ; but George III. and the friends whom he called about 
him could not see why Boston, New York, and Philadelphia 
should object to taxation while Birmingham and Manchester 
did not. The fact remained, however, that the colonies did 
object, and this important difference any wise government 
would have seen and taken into account. But George III. 
stubbornly held that if the colonies resisted the supreme 
authority of the king and Parliament, they must simply be 
forced into obedience. This doctrine, for which the king, and 
the king alone, was responsible, was the fatal error that cost 
Great Britain the American colonies. 

125. Grenville's Scheme of Taxation. — In 1764 Parliament, 
under the leadership of Lord Grenville, made a formal 
declaration that it had a right to tax the colonies, and a 
year later proposed to raise a tax by what was known as the 
" Stamp Act." This provided that all transactions, to be law- 
ful, must be printed, or written, on paper furnished by the 



§ 127] 



THE RESISTANCE OF THE COLONISTS. 



93 




-Cwr^, OttifOl ll6j THE ^^^ "W 

PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL; 

AND 

WEEKLY ADVEKTISER. 



EXPIRING: In Hc^esof a RJixircaioiitoLlTE again 



■■ 


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foriy to be 


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feared 


to be 


obligatoi-v 


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dehheiate, whether any 
tnothods can be found to 
elude the chains tbrjed for 
us, and efcape lllo infup- 
portiiiile f lav. My, which it 
is lio|)ed, from the liift 

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eir.-cled. Mean wlule I 
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every individual of my 
Sublcribers, inrmy of 
whom have been long be- 



hind Hand, that they 
would ^immediately dif- 
chaige their- refpective 
Arrears, tliat I may be 
able, not only to fupport 
rnylelf during tlie. Inter- 
val, but be better prepar-" 
ed to proceed again willi 
this Paper whenever an 
opening for that purpofe 
appears, which I hops- 
will be foon. 
WILLIAM BRADFORD. 



government and bearing the government stamp. Even 
newspapers and almanacs had to be printed on this stamped 
paper. The cost of 
the stamps varied 
from a few cents 
to fifty or sixty 
dollars. Grenville 
thought this form 
of taxation would 
afford no chance to 
evade the custom- 
house, no tempta- 
tion to smuggle, 
and would dispense 
with all disagree- 
able prying into 
warehouses and pri- 
vate dwellings in 

search of smuggled goods. It was believed that the act would 
enforce itself and produce a large revenue. 

126. Spirit of the Colonies. — This belief shows how gener- 
ally the spirit of the colonists was misunderstood. Only a few 
of the greatest and wisest of the British statesmen saw the 
danger in the policy proposed. These men, of whom Chatham 
and Burke were the leaders, did not deny the constitutional 
right of Parliament to tax all British subjects, but they held 
that it would be madness to try to enforce that right, since 
such an attempt would probably result in the loss of the colo- 
nies. The very thing they feared and predicted took place. 

THE KESISTANCE OF THE COLONISTS. 

127. Organization for Resistance. — The colonists instantly 
organized a general resistance to the tax. Samuel Adams * and 



1 American orator, patriot, and agitator, second cousin of John Adams ; born, 
1722; died, 1803. Studied for a time at Harvard College ; was unsuccessful in 



94 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 



[§127 



James Otis ^ in Massacliusetts, and Patrick Henry^ in Virginia, 
were the most active of the colonial leaders. Adams sent let- 
ters in every direc- 
tion denouncing the 
tax; Otis inflamed the 
people of Boston and 
the vicinity with his 
essays and his or- 
atory ; and Henry 
appealed to the Virgin- 
ians with overpowering 
eloquence. A general 
congress representing 
the colonies met in 
New York, October 7, 
1765, and passed a 
series of resolutions 
denouncing the Stamp 
Act as a violent en- 
croachment on the 
principle, " No taxa- 
Samuel Adams. tion without repre- 




business ; took an active part in political affairs ; drew up Boston's protest 
against Greuville's scheme of taxation in 1764; was among the foremost 
speakers and writers for the American cause from 1765 to 1774 ; secured from 
Hutchinson the removal of troops in 1770 ; member of Continental Congress 
from 1774 to 1781 ; voted for the Federal Constitution in 1788, though strongly 
opposed to some of its measures ; was lieutenant governor of Massachusetts 
from 1789 to 1794, and governor from 1794 to 1797. ^ 

^ Revolutionary patriot and orator; born, 1728; died, 1778. Graduated at 
Harvard, 1743; opposed the Writs of Assistance, in a celebrated speech, 1761; 
published Rights of the Colonies Vindicated, in 1764; moved the appoint- 
ment of a Stamp Act Congress in 1765 and was one of the delegates ; made a 
spirited opposition to the "Townshend Acts"; was severely injured by some 
British officers in 1769, and was insane for the remainder of his life. 

2 Born, 1736 ; died, 1799. After failing in farming and trading, he became a 
lawyer in 1760 ; in 1763 attracted attention by a noted speech ; entered House 
of Burgesses in 1765, where he uttered his famous arraignment of the Stamp 
Act; assisted in organizing committees of correspondence; was member of 



J 



§128] THE RESISTANCE OF THE COLONISTS. 95 

sentation." Lawyers agreed not to regard paper as made 

illegal by the absence of a stamp. Newspapers were issued 

bearing the sign of a ^^^^^^^immmr r ■"• "i- — -«i^^^ 

skull and crossbones ^^^^^^|Hp'' 'M^^^HJ 

in place of a stamp, ^^^^^^^^^S'^ ^^H^l 

and boxes of stamps, ^^^^^^l^t SUB 

on their arrival, were ^^^^^^ff^ ^^^^^H 

seized and burned. ^^^^^^K ' • > 4^1 

128. Repeal of the ^^^^y ^ 4^HHh1 

Stamp Act. — It was ^^^^^^l J^ flH^^^^^^H 

not long before even ^^^^^^^^ ^ I^^^^^^^^^H 

Grenville was con- ^^^^^^^^HAl^'^' \^^^^^^^^/m 

vinced that the Stamp ^^^^^^^K^ ^^mggmmj^^^^m 

Act was a failure. As ^^^^B^Pi^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

be en- ^^^^H^^^^H^^^^^^^^^^^H 

as ^^^^^V^^^^^^H^^^^^^^I 

was re- ^^^^^^"^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

the very ^^^^^K' ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^m 

after become a ^^^^■R ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^| 

how- mi^K: wJJilHJliiilHHm 

ever, two ways of do- j^^^^ ^^^^ 

ing an act demanded 

by the people : to do it with a tact that will convey the largest 
amount of satisfaction; or to do it with some reservation or 
qualification that leaves a sting behind it. The latter course 
was taken by the British government, which said in substance : 
We repeal the act, because its enforcement will be injurious to 
our commercial interests, but in doing so we expressly declare 
" the supreme right of Parliament to make laws and statutes 
of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and the 
people of America in all ways whatever." 

First Continental Congress ; gave his " liberty or death " speech in 1775 ; was 
the first governor of Virginia in 1776-1778 ; also governor, 1784 and 1785 ; was 
a strenuous believer in states' rights, and for this reason opposed the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution. 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 



[§129 



129. The Townshend Acts. — The " Stamp Act " was followed 
by the " Townshend Acts " in 1767. One of these acts forbade 

the colonies to trade 
with the West Indies 
and was evidently 
designed to force the 
Americans to buy 
West Indian goods in 
Great Britain. An- 
other provided for a 
new duty on all im- 
ports of glass, paper, 
paints, and teas. Still 
another, and the most 
obnoxious of the 
Townshend Acts, was 
one which legalized 
" Writs of Assist- 
ance." Such writs 
had formerly been 
unlawfully used as a means of enforcing the statute against 
smuggling. These papers, by being signed in blank, so that 
names could be inserted at the convenience of the officer, pro- 
vided a means by which any sheriff or constable could enter any 
man's house to search for whatever he wanted to find. 




Patrick Henry. 



130. Opposition to the Townshend Acts. — The Townshend 
Acts provoked instant opposition. Associations pledged to ab- 
stain from using any of the articles taxed, were formed in vari- 
ous parts of the country. The Massachusetts Assembly sent a 
circular letter to the other colonies, inviting them to concerted 
resistance ; but this letter so provoked the king that he ordered 
the governor of Massachusetts to demand that the Assembly re- 
scind the vote, on pain of dissolution. The Assembly promptly 
refused, whereupon Governor Bernard promptly dissolved it. 
Everywhere a similar spirit of opposition prevailed. 



§ 131] THE RESISTANCE OF THE COLONISTS. 97 

131. The Farmer's Letters. — The next year, 1768, public feel- 
ing was greatly intensified and united by what were known as 
the Farmer^s Letters 
— a remarkable series 
of papers written by 
John Dickinson,^ a 
young lawyer of Phil- 
adelphia, endowed 
with wealth, educa- 
tion, and brilliant 
talents. He set forth 
with great skill the 
claims of the colonies 
and the dangers to 
the liberties of the 
people from a policy 
of submission. These 
letters were so widely 
read that they had a 
vast influence in shap- 
ing the course of the 
colonies.^ John Dickinson. 



iBorn, 1732; died, 1808. Became a Philadelphia leader; elected to the 
Colonial Congress in 1765; published the famous ie«ers of a Pennsylvania 
Farmer, in 1768; elected to the Continental Congress in 1774; wrote the two 
petitions to the king and numerous other important public papers ; opposed 
the Declaration of Independence as premature ; served loyally in the army ; 
was president of Delaware in 1781 ; president of Pennsylvania from 1782 to 
1785 ; member of the Federal Convention in 1787, and a strenuous advocate of 
the adoption of the Constitution. 

2 Dickinson summed up his argument by declaring: "Let these truths be 
indelibly impressed upon the mind : that we cannot be happy without being 
free ; that we cannot be free without being secure in our property ; that we 
cannot be secure in our property, if, without our consent, others may as by 
right take it away ; that duties laid for the sole purpose of raising money are 
taxes; that attempts to lay such duties should be instantly and fearlessly 
opposed ; that such opposition can never be effectual unless it be by the effort 
of these provinces." 




98 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 



[§ 132 



132. The Boston Massacre. — In 1768 the king sent over two 
regiments of soldiers to Boston for the special purpose of en- 
forcing the obnoxious 
acts. In March, 1770, 
there was a spirited 
quarrel between some 
citizens and the soldiers 
in one of the streets of 
Boston, whereupon the 
troops fired upon the 
crowd, killing five and 
wounding seven others. 
This event, commonly- 
known as the "Boston 
Massacre," greatly wi- 
dened the breach. An 
immense concourse gath- 
ered the next day in the 
Old South Meetinghouse. 
Samuel Adams was sent 

to Governor Hutchinson ^ to demand, in the name of three thou- 
sand freemen, the removal of the soldiers from the town. The 
governor thought it prudent not to refuse, and sent the troops 
to an island in Boston Harbor. 

THE TAX ON TEA. 

133. Partial Repeal of the Townshend Acts. — These events 
convinced Parliament that the Townshend Acts could not 




Governor Hutchinson. 



1 Born, 1711 ; died, 1780. Member of the General Court of Massachusetts, 
1737-1740 and from 1741 to 1749 ; speaker from 1746 to 1748 ; lieutenant gov- 
ernor in 1756; appointed chief justice in 1760; had his house sacked and his 
valuable library destroyed by a mob infuriated by his action in regard to the 
Stamp Act in 1765 ; appointed governor of the province in 1770 ; letters of his 
revealed by Franklin intensified the belief that he was responsible for the acts 
of the British government ; sailed for England in 1774, where he died a con- 
scientious and high-minded Tory. He was the author of an important history 
of Massachusetts. 






§134] 



THE TAX ON TEA. 



99 



be enforced; but the government only repeated the course 
taken in repealing the Stamp Act. Instead of annulling the 
obnoxious provisions out- 
right, they repealed the tax 
on all the articles except 
tea, but they held to the 
duty on this one article in 
order to maintain the prin- 
ciple. They ingeniously 
tried to make the tax on 
tea acceptable by remitting 
the usual duty which had 
to be paid on tea sent to 
America, when in transit 
it arrived in England. But 
it was not the cost of the 
tea that the Americans 
objected to; it was the 
principle of taxation, 

134. General Treatment 
of the Tea. — As the Brit- 
ish had no doubt the 
Americans would receive 
the tea under these condi- 
tions, large cargoes were 
sent to various American 
ports. The government 
commissioners appointed 
to receive this tea soon 
found that the people 
everywhere refused it. In Charleston large quantities were 

1 This famous old church in the heart of Boston, the meeting place of the 
Revolutionists, was used as a place of worship until far into the nineteen tli 
century. When it was in danger of being destroyed, it was bought by a 
society organized for the purpose, and has since been used as a historical 
museum and a place for instruction in American history. 




Old South Church, Boston.i 



100 CAUSES OF THE KE VOLUTION. [§ 135 

stored and afterward sold to the public ; at Annapolis the tea 
was burned; at Philadelphia and at New York, after brow- 
beating the commissioner into resigning, the people compelled 
the ships to return to England. 

135. The Boston " Tea Party." — It was in Boston, however, 
that the most vigorous action was taken. A large cargo had 
arrived in December of 1773, but the people would not allow 
it to be landed. The vessel no doubt would have returned to 
England, but the colonial officers refused to give the clearance 
papers required of all vessels before sailing. If the cargo was 
not landed within twenty days after its arrival, the custom- 
house officers were authorized by la^v to seize and land it by 
force. It was evident that the tea must be destroyed, or its 
landing could not be prevented except by open resistance. On 
the nineteenth day a town meeting of six or seven thousand 
persons met in and about the Old South Meetinghouse to 
decide what course to pursue. During the evening, in accord- 
ance with a general understanding, a great crowd went down 
to the wharf to see what would occur. When they were 
assembled, a small company of men, dressed as Indians, 
quietly rowed out to the ships, broke open more than three 
hundred chests of tea, and poured the contents into the harbor. 

NEW LEGISLATION AND OPPOSITION. 

136. The <*Five Acts of 1774.'* — This defiant action, though 
applauded in all parts of the colonies, filled the British govern- 
ment with indignation, and drove the ministers to the " Five 
Acts of 1774," which by their unwise energy immediately pre- 
cipitated the crisis. -Four of these were directed against 
Massachusetts alone ; the fifth affected all the colonies. The 
first of the five acts was the "Boston Port Bill," It provided 
that no ships should be allowed to enter or depart from Boston 
Harbor until the tea that had been destroyed was paid for. 
This in effect put an end to the commerce of the city, and com- 



§ 138] NEW LEGISLATION AND OPPOSITION. 101 

pletely destroyed its prosperity. Gloucester was made the 
port of entry and Salem the seat of government. The second 
act was that for the " Impartial Administration of Justice in 
Massachusetts Bay," which reflected upon the colony's tribu- 
nals by providing for the trial in England or Nova Scotia of 
officials accused of murder committed in the discharge of 
their functions. The third was the "Massachusetts Bill," 
which virtually took away the charter by vesting all power of 
appointment and removal exclusively in the governor appointed 
by the Crown. The fourth was an act which provided for the 
quartering of troops on the people, thus establishing the means 
of enforcing new laws. The fifth was the "Quebec Act," of 
which the most offensive feature was the one providing that 
all the British territory west of the Alleghanies and north of 
the Ohio should henceforth be regarded as a part of Canada. 
As this territory was claimed by the colonies, the act was 
regarded as a gross infringement of their rights. The Quebec 
Act also gave the Roman Catholic religion throughout Canada 
the stamp of official recognition. 

137. Opposition in Parliament. — The passage of these acts 
was strenuously opposed by several of the strongest men in 
Parliament. The opposition of Fox, Burke, Pitt, and Bane 
was particularly energetic. In the House of Peers, Lord 
Rockingham and his friends entered a protest on the journal 
of the House, and the Duke of Richmond declared, in his 
indignation, "I wish from the bottom of my heart that the 
Americans may resist and get the better of the forces sent 
against them." But the king was determined, and Lord North, 
who had just been advanced to the position of prime min- 
ister, gave his general assent to the measures, though he 
privately tried to prevent the king from pressing the Transpor- 
tation Bill. 

138. Effect upon the Colonies. — Upon the colonies the effect 
of these acts was general and immediate. As soon as the pro- 
visions of the Boston Port Bill became known, the colonies 



102 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 



[§139 



all saw that they must act together or be individually crushed. 
Public opinion rapidly took definite form. This was largely 

the work of commit- 
tees of correspondence, 
organized at Faneuil 
Hall, Boston, chiefly 
through the energy 
and foresight of Sam- 
uel Adams. In Vir- 
^^s jA.-^^^^^S^?»l^il^O|"^^ ginia a similar mode of 

"^^^'"^^ procedure was adopted 

the following year, and 
an invitation was ex- 
tended to all the colonies to appoint committees for the same 
purpose. The work of these committees was to make each 
colony acquainted with the views of all the others. 




Faneuil Hall, Boston. 



139. First Continental Congress. — As a result of the agita- 
tion that followed, Massachusetts, at the request of New York, 
called for a meeting of representatives of the various colonies, 
to be convened early in September, 1774. The governor of 
Georgia prohibited the appointment 
of delegates, but representatives of 
the twelve other colonies met on the 
5th of September, in Carpenters' 
Hall, in Philadelphia. This body is 
known as the "Pirst Continental 
Congress." It contained a large 
share of the ablest men in the coun- 
try. After adopting a Declaration 
of Colonial Eights, in which the 
political claims of the colonies were 
clearly and fully set forth, they 
named eleven different acts, which 

they declared had been passed in violation of their rights 
since the accession of George HI. They framed a petition 




Carpenters' Hall, Phila- 
delphia. 



§ 140] THE CRISIS. 103 

to the king, as well as an address to the people of Great 
Britain, and then formed what was called " The American 
Association," the object of which was to put a stop to all trade 
with Great Britain until the obnoxious laws should be repealed. 
After providing for another congress, to be held in the follow- 
ing spring, the meeting adjourned on the 26th of October. 

THE CRISIS. 

140. General Gage and the Provincial Congress of Massachu- 
setts. — While these actions were taking place in Philadelphia, 
affairs were drifting to an immediate crisis in Massachusetts. 
General Gage, now governor of Massachusetts, as well as mili- 
tary commander, was fully inspired with the spirit of his royal 
master. He promptly sent to Chelsea for military stores and 
began a system of fortifications. The colonists, easily perceiv- 
ing the significance of the British general's action, took similar 
measures of precaution. In order to be independent of Gen- 
eral Gage, they also organized what is known as " The Provin- 
cial Congress of Massachusetts " ; and this body, on the very 
day when the First Continental Congress adjourned, authorized 
the organization of a military force, consisting of all the able- 
bodied men in the colony. One fourth of these were to be 
always ready for action, and, hence, were known as minute- 
men. After making provisions for supplying the army with 
the necessary equipment and munitions, the Provincial Con- 
gress intrusted the conduct of affairs to the general control of 
a Committee of Safety, of which John Hancock,^ a wealthy 
merchant of Boston, was the chairman. 

1 Born, 1737 ; died, 1793. Earnest patriot, and member of the Massachusetts 
legislature from 1766 to 1772 ; became member of the Massachusetts Provincial 
Congress in 1774 ; was exempted from pardon by Governor Gage in 1775 ; was 
in Continental Congress from 1775 to 1780, and from 1785 to 1786 ; president 
of Congress from 1775 to 1777 ; signer of the Declaration of Independence, 
his bold signature standing first on the document; was commissioned as 
major general ; delegate to Massachusetts constitutional convention in 1780 ; 
governor of Massachusetts from 1780 to 1785, and from 1787 to 1792; liberally 
used his large fortune for patriotic and benevolent purposes. 



104 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 



[§141 



141. Gage's Purpose. — It was not long before blood was 
shed. There were certain military stores at Concord, and 
General Gage determined to seize them. For this purpose 
he dispatched very secretly about eight hundred men, under 
Lieutenant Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn. The expedition 
had still another object. The king having ordered the arrest 




John Hancock. 

of John Hancock and Samuel Adams, these leaders had 
withdrawn from Boston and were the guests of a friend in 
Lexington. Gage had learned where they were and had ordered 
their seizure by the troops bound for Concord. The British 
force, after taking the greatest precautions for secrecy, left the 
city on the night of the 18th of April. But the vigilant eye of a 
patriot, Dr. Warren, had detected the purpose of the movement. 

142. The Ride of Paul Revere. — In spite of Gage's orders 
that nobody should leave Boston that night, Paul Revere, a 



§143] 



THE CRISIS. 



105 



Boston goldsmith, succeeded in crossing the Charles River, — 
having previously attended to setting an alarm signal in the tower 
of the Old North Church, — and galloped by the Medf ord road 
toward Lexington, shouting at every house that the British 
were coming. 



143. Battles of Lexington and Concord. — The minutemen 
instantly assembled and drew up on Lexington Common to 
meet the British when they , 
appeared. Pitcairn ordered 
them to disperse, but seeing 
no signs of their moving, first 
fired his own pistols and then 
ordered a volley. Eight men 
were killed and ten wounded. 
Although the Americans fired 
in return, they were in no 
condition to offer battle. 
Hancock and Adams, having 
received the . necessary warn- 
ing, made timely escape. The 
troops pushed on to Concord, 
but found that the greater part 
of the stores had been re- 
moved. Four hundred Ameri- 
cans then charged across the 
Concord bridge and drove 
back the British. The min- 
utemen were by this time 
streaming in from every direc- 
tion, and as the British were 
fired upon from behind trees 
and fences, they had nothing 
to do but to beat a retreat. 





Statue of Minuteman at 
Concord. 

They were saved only by a 



timely reenf orcement of twelve hundred men under Lord Percy. 
In the course of the expedition the British lost two hundred 



106 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. [§ 143 

and seventy-three ; the Americans, eighty-eight. The battles of 
Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1775, proclaimed to everybody 
that war had begun. The readiness with which the people 
responded to the call was shown by the fact that among the 
killed and wounded on that day there were representatives of 
twenty-three different towns. Within less than a week General 
Gage found himself surrounded in Boston by a motley force 
of sixteen thousand Americans armed with such weapons as 
they could secure. 



References for Chapters VI.-VII. — Sir G. 0. Trevelyan, American 
Bevolution, Vol. I., contains probably the best account of the Boston 
campaign ; J. Fiske, American Bevolution (2 vols.), is a delightful 
presentation of the whole period ; H. C. Lodge, Stonj of the Bevolution 
(2 vols.); G. Bancroft, History of the United States (revised edition); 
R. Hildreth, History of the United States, Vol. III.; W. E. H. Lecky, 
England in the Eighteenth Century, the part relating to the American war 
is exceedingly thorough, careful, and valuable ; Lord Mahon, History of 
England (7 vols.), more inclined to the British view than Lecky or Trevel- 
yan ; M. C. Tyler, Literary History of the American Bevolution (2 vols.), 
an invaluable work on the history of public opinion during the period, and 
especially noteworthy in showing the power of the Tories ; M. C. Tyler, 
Patrick Henry; H. C. Lodge, George Washington (2 vols.) ; E. J. Lowell, 
Hessians; T. Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. II. ; Burke, Speech 
on Conciliation with America; Channing and Hart, Guide to American 
History ; W. Niles, Principles and Acts of the American Bevolution; 
J. Parton, Life of Franklin, Life of -Jefferson ; for other biographies, see 
Channing and Hart's Guide, ^ 25, 82, 33, and 135; G. C. Eggleston, 
American War Ballads ; W. Sargent, Loyalist Poetry of the Bevolution ; 
J. F. Cooper, Tlie Spy, an admirable account of Tories about the Hudson ; 
S. Weir Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, a picture of social conditions about 
Philadelphia ; P. L. Ford, Janice Meredith, a portrayal of life in New 
Jersey during nearly the whole period of the war ; H. Frederic, In the 
Valley, life on the Mohawk in the Revolutionary period ; W. G. Simms, 
The Partisan, Mellichampe, TJie Scout, Katharine Walton, The Forayers, 
Eutaw, all relate to the conflict in the South ; J. P. Kennedy, Horse- 
Shoe Bohinson, also deals with the war in the South. For Paul Revere's 
ride, see Longfellow's poem in 2'ales of a Wayside Inn. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OP 1775 AND 1776. 

EARLY MOVEMENTS. 

144. Continental Army and Commander in Chief. — When the 
Second Continental Congress came together in the spring of 
1775, one of its first acts was to adopt as a continental army 
the forces which had enlisted in Massachusetts. It then per- 
formed an act of the greatest possible service to the cause by 
appointing George Washington ^ commander in chief. Wash- 
ington was forty-three years of age, and the important ser- 
vices he had rendered in Virginia and Pennsylvania (§ § 106-111) 
had given him such military knowledge and such accuracy of 
judgment in dealing with men as made him universally re- 
spected and admired. He accepted the appointment with a 
full sense of the greatness of the task, and declared that he 
would receive no pay, but would rely on Congress to reimburse 
him for his expenses. 

145. Capture of Ticonderoga. — While Congress was taking 
these preliminary steps, there was great activity in various 
parts of the country. Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, with a 
small force from Vermont, assisted by a few men from Con- 
necticut under Benedict Arnold, surprised and captured Fort 
Ticonderoga. By this success the Americans got possession 
of an important fort, as well as of many stores and more than 
two hundred cannon. 

1 Born, Westmoreland County, Virginia, February 22 (old style, February 11) , 
1732; died, Mt. Vernon, Virginia, December 14, 1799. Received only an ele- 
mentary education ; became a surveyor ; served in French and Indian War ; 
became a prominent planter; favored the patriotic cause; commander in 
chief, 1775-1783; presided over Convention of 1787; President, 1789-1797; 
commander in chief of provisional army, 1798, 

107 



108 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 



[§146 



146. Fortification of Bunker Hill. — As soon as the news of 
Lexington and Concord spread through the colonies, troops 
poured in to the vicinity of Boston from Ehode Island, Con- 
necticut, New York, and Pennsylvania. Before the middle of 
June, Boston, on the land side, was thoroughly invested. The 
British had seventeen battalions of infantry and five companies 
of artillery, and before June their army was joined by three 
major generals — Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne. Late in the 
afternoon of June 16, General Ward, then in command of the 
Americans, ordered a force to take possession of Bunker Hill, a 
commanding point in Charlestown, just north of Boston. About 




Boston and its Environs. 

twelve hundred troops under Colonel Prescott, a veteran of the 
French War, went over from Cambridge with spades and picks, 
which in the course of the night they used so industriously that 
the British soldiers in the morning saw strong works confront- 
ing them. But instead of obeying orders and occupying Bunker 
Hill, Prescott occupied Breed's Hill, a point nearer Boston. 

147. The Battle of Bunker Hill. — General Gage, wishing to 
dislodge the Americans at once, instead of approaching by the 
Neck (see map, p. 112), where he could have cut off the whole 



I 



§147] 



EARLY MOVEMENTS. 



109 



force, ordered an immediate assault upon the enemy's front. 
Meanwhile, in the course of the forenoon (June 17), the Amer- 
icans were reenforced by about one thousand troops. These 
newcomers, however, had little ammunition and few bayonets. 
The British, numbering about three thousand, advanced under 
the gallant lead of General 
Howe. The Americans re- 
served their fire until the 
f^nt ranks were within 
"about fifty yards, when at 
the first volley so many of 
the assaulting force fell 
that the line staggered back 
in confusion. The second 
advance met with a still 
more disastrous repulse. In 
several of the companies as 
many as four out of five had 
fallen ; but when the third 
assault was made, the am- 
munition of the Americans 
gave out, and the British 
were successful. Among the 
killed were many officers of rank, including Pitcairn, the Brit- 
ish commander who had fired the first shot at Lexington, and 
General Warren,^ one of the foremost of the American leaders. 
The British lost one thousand and fifty-four in killed and 
wounded; the Americans, four hundred and forty-nine. The 
forces were relatively small, but, in proportion to the numbers on 
the field, the battle was one of the bloodiest engagements of mod- 
ern times. On both sides the men fought with a bravery worthy 

^Born, 1741; died, 1775. Graduated at Harvard and became physician in 
Boston; member of committee of correspondence, 1774; a noted orator; 
chairman of Committee of Public Safety and president of the Massachusetts 
Provincial Congress in 1775; actively engaged in raising volunteers in 1775 ; 
commissioned major general by the Provincial Congress, but waived his rank 
in favor of the veteran Prescott, and fought and died as a private soldier. 




General Joseph Warren. 




110 THE OAMPAIGNS OF 1776 AND 1776. [§ 148 

of the best traditions of English courage. Of Howe's twelv* 
staff officers every one was either killed or wounded. The bat 

tie made it evident 
that untrained Amer- 
ican recruits, when 
behind only tempo- 
rary defenses, had no 
need to be afraid to 
meet disciplined vete- 
rans. The British 
government, dissatis- 
fied with the con- 
duct of General Gage, 
recalled him and 
he was superseded 
by General William 

Howe.^ 
General. Howe. 

WASHINGTON IN COMMAND. 

148. Difficulties confronting Washington. — Washington soon 
reached the scene of action, and took command of the American 
army on July 3, under an elm tree which still stands near Har- 
vard University, in Cambridge, commemorating the event. The 
difficulties which beset him might well have disheartened a less 
resolute and skillful commander. His embarrassments were 
chiefly of three kinds. In the first place, the number of men 
at his command was at no time greater than the number of the 
regular British troops confronting him. His force had left 
their farms in midsummer without having enlisted for any 
definite period, and when the first burst of enthusiasm died 
away, it was very difficult to keep the ranks filled. In the 
second place, each of the provinces had its own laws, and 

iBorn, 1729; died, 1814. Served under Wolfe at Quebec; commander in 
chief of British forces in America in 1775; was superseded by Sir Henry 
Clinton in 1778, though he was knighted for his successes about New York in 
1776 ; was unsuccessful as a strategist, aud noted for his indolence. 



i 



§148] 



WASHINGTON IN COMMAND. 



Ill 



consequently there was no uniformity of method and no sub- 
ordination to any common authority. Washington dismissed 
sundry officers for insubordination, and he was obliged per- 
sistently to urge the governors of the several states to keep 




The Washington Elm, Cambridge. 

their quotas full.^ In the third place, he soon discovered that 
the Americans had very little ammunition. There was not 
enough for a single battle, and it was plain that if at any time 
during the fall or winter the British should make a vigorous 

iTo the president of Congress he wrote: " There must be some other stim- 
ulus besides love of their country to make men fond of the service." And 
again he wrote : " Such a dearth of public virtue; such a stock-jobbing and 
strife to obtain advantage of one kind and another, I never saw before, and 
I pray God's mercy I may never be witness to again. I tremble at the 
prospect. Could I have foreknown what I have experienced, no consideration 
upon earth could have induced me to accept this command." 



112 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 



[§149 



attack, they would in all probability succeed in breaking up 
the American army. To supply this deficiency Washington 
sent messengers in every direction. He dispatched an expedi- 
tion to seize the British stores at the Bermudas ; he had cannon 
dragged on ox sleds from Ticonderoga ; and he gradually col- 
lected powder from all the country towns in the region. 

149. The Taking of Dorchester Heights. — Notwithstanding all 
these discouragements, Washington drilled the army vigorously 
throughout the fall and winter. Early in March, 1776, he 

determined upon a move- 
ment which was destined 
to prove decisive. Dor- 
chester Heights, projecting 
from the mainland south 
of Boston, commanded 
the town from this direc- 
tion, as Charlestown com- 
manded it from the north. 
Howe committed a fatal 
blunder in not establishing 
himself upon this point; 
and the consequence was, 
that one morning he dis- 
covered that the enterprising enemy had not only occupied the 
hill, but had thrown up formidable works commanding the city. 
A few days later, on March 9, the Americans also constructed 
works on Nook's Point, which commanded the Neck and brought 
every part of the city within range. 

150. Evacuation of Boston. — Howe, not caring to repeat the 
experiences of Bunker Hill, saw that he must evacuate the city. 
With all his troops he withdrew and sailed for Halifax, 
March 17, 1776, leaving the Americans in full possession. His 
force of veterans had been besieged for months by an army of raw 
troops, which did not at any time exceed in number the army of 
the besieged. More remarkable still, the besieging army had. 




Z^ J^^y^ki^H 



Roxbury 



' RrALE OF 



SCALE OF MILE?! 




§161] 



WASHINGTON IN COMMAND. 



113 



during this period, been disbanded and reorganized, and during 
most of the winter had not had ammunition amoiintina^ to more 
than thirty rounds to a . 
man. This great achieve- 
ment not only inspired the 
colonies, but convinced the 
British government that 
it had undertaken a most 
formidable task. Wash- 
ington, without a battle, 
had, by his superior strat- 
egy, maneuvered his ene- 
my out of the city. 

151. Expedition into 
Canada. — While the siege 
of Boston was going on, 
Colonel Benedict Arnold ^ 
suggested that an expedi- 
tion should be sent for the colonkl iiKXKDicx Arnold. 
capture of Montreal and 

Quebec. Unfortunately, this unwise proposition prevailed. A 
part of the force under General Montgomery descended Lake 
Champlain and, after a difficult, brilliant campaign, took 
Montreal. The other command, under Arnold, after an expedi- 
tion of almost indescribable hardships through the forests of 




1 Born, 1741 ; died, 1801. At the outbreak of the war in 1775 left his business 
in Connecticut to join the service ; was commissioned colonel by the Massa- 
chusetts Provincial Congress; acquired immediate fame by his attack on 
Quebec ; was advanced to brigadier general ; was defeated by the British at 
Valcour Island in Lake Champlain, October, 1776 ; made a skillful retreat ; took 
leading part in campaign against Burgoyne in 1777 ; was given command in 
Philadelphia, when he fell under the influence of prominent Tories, one of 
whose daughters he married ; entered into correspondence under an assumed 
name with an officer of Howe's army ; sought and obtained command of West 
Point for the purpose, of turning it over to the enemy; escaped to the British, 
from whom he received a sum of money, a brigadier generalship in the army, 
and the command of a force in Virginia. His last days were spent in England 



114 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. [§ 152 

Maine in the dead of winter, presented itself before Quebec. 
Montgomery, who had by that time advanced from Montreal, 
attacked the city from above while Arnold attacked it from 
below. Montgomery was killed while scaling the heights, and 
Arnold was severely wounded. Morgan, Arnold's second in 
command, pressed forward and would, no doubt, have been 
successful, if Montgomery's force had not been thrown into 
panic by the fall of their leader. Morgan and nearly all his 
force were taken prisoners, and the expedition was a complete 
failure. 

152. Final Effort of Congress for Peace. — In the course of 
the same winter (1775-1776), Congress, then in session at Phila- 
delphia, put forth another and a final effort to make terms with 
the king. A careful and formal statement of grievances was 
sent to England, but neither the king nor Parliament would 
receive it, determining instead very greatly to increase the 
army. This was done, partly by sending additional British 
troops, and partly by hiring about twenty thousand Germans 
from some of the lesser German princes. As these mercenaries 
came very largely from the duchy of Hesse, they were known 
throughout the war as Hessians. The fact that the British 
bought the services of foreigners to fight the Americans greatly 
exasperated the colonists. 

THE WAR IN NEW YORK. 

153. Washington's Movements. — After the failure of the 
Canadian expedition, Washington conjectured that the British 
would try to get possession of the Hudson by attacking it both 
from the north and from the south. He had no doubt that 
Howe's force would ultimately land at New York. To meet 
such a movement, he ordered Arnold, as soon as he should re- 
cover from his wound, to oppose any approach from the north, 
while he himself should transfer the greater part of his army 
to New York. Arriving in April, 1776, he soon found that 
his conjecture had been correct. Howe, as soon as he had 



§154] 



THE WAR IN NEW YORK. 



reorganized his forces in Halifax, set sail for the mouth of the 
Hudson. Here he established headquarters upon Staten 
Island, where he received reenforcements till he had an 
army of about thirty 
thousand men. He 
soon had the assist- 
ance also of a for- 
midable fleet under 
Admiral Lord Howe, 
his brother. 

154. Occupation of 
New York and Brook- 
lyn. — Washington 
had not only taken 
possession of New 
York City, but had 
fortified Governor's 
Island, as well as 
Brooklyn, and the 
New Jersey shore at 
Paulus Hook opposite 
New York. Brooklyn 
Heights were put in 
command of General Nathanael Greene,^ but he was suddenly 
stricken with fever and the command was transferred to 
General Israel Putnam,^ with Generals Sullivan and Stirling 

1 Born, 1742 ; died, 1786, Member of the Rhode Islaud assembly in 1770 ; 
joined a military company in 1774 ; became brigadier general in 1775 ; major 
general in 1776; showed great military talents at Dorchester Heights, Brook- 
lyn, Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, and Germantown; succeeded Gates in 
the South, 1780, and by his strategic skill in opposing Cornwallis and Lord 
Rawdon, cleared the South and drove Cornwallis into the position which re- 
sulted in the surrender at Yorktown. Washington regarded him as the most 
skillful of his generals, and posterity has confirmed this judgment. 

2 Born, 1718; died, 1790. A noted ranger in the Indian Wars; served at 
Bunker Hill; major general, 1775; commanded in defeat of Long Island, 
1776, in Highlands of the Hudson, 1777, and in Connecticut, 1778-1779; dis- 
abled by paralysis, 1779. Famed for fight with wolf, and for other exploits. 




General Nathanael Greene. 



lit) THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. [§ 155 

as subordinate officers, and a force of about nine thousand 
men. 

155. Battle of Long Island. — As this position commanded 
the city, the British took the natural course of planning an 
attack from the east. Landing southeast of Brooklyn with 
about twenty thousand men, August 22 and 25, Howe pushed 
one of his divisions by a circuitous route toward the north, for 
the purpose of turning the flank of the Americans and making 
their escape in that direction impossible. In the battle of 
Long Island, which ensued, the Americans, having only about 
five thousand men in the field, were greatly outnumbered 
and defeated. Generals Sullivan and Stirling, with about two 
thousand of their men, were taken prisoners. The remainder 
of the army fell back and rejoined Putnam within the fortifica- 
tions. Preparations were at once made for a siege. With the 
British force surrounding Brooklyn on the land side and with 
Admiral Howe's fleet in New York Bay, the escape of the 
army, which Washington had now^ reenforced to about twelve 
thousand men, seemed impossible. 

156. Retreat to New York. — Washington well knew that the 
Brooklyn army must either escape or surrender. He there- 
fore caused all the boats and rafts of every kind that could 
transport men or ammunition, to be brought together from the 
various streams and bays in the vicinity. So skillfully was 
this work done, that in the course of a single foggy night, 
August 29, the boats were collected on the Brooklyn side of 
the river, and the whole army, with guns and stores, was taken 
across to New York. This remarkable exploit might, no doubt, 
have been prevented had there been greater vigilance on the 
part of the British fleet. 

157. Evacuation of New York. — But this bit of good fortune 

did not enable Washington to hold New York. The British 
immediately sailed up tlie East Kiver and prepared to land 
their forces, if possible, so as to intercept Washington's army. 



I 



§158] THE WAR IN NEW YORK. 117 

They secured a footing, September 15, first at Kipp's Bay, 
where the Thirty-fourth Street ferry now is, and later at 
Throg's Neck, a few miles above ; but the main force of the 
Americans was able to pass up the west coast of the island 
before the enemy could cut them off.^ Washington's troops 
were not numerous enough to justify a pitched battle; but 
while retreating, he retarded and annoyed the enemy at every 
point. On the 28th of October he fought a slight engage- 
ment at White Plains, some thirty miles from New York, 
to hold the British in check while the main army should pass 
still farther north. The British now withdrew to Dobb's Ferry 
and threatened Fort Washington. 

158. Loss of Fort Washington and Fort Lee. — The lower 
Hudson at that time depended for its defense upon two fortifi- 
cations : Fort Washington, situated near the upper end of 
Manhattan Island, on which the city of New York stands, and 
Fort Lee, on the opposite side of the river. Washington de- 
cided to abandon these defenses to the British and to establish 
strong fortifications some forty-five miles up the river. Con- 
gress, however, directed that Fort Washington be held, if 
possible; and the commander unfortunately yielded his opinion 
so far as to allow General Greene, who was in command of 
both the forts, to defend them in case he should deem success- 
ful defense possible. The result was the most serious of the 
early disasters of the war. The British broke through the 
obstructions that had been placed in the river, and having 
passed with their fleet above Fort Washington, surrounded it 
in such a way that escape was impossible. When a vigorous 

1 The American troops, notwithstanding the energetic threats of Washing- 
ton, acted in a very cowardly manner and offered little resistance at Kipp's 
Bay, and Howe had no difficulty in landing. Had he pushed rapidly across 
Manhattan Island, Putnam's army would inevitably have been cut off. But 
Mrs. Lindley Murray, whose mansion stood on Murray Hill, invited the British 
officers to refresh themselves with luncheon, whereupon a halt was called, 
and they were detained for two hours. During this time Putnam with his 
army of four thousand marched up the west side of the island and soon 
joined Washington. 



118 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. [§ 159 

assault was made, nearly three thousand American troops were 
forced to surrender, November 16. The abandonment of Fort 
Lee necessarily followed. 

GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. 

159. Lack of Union among the Colonies. — The war was not 
simply a war of separation ; it was also in some of its features 
a civil war. The loss of New York, including Fort Washing- 
ton, brought out the American opponents of the Revolution in 
great force. From the very beginning of the agitation which 
resulted in independence, there had been three somewhat dis- 
tinct classes of people among the colonists. One class believed 

that on the whole the British 
government was the best in ex- 
istence, and that the colonists 
would be benefited by showing 
a constant spirit of loyalty and 
fidelity to the Crown. Such 
people were opposed to every 
form of agitation that would 
look to the British like insubordi- 

^ „ ,__^. nation. The second class, while 

Colonial Flag, 1776. . ' 

believing that there were abuses 
which should and would be corrected, acknowledged the su- 
preme power of Parliament. Like the British, they did not 
see why their lack of representation differed very greatly in 
principle from the condition of some of the larger towns in 
England. They thought also that the abuses could in time 
be removed by a general and friendly agitation. The third 
class consisted of the out-and-out reformers. Their leaders 
were such men as Samuel Adams, James Otis, and Patrick 
Henry, who believed that if the rights of the colonies were 
not granted when they were pointed out, the proper course 
was to fight for them. As the agitation went on and the 
British government made blunder after blunder, the third of 
these classes, though at first inferior in numbers to the others. 




I 



§ 161] FAILURE OF BRITISH EXPEDITIONS. 119 

became more perfectly organized and so got the upper hand. 
But it is a great mistake to suppose that the American people 
at any time were unanimous on the subject of independence, 
or even of resistance. It is probable that in the second year 
of the war, even in New England, one fourth of the people 
were opposed to it; that in the Middle states the proportion 
was as great as one third ; and in the Southern states nearly, 
or quite, as great as one half. 

160. The Tories. — All those who were opposed to the action 
of Congress naturally came to be regarded as enemies, and were 
known as Tories. From the first they made a vast amount of 
trouble. During the siege of Boston they were numerous, 
outspoken, and influential. They desired that the Eevolution- 
ary cause should fail. They acted as spies and carried infor- 
mation to the British; and whenever the patriot cause suffered 
any check or disaster, they did whatever they could to show 
that successful resistance was impossible. In the State of 
Kew York the Tories from the first were not only numerous, 
but very active. Soon after Washington took possession of 
the city he discovered that Tryon, the Tory governor, was at 
the bottom of a plot to capture or kill the commander in 
chief, and turn over the city to the enemy. Tryon escaped, 
but some of the other leaders were arrested and tried, and one 
of Washington's own guards, who had been bribed, was pub- 
licly hanged. Though this summary procedure discouraged 
the Tories, they continued to be of great service to the British 
and of great annoyance to the Americans. In New York and 
in the South the struggle was attended with many of the 
horrors of civil war. 

FAILURE OF BRITISH EXPEDITIONS. 

161. Carleton^s Expedition. — While Washington had been 
unsuccessfully attempting to resist the advances of the British 
in New York, the Americans had been more fortunate in other 
parts of the country. An expedition under Sir Guy Carleton, 



120 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 



[§ 162 



the governor of Canada, was planned to advance up the river 
St. John, into Lake Champlain, and down the Hudson, but 
it met so vigorous a resistance from Arnold near Valcour's 
Island, that, although Arnold's fleet was almost destroyed, 
the British were obliged to return to Montreal for winter 
quarters. 

162. Expedition of Sir Henry Clinton. — In the South the 
enemy fared no better. Sir Henry Clinton, with about two 

thousand men, had 
been sent from Bos- 
ton, while the siege 
was going on, to take 
possession of North 
Carolina ; but the 
sturdy Scotchmen of 
that state, who were 
generally Tories, were 
defeated by the pa- 
triots, who imme- 
diately organized so 
powerful a resistance 
that Clinton did not 
attempt even to land. 
Reenforced a little 
later by a British fleet 
of ten ships under Sir 
Peter Parker, he ad- 
vanced upon Charles- 
ton in South Carolina. 
Vigorous preparations for resistance had already been made, 
under the direction of General Lee. General William Moul- 
trie ^ constructed a low fort in Charleston Harbor, chiefly of 




General William Moultrie. 



1 Born, 1731 ; died, 1805. Member of Continental Congress from South 
Carolina in 1775; defended Sullivan's Island in 1776; defeated the British at 
Beaufort and defended Charleston in 1779 ; was governor of South Carolina 
in 1785 and 1794. 



§163] THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 121 

palmetto logs and sand, which proved an effectual barrier to 
the British advance. The shots from the fleet sank into the 
spongy logs without doing much damage, while the shots from 
the fort were so effective as to disable nine of the ten ships 
(June 28). The gallantry of this defense has caused the fort 
ever since to be known as Fort Moultrie, although events of 
the War between the States have caused the neighboring Fort 
Sumter to become more famous. Clinton's land force being 
held back for lack of suitable boats, the expedition proved 
a complete failure, and the British with their disabled ships 
returned to the North. 

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

163. Growing Spirit of Independence. — Of much greater im- 
portance than the events in the field were the events in Con- 
gress. At the beginning of the contest public opinion in 
America very generally attributed the course of Great Britain 
to bad leaders in Parliament rather than to the king. At first 
there was a strong feeling of loyalty and even affection toward 
George III., which Avould have made it easy for him to heal all 
differences. One effort after another had been made to induce 
the king to consider the petitions and remonstrances sent him, 
but these efforts had all failed. Even as late as the beginning 
of the war there was very little general thought of independ- 
ence. But at the end of May, soon after the news of the first 
conflict at Lexington and Concord reached North Carolina, the 
people of Mecklenburg County assembled and passed a series 
of resolutions, declaring that as the mother country had pro- 
nounced the Americans rebels, the colonists were absolved from 
all further allegiance. This declaration seems to have attracted 
very little attention at the time ; but as events progressed, pub- 
lic opinion drifted so rapidly in this direction, that early in the 
summer of 1776 the leading minds came one after another to 
the conclusion that independence was inevitable. Final action 
was not the result of any sudden impulse, but of most careful 
consideration. 



122 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1770 



[§164 



164. Signing of the Declaration. — After much private dis- 
cussion had revealed the opinions of the members of Congress, 
Richard Henry Lee/ on the 7th of June, offered a resolution 
that " these united colonies are and ought to be independent 

states, and they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the 
British crown." The resolu- 
tion was vigorously opposed 
by Dickinson of Pennsyl- 
vania and Livingston of 
New York, partly on the 
ground that a sufficient time 
had not yet elapsed for an 
answer from the king, and 
partly because the individ- 
ual colonies had not yet 
authorized such action. But 
the colonies did not long 
hesitate. Most of them had 
already erected independent 
governments of their own. 
As early as July, 1775, Massachusetts had formed a govern- 
ment in which the king's authority was practically set aside, 
and James Bowdoin was made chief executive officer and John 
Adams chief justice. Before July, 1776, all the other provinces, 
with the exception of Kew York, had taken similar measures, 
and more than two thirds of them had voted for independence 
and had instructed their delegates to vote for Lee's resolution. 
This resolution was accordingly adopted by Congress on the 




Richard Henry Lee. 



1 Born, 1732 ; died, 1794. Educated in England ; was a leader of the Virginia 
House of Burgesses, 1761 to 1788 ; opposed the slave trade and the Stamp Act ; 
was one of the first to suggest the famous committees of correspondence ; was 
on the committee to draft the address of the First Continental Congress; 
jirafted the address of the Second Congress ; moved the Resolution of Inde- 
pendence ; was very earnest in his opposition to the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution in 1788; was a prominent Anti-Federalist and United States 
senator, 1789 to 1792. 



i 



§164] 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



123 



2d of July. A committee, with Thomas Jefferson^ as chair- 
man, had been appointed in June to draw up a formal declara- 
tion in case independence should be agreeel upon. Jefferson, 
then only thirty- 
three years of 
age, wrote the 
paper which, after 
slight modificar 
tions by Frank- 
lin and Adams, 
was adopted as 
the Declaration 
of Independence, 
on the 4th of 
July, 1776. This 
immortal docu- 
ment was thus 
put forth as an 
expression of the 
deliberate and 
firm conviction 
of the American 
people that the 
priceless treasure 
of human liberty 

could be preserved in no other manner. As the members 
one after another, with a solemn sense of the danger of 

1 Born, 1743 ; died, 1826. Graduated at William and Mary College ; became 
a lawyer and entered House of Burgesses in 1769 ; was active in Kevolution- 
ary agitation as a writer rather than as a speaker ; drafted the instructions 
to the Virginia delegates and consequently was proscribed by Great Britain ; 
soon after drafting the Declaration of Independence, left Congress to reenter 
Virginian politics, where as governor and legislator he exerted much influence 
in securing reforms ; went to France as plenipotentiary in 1784 ; returned to 
America in 1789, just after the adoption of the Constitution; became first 
Secretary of State ; wrote much to show his fears that the provisions of the 
Constitution would end in monarchy ; became Vice President, 1797-1801 ; Presi- 
dent, 1801-1809 ; retired to Monticello and founded the University of Virginia. 




Thomas Jefferson. 



124 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 



[§165 



this momentous act, signed the memorable document, Frank- 
lin^ threw a gleam 
of sunshine upon the 
occasion by remarking 
that they must now 
all hang together, or 
they would hang sepa- 
rately. 




165. Purport and 
Effect of the Declara- 
tion. — The Declaration 
of Independence was 
House in which Jefferson wrote the aimed directly at the 
Declaration of Independence, corner of Crown It charged the 
Market and Seventh Streets, Philadelphia. ^^^^^ '^.^^^ "repeated 

injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the 
establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States." 
This general indict- 
ment was sustained, 
with some exaggera- 
tions but with essen- 
tial truthfulness, by 
no less than eighteen 
accusations, or sepa- 
rate counts, aimed at 
the king, and the king 
alone. So far as the 

purpose of the colonies r^ a r^ 

^ ^ Old Statehouse in Philadelphia, now 

was defined by the known as Independence Hall. •« 




1 Born, 1706 ; died, 1790. Apprenticed in Boston as a printer, and 
developed great fondness for reading and writing ; ran away to Philadelphia 
in 1723 : established a newspaper in 1729 ; advanced rapidly in prominence 
through his talents as a writer and success as a scientific discovei'er ; was 
appointed Deputy Postmaster-general of the British colonies in 1753 ; was the 
moving spirit of the Albany convention in 1754 ; was agent for Pennsylvania 
in England from 1764 to the Revolution ; also for a part of the time agent for 



§ 1^5] THE DECLATIATTON OF INDEPENDENCE. 125 




Benjamin Franklin. 



Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia; returning in 1775, was one of the 
committee to draw up the Declaration of Independence; was sent to join 
Arthur Lee and Silas Deaue as Ministers to France in autumn of 1776 ; was 
received with great enthusiasm in Paris, and obtained not only the Treaty of 
1778, hut- also large sums of money for the assistance of the colonies ; played 
an important part in negotiating the Treaty of 1783 ; was chosen president of 
Pennsylvania in 1785, 1786, and 1787, and was an influential member of the 
Federal Convention of 1787. 



126 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. [§166 

Declaration, it was not a contest against the parliamentary 
government of Great Britain, but a contest against those un- 
constitutional usurpations of the Crown to which the colonies 
would not submit. From this point of view many modern 



J ^^-ilr^yr < y ^-'- ^'./<^-. ..■>^^-'-^ --^^ ^r--^ 

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^-(^<2<i 



JhuA^ p-n-O^UA^rtc^ V 0-,-Cayr^i^unj i/t'^ p<n^^.-rj L^l jury>\ ^Crn^ U...'/<' / hon, jA^x/£, 
JUyyr. ttk^^^ LLJ<^ t) <j'j<^ //vX..v ya/<i^ ^ k<^rrp^^^J . p^-^/^^, c^uicc</. 

Portion of the Declaration of Independence. 

criticisms of the document are seen to be hypercritical. How- 
ever much the signers may have exaggerated specific charges, 
they did not exaggerate the general danger to be apprehended 
from the king's self-willed conduct. 

THE WAR IN NEW JERSEY. 

166. Washington's First Campaign in New Jersey. — After the 
fall of Fort AVashington and the withdrawal from Fort Lee, 
Washington planned to concentrate the main portion of his 
army in New Jersey, to prevent the enemy from advancing 
upon Philadelphia. In crossing to New Jersey he had left 
General Charles Lee, with seven thousand men, at Northcastle 
on the east side of the Hudson. Washington now directed i 
General Heath to fortify the Highlands about Peekskill and ' 
West Point in the strongest manner possible, and ordered 
General Lee to join the main army in New Jersey. 



§ 168] THE WAR IN NEW JERSEY. 127 

167. Disobedience and Capture of Lee. — For reasons which 
were long unexplained, Lee disobeyed the order of Washing- 
ton, and chose to remain where he was. Repeated orders were 
disobeyed, but finally Lee made a show of obedience. He 
reached Morristown, however, with only three thousand of his 
seven thousand troops. Scarcely had he posted this fragment 
of his army on the Morristown Heights when, leaving the im- 
mediate command to Sullivan, he took quarters in a small 
public house some miles away. A Tory, learning of this fact, 
galloped eighteen miles with the news to the British, and 
the consequence was that Lee, in dressing gown and slippers, 
was taken prisoner by a troop of British dragoons. From 
Lee's subsequent career (§§ 183, 184) and the discovery of his 
correspondence, it now seems probable that he already had 
traitorous designs. 

168. Washington's Difficulties and his Retreat. — The capture 
of Lee left Sullivan in command of the Northern army, and that 
officer moved at once to the support of Washington ; but the 
difficulties of the situation seemed overwhelming. Howe and 
Cornwallis had crossed into New Jersey with a force more than 
twice as great as that of the Americans. Moreover, as the 
terms of enlistment expired, Washington found it almost im- 
possible to keep his ranks full. Still worse, Howe, desiring to 
take advantage of the apparent lack of enthusiasm on the part 
of the American patriots, now made a final effort to induce 
them to throw down their arms. This was done under a prom- 
ise of full pardon and protection to all who should abandon the 
Continental cause. More than three thousand persons, believ- 
ing there was no possibility of success for the Americans, 
yielded to these allurements and deserted to the British. To- 
ries everywhere now emerged from their obscurity and boldly 
asserted their allegiance to the king. Washington could not 
venture battle with his inferior force, but, with masterly skill, 
he slowly withdrew his army, crossing stream after stream 
with the British close on his heels. Even the broad waters of 



128 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. 



[§169 



the Delaware did not baffle him. Pressed hard by superior 
forces, he threw his army across the river and destroyed all the 
boats on the opposite bank for nearly one hundred miles. His 
opponents found it impossible to 
follow, and decided to wait for 
the river to freeze over. 

169. Washington turns upon 
his Enemy. — Howe and Corn- 
wallis thought the war practically 
at an end. Deciding to leave 




their army east of the Delaware, with its center at Trenton and 
its wings at Burlington and Princeton, they returned to New 
York for the festivities of the holidays, where Howe was to 
celebrate the knighthood conferred upon him for the capture 
of New York. But AVashington had a Christmas surprise in 
store for them. Including the forces of Gates and Sullivan, 
he now commanded about six thousand men. The loose dis- 
position of Howe's troops gave him an opportunity which he 



I 



§ 170] THE WAR IN NEW JERSEY 129 

immediately turned to account. He decided by a secret move- 
ment to strike a hard blow at the British center. His plan was 
to cross the Delaware in three divisions. The right wing, 
under Gates and Cadwalader, was to attack the Hessians 
under Donop at Burlington ; Ewing was to cross and attack the 
center at Trenton ; while Washington himself, with the left 
wing six miles up the river, was to cross at that point and 
march down on the other side to attack the British flank and 
rear. G-ates had asked and been allowed to go to Philadelphia, 
where he was already intriguing with Congress in order to sup- 
plant Washington. The right wing and the center found the 
river, filled as it was with floating ice, too difficult to cross, but 
Washington's determination and skill at once showed themselves. 

170. Battle of Trenton. — Just as he was ready for the ad- 
vance, news came that his right and center had failed, and yet, 
without a moment's hesitation, he decided himself to push on 
with all the greater energy.^ Blocks of floating ice made the 
crossing next to impossible. Colonel Glover, with a force of 
Marblehead fishermen, was put in charge of the boats. In the 
course of ten hours he succeeded in taking twenty-five hundred 
men across with their guns and munitions. They now had six 
miles to march in a blinding storm. After a night so cold that 
two men of their number were* frozen to death, they reached 
Trenton at daybreak. Planting their guns so as to rake the 
streets, they made escape impossible. Colonel Eahl, of the 
enemy, and seventeen of his men were killed ; the others sur- 
rendered (December 26). Donop, fearing to be cut off by the 
advance of Washington, fell back to Princeton, Washington 
recrossed the river with his prisoners, but on the 29th took up 

iQne of Washington's captains, in his memoirs, relates a feat which illus- 
trates Washington's spirit, as well as his great physical strength. He says 
that, as they were breaking camp for the march, two soldiers had wound up 
Washington's tent around the tent pole, and were trying in vain to lift it to 
the top of a high, loaded wagon. Washington came along in fiery impatience, 
and seeing their fruitless efforts, seized the pole in the middle with one hand 
and threw it far above his head upon the top of the load. 



130 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776. [§ 171 

his position once more at Trenton. Thus the center of the 
British army was destroyed. 

171. Advance of Cornwallis. — Howe and Cornwallis, so 
rudely disturbed in the midst of their Christmas festivities, 
saw in a moment that a blow must be struck to recover the lost 
ground. With a force of about eight thousand men, Cornwallis 
advanced by way of New Brunswick and Princeton, where he 
established magazines and supplies, with a strong force to guard 
them. The army, harassed along every mile of the way by 
sharpshooters, reached Trenton on the 2d of January. Mean- 
while Washington had moved in a southern direction, and taken 
up his position on the left bank of the Assanpink, a small 
stream flowing into the Delaware on the north side, not far 
south of Trenton. The crossings were guarded with such care 
that Cornwallis decided to allow his men, tired from their 
rapid march, to rest until the following day. His plan was to 
attack in front and along Washington's right flank, and so force 
him back upon the Delaware, where he would be obliged to 
surrender. After observing the situation, Cornwallis went to 
bed in high spirits, saying, "At last we have run down the 
old fox, and will bag him in the morning." 

172. The Battle of Princeton. — But in the morning the 
'^ old fox " was gone. Ordering a force of men to keep fires 
burning along the front of the camp, and to make a show of 
strengthening the breastworks, Washington, with his main 
army, crossed the Assanpink, and passing around the left flank 
of the British, fell upon the force at Princeton at daybreak. 
The movement, brilliantly conceived and carefully planned, was 
completely successful. The British force at Princeton, after 
losing about five hundred men, was cut in two, one part re- 
treating to New Brunswick and the other falling back to Tren- 
ton. In this remarkable fight (January 3, 1777) the American 
loss was less than one hundred. 

173. Retreat of Cornwallis. — When Cornwallis found an 
empty camp before "him and heard the sound of cannon in the 



§174] 



THE WAR IN NEW JERSEY. 



131 



direction of Princeton, he fell back at once, in order to pro- 
tect his stores. At Princeton the full meaning of the disaster 
was revealed. Washington, at no time strong enough to risk a 
general battle, now contented himself with destroying bridges, 
harassing the enemy at every point, and finally taking up a 
commanding position on the heights of Morristown. To sup- 
port himself on either flank, he ordered Heath to come down 
from the highlands of the Hudson to Hackensack, and Putnam 
to advance from Philadelphia to Trenton. Cornwallis, finding 
himself thus confronted, withdrew to Paulus Hook and New 
York. Thus, in the dead of winter, Washington, with a greatly 
inferior force, had fought two successful battles, had taken 
prisoners numbering more than a third of his whole army, and 
had practically driven the British out of New Jersey. This 
campaign saved the Eevolution. 

174. Influence of "Washington's Success. — The influence of 
Washington's success was shown at once in many ways. In 




^One Sixth of a Dollar, 



Wjo a Rejolu- 

"^ '■' t ion of Coii - 

ffed atPhi- 
i^j ladelphia 



\February 17, 1776. B 

Continental Currency. 




r in ted by Hall 6? Sellers M 
^ in Philadelphia. 1776. ^ 



the first place it encouraged men to reenlist. The period for 
which many of the recruits had gone into the army had ex- 
pired on the 1st of January, They had received very little 



132 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1775 AND 1776 



[§175 



pay, and the paper money they got had now fallen greatly in 
value. In the face of a defeat, few would have reentered the 
service ; but for the payment of those who would reenlist, 
Washington pledged his own fortune, and thus succeeded in 
keeping his army intact. Another beneficial effect was shown 
in the influence exerted upon the British army and the Tories. 
Large numbers of Hessians now deserted, in order to avail 
themselves of the offers of land that had been made by Con- 
gress ; and many men of 
doubtful loyalty who, a 
few months before, had 
accepted the pardon 
offered by Howe, now 
made patriotic response 
to the counter-proclama- 
tion of Washington, re- 
quiring that they should 
either retire to the Brit- 
ish lines or take the 
oath of allegiance to the 
United States. 

175. Effects of the 
Campaign in Europe. — 

But the most important 
result of this remarkable 
winter campaign was its 
influence on the vari- 
ous powers of Europe. 
Washington's generalship called out the hearty commendation 
of Frederick the Great. In France a still greater interest was 
awakened. In the autumn of 1776 Franklin had been sent to 
Paris to secure a treaty. The sympathies of Louis XVI. were 
with George III. ; but, on the other hand, the French people 
had hated England ever since the fall of Quebec. Throughout 
France there was also beginning to be a widespread revolu- 




Marquis de Lafayette. 



I 



§ 176] THE WAR IN NEW JERSEY. 138 

tioiiary spirit. The disposition to recognize the independence 
of the United States greatly increased as soon as there was any 
probability of success. Though the French government still 
hesitated, many brave officers, such as Lafayette ^ and De 
Kalb, privately offered their services to the American cause. 
Lafayette, not yet twenty years of age and just married, threw 
himself into the enterprise with unlimited enthusiasm. He 
fitted out a ship at his own expense, and, leaving wife and 
friends behind, devoted all his powers to the new cause. Along 
with ten other officers, he arrived in America in the spring of 
1777. 

176. Reorganization of the American Army. — Congress now 
reorganized the army and conferred upon Washington powers 
that were practically those of a dictator. It also called for 
an army of seventy-eight thousand men, sixty-six thousand 
from the states and twelve thousand to be raised by Washing- 
ton and to be subject only to national control. But as Con- 
gress had no power to enforce its laws, the full number of 
troops called for was never provided. The army was, however, 
somewhat enlarged in size and greatly improved in quality. 



Repekencbs. — The same as at the end of Chapter VI. 

1 Born, September, 1757; died, May, 1834. French nobleman, whose sym- 
pathy for the American colonies was early excited ; landed in South Carolina 
in the spring of 1777 ; was appointed major general in July, 1777 ; was wounded 
at Brandywine ; served at Monmouth and in Rhode Island ; sat on court- 
martial which tried Andre ; commanded with much skill in Virginia against 
Arnold and Cornwallis in 1781 ; returned to France at close of the war, but 
came to America for a short visit in 1784 ; commanded the National Guard 
at the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789; was removed by the 
Jacobins in 1792; escaped to Belgium, where he was seized; was confined in 
Prussian and Austrian prisons till 1797; remained in retirement during the 
Napoleonic regime ; visited United States in 1824-1825 ; commanded National 
Guard of France in the Kevolution of 1830. 




George Washingtois. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CENTER. 

177. Plans of the British for 1777. — The British saw that 
if the next campaign was to be successful the war must be 
pushed forward on a much larger scale. They determined on 
three important movements. General Howe was to be re- 
enforced so that while holding New York he could open the 
Hudson to Albany. From the north a new and more powerful 
expedition, under General Burgoyne, was to repeat the attempt 
of Sir Guy Carleton. A third expedition, under Colonel St. 
Leger, was to ascend the St. Lawrence into Lake Ontario, and 
from Oswego, after taking Fort Stanwix and clearing the Valley 
of the Mohawk, unite with Burgoyne and Howe' in the vicinity 
of Albany. This comprehensive plan, if successful, would not 
only separate New England from the rest of the colonies, but 
would restore to the British the State of New York. 

178. Burgoyne' s Difficulties and Disappointments. — Burgoyne,^ 
ascending the St. Lawrence, entered Lake Champlain with 
about eight thousand men, consisting partly of British veterans 
and partly of Hessians. He had no difficulty in taking Fort 
Ticonderoga, for General Gates in providing for its defense 
had committed the same blunder that Howe had committed in 

iBoru, 1723; died, 1792. Member of the House of Commons and lieuten- 
ant general in the army ; served in Canada early in the war ; returned to 
England after the " Convention " at Saratoga ; published State of the Expedi- 
tion, in 1780; published a number of poems and comedies of some temporary 
note. 

135 



136 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 



[§178 



neglecting Dorchester Heights (§ 149). On a high, rocky point 
just south of the fort, General Phillips, one of Burgoyne's 
officers, succeeded in planting siege guns; and Gates saw at 
once that he must withdraw. But Burgoyne had no further 
success. He had expected large reenforcements from the Tory 
inhabitants, but in this he was disappointed. The preparations 

for meeting the Brit- 
ish had been admira- 
bly planned by Gen- 
eral Philip Schuyler,^ 
who was in com- 
mand of the Northern 
division of the army, 
with headquarters at 
Albany. His policy 
was to impede the 
march of the enemy 
until the Americans 
had time to gather 
strength. When Bur- 
goyne began to press 
his way southward, 
he found that trees 
had been felled across 
every road, and the 
best he could do was 
to advance at the rate of only about a mile a day. Mean- 
while the inhabitants of the region round about were rising, 
and sharpshooters began to harass him from every direction. 
When he reached Whitehall he realized that he was in danger 
of failing for want of provisions. 

1 Born, 1733 ; died, 1804. Fought in French and Indian War ; was member of 
the First Continental Congress ; was included in the first list of major gen- 
erals in 1775 ; was assigned to department of northern New York ; was super- 
seded by Gates ; resigned in 1779, but continued to be a trusted adviser of 
Washington, and was appointed Indian commissioner; was United States 
senator, 1789-1791 and 1797-1798. 




General Philip Schuyler. 



§ 179] THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CENTER. 137 

179. The Bennington Expedition. — Hearing that the Ameri- 
cans had large stores at Bennington, Burgoyne now sent a 
force of about one tliousand men, under two Hessian officers, 
Baum and Breymann, to capture them. The news of the 
expedition spread rapidly, and hundreds of patriots flocked to 
the defense. Among them was " good ^' Parson Allen, of 
Pittsfield, Massachusetts, 
who led an eager company 
from the Berkshire Hills. 
They were commanded by 
General John Stark,^ who 
had already distinguished 
himself in the old French 
War, and at Bunker Hill, 
at Trenton, and at Prince- 
ton. With his reenforce- 
ments, Stark's command 
now outnumbered Baum's 
by two to one. Baum, see- 
ing that resistance was to 
be offered, drew up his 
troops on high ground near General John Stark. 

the town and awaited an attack. On the morning of August 
16, Stark stealthily threw a part of his men into the rear, 
while in front he led the attack in person. The Germans, 
thinking the troops in the rear were those "blessed" Tories 
they had been looking for, were thrown into confusion on the 
first attack from front and rear, and were soon forced to sur- 
render. Baum was mortally wounded, and Breymann, on his 
way to the support of Baum, was met and defeated by a force 
under General Seth Warner. This exploit, one of the most 
brilliant of the war, cost the British two hundred and seven 

1 Bom, 1728 ; died, 1822. After the service briefly indicated in the text, 
he resigned in 1777 ; was demanded as leader by the New Hampshire militia at 
the time of Burgoyne 's invasion ; was advanced to the grade of brigadier 
general and served till the end of the war. 




138 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 



[§186 




killed and wounded, and more than seven hundred prisoners, 
besides four field-pieces and a thousand stand of arms. The 

loss of the Americans 
amounted to forty 
killed and forty-two 
wounded. 

180. General Schuy- 
ler Superseded. — 

There was much jeal- 
ousy between New 
England and New 
York, and much 
consequent intrigue. 
General Gates had 
long been scheming 
with Congress for 
his own advance- 
ment. He and his 
friends were now able 
to point out what the 
people of New Eng- 
land could do at Bennington, as contrasted with what General 
Schuyler had been able to do in New York. The result of the 
intrigue was that General Schuyler was removed and Gates 
was placed in command in his stead. 

181. Movements of Burgoyne. — No general change of policy 
resulted from Schuyler's removal. Burgoyne, finding himself 
in danger of being hemmed in at Whitehall, was forced to move 
toward the west and across the Hudson. Lincoln, with the 
New England militia, closed in on his rear, while Putnam 
arrived with a force from the Highlands and Arnold returned 
from the Valley of the Mohawk, where he had aided in re- 
pulsing St. Leger. It became daily more evident that unless 
relief should arrive from General Howe, Burgoyne must either 
defeat the Americans or surrender his whole army. No re- 



General John Burgoyne. 



I 



§ 182] THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CENTER. 139 

enforcements came, and two vigorous attempts at Freeman's 
Farm and Bemis Heights were frustrated by the skill and vigor 
of the troops commanded by Arnold and Morgan. The source of 
supplies for the British was now cut off ; and, attempting to re- 
treat by way of Saratoga, Burgoyne found his army completely 
surrounded by a force more than twice the size of his own. On 
the 17th of October he was obliged to capitulate, and surren- 
dered with his entire force of more than seven thousand men. 

Burgoyne demanded, and Gates consented, that the final act 
should be deemed a " convention ^' instead of a surrender or 
capitulation. Hence British historians are accustomed to refer 
to the event as the "Convention of Saratoga." The terms, 
however, were not essentially different. The troops were 
allowed to march out with the honors of war, and to march 
to Boston, where they were to embark for home. An oath was 
required that they would not again serve in the American 
war. But a misunderstanding soon ensued, and Congress 
repudiated the convention, in consequence of which Burgoyne 
and his army were not sent home, but retained as prisoners. 
Burgoyne, however, was permitted to go in the following 
spring. He soon entered Parliament and became a stanch 
defender of the American cause. The army was transferred to 
a camp at Charlottesville, Virginia. Before 1783 they had dis- 
persed and many had settled in different parts of the country. 

182. St. Leger's Campaign. — St. Leger fared scarcely better 
in his Western campaign. Advancing early in the spring from 
Oswego, he reached, on August 3, Fort Stanwix, an important 
point in Oneida County, now the city of Eome. He at once began 
the siege. A few days later a force of about eight hundred militia, 
gathered in the Mohawk Valley by General Herkimer, a veteran 
of the French war, advanced for the relief of the fort. Near 
Oriskany, however, his force fell into an ambuscade prepared 
by Sir John Johnson, the leader of the Tories, and Brant, the 
greatest of Mohawk chiefs. ' The battle was not decisive, but 
the confidence of the Indians and Tories was completely broken, 



140 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [§ 183 

and the Indians rapidly deserted. General Herkimer, severely 
wounded, died some days afterward.^ The panic of the Brit- 
ish was increased by the approach of a force under Arnold, 
which had been sent from Albany by Schuyler. St. Leger, 
attacked by a vigorous sortie from the fort on the one side, and 
by the surrounding patriots on the other, saw no chance of suc- 
cess, and accordingly beat a hasty retreat.^ Thus both the 
British expeditions in the North were complete failures. 

183. Blunder of the British Government. — It had been the 
design of the British government that General Howe, while 
holding New York with a part of his force, should ascend the 
Hudson with the other part for the reenf orcement of Burgoyne ; 
but the British minister of war, instead of sending peremptory 
orders, left much to the discretion of Howe.^ This gave an 

1 After General Herkimer was wounded, he had himself placed at the foot 
of a tree, where he continued to issue commands with stentorian voice. At 
the close of the battle he was taken to his house, about thirty-five miles away, 
and died after an unskillful operation. A tall granite obelisk was erected to 
his memory, near the site of this battle. 

2 The repulse of St. Leger and the relief of Fort Stanwix possess pecul- 
iar interest from the f^t that on that spot and on that day (August 6, 1777) 
the American flag, substantially as we now know it, was first raised. Con- 
gress had adopted the national flag in June, 1777. After a sortie which had 
been successful in driving back the besieging force of St. Leger, Colonel 
Willett, the patriot in command, hoisted a captured British flag, and put over 
it a rude banner of stars and stripes hastily patched together from a white 
shirt, a blue jacket, and a red flannel petticoat of a soldier's wife. 

3 While the state of the country and the roads made it impossible for the 
British divisions to support, or even communicate with, each other, the Amer- 
icans, workmg from within, could strike in either direction, wherever the blow 
would be the most effective. As the bodies of British troops were to work from 
without, toward a common center, it was of the highest importance to them 
that each should be under specific orders when and how to move. This was 
understood by the British ministry, but for some reason long imaccountable, 
Howe received no specific orders whatever. Such an order was really made, 
but when it had been prepared for the signature of the British minister of 
war. Lord George Germain, he petulantly objected to the clerical work, and 
ordered that a fair copy should be made. That night the minister went to 
his country seat, and the copy was placed in a pigeonhole to await his return. 
It was forgotten until long after Burgoyne surrendered. The delayed order 
directed Howe to ascend the Hudson and cooperate with Burgoyne. 



J 



§ 185] THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CENTER. 141 

opportunity for the scheming designs of General Lee, who was 
still a prisoner of war in the hands of the British. Lee had 
formerly been an officer in the British army, and Howe had 
serious thoughts of hanging him for desertion ; but Washing- 
ton wrote to Howe that he held five Hessian officers, whom he 
should treat as hostages for Lee. The British, thereupon, not 
daring to risk the anger of the Hessians that would surely fol- 
low an execution, concluded to hold Lee simply as prisoner of 
war, subject to exchange. But Lee, meantime, hoping to gain 
the favor of Great Britain, drew up an elaborate plan, advising 
the British in regard to the best method of assuring success. 
This treasonable paper, indorsed as "Mr. Lee's plan, March 
29, 1777," was not discovered until eighty years after the war. 

184. General Lee's Advice. — The advice of Lee was that 
Howe direct all his energies to an attack upon Philadelphia; 
and accordingly, as soon as the British commander heard of the 
success of Burgoyne in taking Ticonderoga, he decided to 
adopt this plan. His first purpose was, while leaving New 
York in command of a small force, to advance with the greater 
part of his army across New Jersey. But Washington, detect- 
ing his purpose, threw up strong intrenchments at Middlebrook, 
directly athwart his path. Howe thought it not prudent either 
to attack directly, or, by marching around, to leave his opponent 
in the rear. After nearly two months of unsuccessful effort to 
bring Washington to battle, he changed his plan, and about the 
middle of July withdrew his army to Staten Island. 

185. Movements of Howe. — It became evident at once to 
Washington that Howe's purpose was to put his force upon a 
fleet and either ascend the Hudson or sail to the south. The 
American commander was not left very long in doubt. Leav- 
ing eighteen hundred men under Sir Henry Clinton in New 
York, Howe put to sea. Washington at once inferred that 
Howe had gone south, but it was necessary to guard against 
the possibility of his turning suddenly northward and advanc- 
ing up the Hudson. On account of supposed obstacles in the 



142 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [§ 186 

Delaware below Philadelphia, Howe passed on one hundred 
miles farther, into Chesapeake Bay, and landed his army at 
Elkton. Hearing of Howe's arrival, Washington turned south 
to meet him. In order to prevent a panic in Philadelphia, he 
marched his army of eleven thousand men through the city. 

186. Battle of the Brandywine. — It was evident that Howe 
would advance upon Philadelphia without delay. Though 
Washington had only eleven thousand men with whom to meet 
Howe's eighteen thousand, he decided to contest the advance 
in a battle. Accordingly the Americans were posted along 
the north bank of Brandywine Creek, with their center at 
Chadd's Pord. The position was admirably chosen, and the 
forces were skillfully posted. But the British decided to force 
the passage by means of a flank movement. On the morn- 
ing of September 11, Cornwallis, who commanded the British 
left, marched up the river some eighteen miles by the Lan- 
caster road and crossed at Jeffrey's Ford, intending to pass 
around and attack the Americans in the rear. The success of 
such a movement depended upon its secrecy. Washington, 
fortunately, learned of the operation in time to order Sullivan 
to change his front and meet Cornwallis as he approached. 
But for this discovery the Americans would undoubtedly have 
been routed and a large part of the army captured. Sullivan 
fought with great bravery and skill, but he was not able to 
repulse the enemy. In order to support Sullivan the whole 
American army fell back, but it fell back in good order, chiefly 
through the masterly skill of Greene. The Americans lost a 
little more than a thousand, and the loss of the British was 
about six hundred. The skill of the Americans in the retreat 
was shown by the fact that Washington opposed the advance 
of the British so vigorously that fifteen days were consumed 
by Howe in a march of twenty-six miles to the city. On Sep- 
tember 26 the British moved into Philadelphia. Cornwallis 
was left in command of the city, while Howe established his 
headquarters at the adjacent village of Germantown. 



§ 187] THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CENTER. 143 

187. Needs of the British; Battle of Germantown. — As the 
American army had not been crippled, it was easy for Wash- 
ington to cut off the supplies of his enemy on the landward 
side. The British were therefore dependent upon vessels from 
the sea. To clear the river of obstructions a force was at once 
sent from Philadelphia. Washington determined to take ad- 
vantage of this advance and to attack the main army at Ger- 
mantown, while the British were thus temporarily weakened. 
Such extraordinary audacity on the part of an army which had 
just been defeated seems never to have entered the minds of the 
British. But on the evening of the 3d of October, Washing- 
ton began his march, with the jjurpose of nothing less than the 
destruction or capture of Howe's force. The town was to be 
approached by four roads, the army consisting of two divisions, 
under Greene and Sullivan. The advance arrived at the out- 
skirts of the village at daybreak, but unfortunately a heavy 
fog came up, so that it was impossible for the different lines to 
recognize one another. The Americans advanced successfully 
in four different columns and seemed likely to push the British 
back upon the river and completely overwhelm them ; but, in 
the center of the field, one of the brigades of General Greene's 
division came into collision with one from that of General 
Sullivan. Each, supposing the enemy had been met, fired upon 
the other.^ A confusion resulted which gave the British time to 
recover, and the Americans were finally repulsed. This battle 
is universally considered as one of the boldest fought by the 
Americans, and it came wonderfully near to complete success. 
Howe and Cornwallis were now left for the winter in Phila- 
delphia, while Washington took up his winter quarters at 
Valley Forge, only a few miles away, where he could prevent 
the British from foraging the country. 



References. — The same as at the end of Chapter VI. 



1 Stephen, whose brigade fired upon that of Wayne, was tried by court- 
martial and dismissed from the service. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE FRENCH ALLIANCE AND THE CAMPAIGNS OF 
1778 AND 1779. 

A WINTER OF DISCOURAGEMENT. 

188. Change in the Commissariat of the Army. — Nearly a 
year before the close of the campaigns just described, Congress 
had very unwisely determined to make a change in the control 
of the commissariat of the army. Up to this time it had been 
a part of the military service and had been successfully managed 
by Colonel Trumbull ; but it was now decided to appoint two 
officers, — one for procuring the supplies, and another for dis- 
tributing them. This system of divided responsibility caused 
the greatest discomfort to the army. 

189. The Winter at Valley Forge. — Washington's force, in 
its winter quarters at Valley Forge, was subjected to terrible 
suffering. On the 22d of December two brigades became 
mutinous, because for three days they had gone without bread 
and for two days without meat. On the following day Wash- 
ington informed Congress that he had in camp two thousand 
eight hundred and ^ ninety-eight men " unfit for duty because 
they are barefooted and otherwise naked." Even when his 
army first marched into winter quarters, their route could be 
traced on the snow by the blood that oozed from their bare 
and frost-bitten feet; and matters grew worse as the winter 
advanced. This condition was not owing to any actual want 
of supplies, for it was afterward found that "hogsheads 
of shoes, stockings, and clothing were lying at different 
places on the roads and in the woods, perishing for want of 

144 



i 



i 



§ 190] 



A WINTER OF DISCOURAGEMENT. 



146 



teams or of money to pay the teamsters." It was in con- 
sequence of gross mismanagement on the part of the com- 
missariat, that the winter at Valley Forge was one of such 
memorable suffering and death. 




The Middle Atlantic States. 

190. The Coming of Baron von Steuben. — But the winter, sad 
as it was in most respects, brought one great advantage. 
Agents in Europe succeeded in persuading one of the most 
efficient soldiers from the staff of Frederick the Great to offer 
his experience to the American cause. This was Baron von 



146 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 



[§191 



Steuben.^ He had gone through every grade of the Prussian 
service up to the rank of marshal, and his knowledge of mili- 
tary drill caused him 
to be appointed in- 
spector general of the 
American armies. It 
would be difficult to 
overestimate the value 
of his services. He 
found the raw Ameri- 
can troops completely 
unaccustomed to the 
exact military meth- 
ods of Europe, and he 
set himself to teach 
them all the arts and 
methods of the reg- 
ular soldier. Taking 
a musket in his hand, 
this Prussian officer 
of highest rank de- 
voted himself from 
morning till night to 
the most elementary, as well as the most intricate, "parts of 
military drill. Thus, in the course of the terrible winter at 
Valley Forge, Baron von Steuben brought the army into a con- 
dition of efficiency it had never known before. 

191. General Causes of Discontent. — During this winter there 
were numerous matters that occasioned great anxiety. It is at 

1 Bom in Magdeburg, Prussia, 1730; died, 1794. Fought in the war of the 
Austrian Succession, also throughout the Seven Years' War ; received a very- 
exalted position from Frederick the Great, which he gave up in 1778 for ser- 
vice in America ; was appointed inspector general, and rendered invaluable 
service at Valley Forge and elsewhere in drilling the American troops ; com- 
manded the left wing at Monmouth ; was member of the board which con- 
demned Andre; settled in central New York at the close of the war, and 
received from Congress a large grant of land near Utica. 




Baron von Steuben. 



§ 192] A WINTER OF DISCOURAGEMENT. 147 

the present time easy to see that Washington's plan of conduct- 
ing the war was the only one that gave any promise of success. 
But it was one that could be easily misunderstood and mis- 
represented. It was possible for unfriendly critics to say that 
he had been driven from New York ; that he had lost Phila- 
delphia; and that he had been defeated in two important 
battles. It was also easy to overlook the far more important 
fact that he had kept his army intact, and that he had managed 
to fight and to avoid fighting in such a way as to keep the 
enemy occupied at the center so that the great object of the 
British campaign, the opening of the Hudson, was completely 
frustrated. 

192. Intrigues of Gates and Others. — The country was not 
lacking in people who were ready to seize upon opportunities 
for slander and intrigue. John Hancock, the first president 
of Congress, had been ambitious for the position of commander 
in chief, and, as many charged, had, in consequence of his fail- 
ure to obtain that office, resigned his presidency in disgust. 
The impetuous Samuel Adams, and even John Adams, had 
uttered loud complaints over what was called the "Fabian 
policy," and had clamored for a short and decisive war. The 
success of the Northern army had enabled Gates,^ who was 
the arch-intriguer of the time, to present his claims with some 
show of plausibility. By distributing promises throughout the 
army he created a widespread sentiment in behalf of Washing- 
ton's removal and his own appointment. His friends sent 
letters from every quarter to members of Congress, representing 
that before Gates had commanded the army of the North, Bur- 
goyne had had uninterrupted success, and that immediately 
after Gates's appointment the coils were rapidly thrown about 

1 Born in England, 1728 ; died, 1806. Was captain in Braddock's Expedition ; 
was appointed adjutant general in the colonial army in 1775 ; superseded 
Schuyler as commander of the Northern forces in 1777 ; conspired to gain the 
chief command in 1778 ; placed in command of the Southern army in 1780 ; was 
overwhelmingly defeated at Camden ; was retired from command, and was 
not acquitted by court-martial till 1782. 



148 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 



[§193 



the British commander until he was compelled to surrender. 

Of course no mention was made of the fact that the victory 

at Bennington was 
solely due to Stark 
and his New Eng- 
land volunteers ; 
that the repulse of 
St. Leger was due 
to Herkimer and 
Arnold ; and that 
the two victories 
over Burgoyne were 
due chiefly to the 
vigor and skill of 
Arnold and Morgan. 

193. The Conway 
Cabal. — The most 
conspicuous man- 
ager of the intrigue 
was an Irish-Ameri- 
can officer, by the 
name of Conway, 
who had not been promoted by Washington as rapidly as 
he had desired. Congress, notwithstanding the opposition of 
Washington, was disposed to advance Conway and a number 
of other subordinate officers. Washington did not hesitate to 
express his disapproval, and even went so far as to say, " It 
will be impossible for me to be of any further service if such 
insuperable difficulties are thrown in my way." This was very 
justly interpreted as a threat to resign, and it was effective. 
But the anger of Conway toward Washington was naturally 
increased. The intrigues that followed have passed into his- 
tory as the "Conway Cabal." The only success of the move- 
ment was to induce Congress to reorganize the " Board of 
War " and make Gates its president. Public sentiment was 




General Horatio Gates. 



1 



§196] PROSPECTS BRIGHTEN. 149 

SO overwhelmingly favorable to Washington, that Congress 
ventured to go no farther. Extracts from some of the letters 
were published and thus the whole spirit of the intrigue was 
revealed. The scornful silence of Washington, who never in 
his life condescended to defend himself, reacted greatly in his 
favor. In the end, the commander in chief was stronger in 
his position than ever. Gates resigned in disgust and returned 
to his plantation in Virginia. 

PROSPECTS BRIGHTEN. 

194. Treaty with France. — America had now single-handed 
carried on the war for more than two years, but the defeat of 
Burgoyne and St. Leger in the North, and the vigor with which 
Washington conducted the campaign in New Jersey and about 
Philadelphia, convinced the French that the time for recognition 
had arrived. Treaties were signed on February 6, 1778, between 
France and the United States, in which France pledged herself 
to furnish ships, as well as men, and the Americans, on their 
part, agreed not to cease the conflict until Great Britain acknowl- 
edged their independence. Thereafter England was at war 
with France, as well as with America. 

195. Howe succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton. — The French 

alliance obliged the British to change their plan of action. 
Howe, who had never believed in the British policy, now 
resigned and returned to England, and Sir Henry Clinton 
succeeded him in command. Anticipating the approach of the 
French fleet, and evidently fearing that the French and Ameri- 
cans together would prove too strong for the British at New 
York, Clinton decided to evacuate Philadelphia. Washington, 
whose army, notwithstanding the sufferings at Valley Forge, 
showed the effects of the careful drilling by Baron von Steuben, 
determined to attack the British on their northern march. 

196. The Battle of Monmouth. — The place chosen was Mon- 
mouth, and the battle took place on Sunday, the 28th of 
June. The northern portion of the American force was 



150 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. [§ 197 

ordered to attack the British on their flank, while Washington 
himself, by closing in upon their rear with the southern divi- 
sion, hoped to overwhelm them. General Charles Lee, whose 
treason was still unknown to Washington, had been exchanged, 
and, as senior major general, had command of the northern 
portion of the army, consisting of about six thousand men. 
Washington ordered him to attack Clinton's flank with vigor, 
while the commander in chief himself, with a still larger 
force, was to attack at the moment when the enemy had been 
thrown into confusion. Lee, however, on reaching the British, 
made only a feeble show of advance and then ordered- his 
troops to withdraw. Washington, informed of the situation 
by a messenger from Lafayette, rushed forward in furious 
anger and demanded an explanation. As no satisfactory 
reason for his retreat could be given, Washington ordered Lee 
to the rear, and, galloping along the disordered mass of retreat- 
ing troops, shouted for a halt, and then reformed the lines. 
The results of the winter's drill were at once felt, for in the 
face of the enemy and under a hard fire the American troops 
fell into order, wheeled about, and rushed forward to a new 
attack. The British were driven from the ground they had 
gained ; but night came on, and the two armies occupied the 
positions held before the battle. Before morning the British 
resumed their way to New York.^ After the battle, Lee was 
tried by a court-martial, consisting of several of the most 
eminent officers in the army, and was dismissed from the 
service. 

197. First Efforts of the French. — The first efforts of the 
French to assist the Americans were not fortunate. Count 
D'Estaing, a kinsman of Lafayette, arrived on the 8th of 
July with a squadron of twelve ships of the line and six 
frigates, and a land force on board of four thousand men. 

1 The effect of the evacuation of Philadelphia and the battle of Monmouth 
was naturally very disheartening to the British army. As many as two thou- 
sand of Clinton's soldiers, chiefly Hessians, deserted within a week. 



§ 198] PROSPECTS BRIGHTEN. 151 

His fleet was larger than that of Clinton ; but as two of his 
vessels could not cross the New York bar, he was not strong 
enough to venture an attack. The next movement was an 
effort to cooperate with the land force of General Sullivan in 
reducing Newport, Ehode Island. This point had been taken 
by the British soon after their expulsion from Boston, and 
had been held to the present time. Sullivan now approached 
with a large force from the land side, and D'Estaing was to 
prevent reenforcements by sea. It appeared certain that the 
post would be taken. But soon Lord Howe approached with 
his fleet, and D'Estaing moved out for action. In the nick 
of time one of the most terrific storms ever known came on 
and dispersed both fleets. D'Estaing felt compelled to put 
into Boston for repairs. While he was there word came that 
Clinton had sent five thousand men to relieve the Newport 
garrison. Lafayette galloped seventy miles in seven hours to 
obtain aid from D'Estaing, but it was too late. The siege had 
to be raised, and soon D'Estaing moved off to the West Indies. 
These movements of the French were very severely criticised 
by the Americans, and in consequence, at one time the French 
admiral thought seriously of taking his fleet back to France in 
disgust. It was only the great tact and skill of Washington 
that persuaded him to remain. His going to the West Indies 
was not without importance, for Clinton felt obliged to send five 
thousand troops for the support of the British in the islands. 

198. British Movement on the South. — The efforts thus far 
made to destroy the revolutionary army by striking at its 
center having failed, the British determined in the spring of 
1779 upon a new policy. It was decided to attack the South, 
partly for the purpose of bringing the Southern states com- 
pletely under their control, and partly for the purpose of draw- 
ing off a portion of W^ashington's army. In the execution of 
this plan they had no difficulty in overrunning Georgia and 
South Carolina, but Washington understood perfectly well that 
the temporary loss of the Southera states would not mean the 



152 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 



[§199 




General Anthony Wayne. 



loss of the cause if 
the Middle states and 
New England could 
be kept together. 
He therefore refused 
to weaken his grip 
upon the Hudson. 
In July, General An- 
thony Wayne ^ took 
by storm the seem- 
ingly impregnable po- 
sition at Stony Point 
on the Hudson, in one 
of the most brilliant 
assaults of the war. 
His fearless dash, 
which was made at 
midnight, caused him 
to be known as " Mad 
Anthony." 



eONDITIONS WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES. 

199. British Control in the West. — At the outbreak of the 
war the vast region west of the mountains was already the 
field of much strife between the Indians and the few settlers 
that had pushed their way along the valleys into what was then 
the far West. The territory between the mountains and the 



1 Born, 1745; died, 1796. Early became a member of the Penusylvania 
Committee of Public Safety, and commander of a regiment in the Canadian 
invasion of 1775-1776 ; commanded at Ticonderoga ; was appointed brigadier 
general, and rendered valuable service at the Brandywine, at German town, and 
at Monmouth ; stormed Stony Point, July 15, 1779 ; suppressed mutiny at Mor- 
ristown in January, 1781 ; rendered important service in Georgia and Vir- 
ginia in 1781-1782; was made major general, and overwhelmed the Indians 
at Fallen Timbers, 1794, which led to a treaty of peace with the Indians in 
1795. 



§200] CONDITIONS WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES. 153 



C^'^tn.y^j 



Wayne's Dispatch to Washington. 





Mississippi Eiver, a region twice as large as the German 
Empire, was still an almost unbroken wilderness. French, 
settlements had been established at Detroit, at Vincennes on 
the Wabash, and at 
Natchez, Kaskaskia, 
and Cahokia on the 
Mississippi. But 
these fortified ham- 
lets since the fall of 
Quebec had been con- 
trolled by British 
garrisons. Though 
the region was thus 
under British do- 
minion, it was 
claimed by Massa- 
chusetts, Connecti- 
cut, New York, Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, North and South Carolina, and Georgia by 
authority of their original charters. The possession of the 
whole region was therefore involved in the war. 

200. Settlements in Tennessee and Kentucky. — Virginia and 
North Carolina were the first to send explorers and settlers 
into this distant region. Before the outbreak of the war, 
Daniel Boone ^ had explored the Kentucky Eiver, and Virginia 
surveyors had gone down the Ohio as far as the present site of 
Louisville, which was soon after named in honor of our new 
ally, the reigning king of France, Louis XVI. Virginians 
entered the country as settlers, and their sympathy with the 
revolutionary movement was so intense that they named one of 

1 Born, 1735 ; died, 1820. Was a daring and skillful hunter and explorer in 
Nortth Carolina ; went into the region that is now Kentucky in 1769 ; became 
exceptionally skillful as an Indian fighter ; overwhelmed the Indians at the 
battle of Blue Licks in 1782; after countless adventures and hairbreadth 
escapes, passed his last days in poverty in Missouri, though a grant of laud 
"Was tardily given him by Congress. 



154 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. [§201 

their principal towns Lexington, in honor of the village where 
the first shots had been fired. The pioneers of most influence 
in Tennessee were James Kobertson and John Sevier, who 
played a part as explorers and organizers much like the parts 

played by Daniel Boone and 
James Harrod in Kentucky. 
In both of these regions laws 
were enacted and courts 
instituted, and when the 
Continental Congress met, 
delegates were sent to it to 
represent the interests of 
the new settlements. The 




one was called the State of 
Transylvania and the other 
the County of Kentucky. 

201. Border Warfare. — 

The early years of these set- 
tlements were periods of con- 
stant hardship and of strife 

^ _, with the Indians. Even 

Daniel Boone. . 

before the Revolutionary 

War broke out, the Indians organized for systematic resistance. 

This was the result partly of outrageous treatment by the white 

settlers, and partly of repeated Indian depredations. 

202. Lord Dunmore's "War. — Lord Dunmore, the last royal 
governor of Virginia, sent out in 1773 an injudicious order 
which led to an outbreak of hostilities all along the line. The 
immediate cause of the war was the fiendish act of a wretch by 
the name of Greathouse, who decoyed the family of the friendly 
Indian chief, Logan, consisting of nine men, women, and chil- 
dren, into his rum shop, and after getting them intoxicated, 
butchered them all in cold blood. The justly outraged Indians 
rushed to arms from all quarters. The war which followed 
was characterized by the murdering of women and children 



§204] CONDITIONS WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES. 165 

and the burning of cabins and wigwams, until it was ended by 
the decisive battle of Point Pleasant on the Great Kanawha, on 
October 10, 1774. The Indians, commanded by the Shawnee 
chief. Cornstalk, were utterly defeated by the settlers under 
Andrew Lewis, and were glad to secure peace by surrendering 
all their claims to lands south of the Ohio. 

203. Warfare in Tennessee. — The westward movement from 
North Carolina through the Great Smoky Mountains into the 
country now known as Tennessee was also the occasion of 
numerous conflicts. In 1770 the settlers had reached the 
Watauga. Forts were erected, and the settlement soon assumed 
a thriving condition. But conflicts were not long postponed. 
The most warlike and powerful of the Southern tribes of 
Indians were the Cherokees, and on the outbreak of the Revo- 
lution they took sides with the British. The Indians even 
advanced into South Carolina and Georgia; but they were 
unable to hold their ground, and when in 1776 they attacked 
the Watauga settlement, they were so completely defeated by 
the troops of Eobertson and Sevier that they soon afterward 
were willing to make peace. In 1777 they renounced the larger 
part of their claims to lands between the Tennessee and the 
Cumberland. Thus Tennessee, as well as Kentucky, was secure 
for the future Union. 

204. Organization of Tories and Indians in the Northwest. — 

Meanwhile matters of no less importance were occurring on the 
northwest frontier. Washington fully understood the neces- 
sity of taking from the British as much as possible of that 
vast territory which extends from the Catskills to the Missis- 
sippi Eiver, and which had been made a part of Canada by 
the Quebec Act (§ 136). This was by no means an easy task. 
The Six Nations (§ 3), constituting the most powerful Indian 
confederation ever known, were under the immediate lead- 
ership of the greatest of all Indian chiefs, Joseph Brant, 
and under the influence of Sir John Johnson, the most for- 
midable of the Tories. Brant had been liberally educated in 



156 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. [§205 

Mr. Wheelock's School, afterward Dartmouth College, and had 
even visited England and had dined with Burke and Sheridan ; 
but his education seemed only to sharpen his wits and make 
him the better able to use the characteristics of other Indians. 
Though he exerted his influence to prevent the killing of women 
and children, as a strategist he was unequaled among sav- 
ages, and on the battlefield he could out-yell any other chief. 
Throughout the AVest the Indians had generally combined 
with the Tories and the British. Two forces were now organ- 
ized, one at Niagara and one at Detroit, for carrying out 
their designs. 

205. The Wyoming and Cherry Valley Massacres. — In the 
summer of 1778 twelve hundred Tories and Iroquois, led 
by John Butler, advanced stealthily from Niagara toward the 
southeast and fell upon the peaceful inhabitants of the Wyo- 
ming Valley in Pennsylvania. Hundreds of innocent inhabit- 
ants were tortured and scalped, and the horrors of the massacre 
sent a pang into all parts of the civilized world. Similar out- 
rages occurred at Cherry Valley and elsewhere, and every 
settlement was in danger. Prisoners who refused to give infor- 
mation were put to torture with ingenious cruelty. 

206. Sullivan^s Expedition. — In order to destroy the power 
of the Six Nations and put an end to this savage method of 
warfare, Washington decided to send out a strong force in the 
summer of 1779. The command of the expedition, having been 
declined by Gates, devolved upon Sullivan,^ who had orders to 
lay waste the entire country of the Iroquois. The right wing 
of his army, under General James Clinton, advanced up the 



1 Born in New Hampshire, 1740 ; died, 1795. Major general of militia be- 
fore the war ; delegate of New Hampshire to First Continental Congress ; was 
appointed brigadier general in 1775 ; served at siege of Boston and in expedi- 
tion into Canada ; major general in 1776; was one of the principal commanders 
at Brooklyn, Trenton, and Princeton; led the right wing at Brandywine and 
German town ; destroyed the power of the Iroquois in 1779 ; was an active 
Federalist in the New Hampshire Convention of 1788. 






§207] CONDITIONS WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES. 157 



valley of the Mohawk, while Sullivan himself, with a force of 
about five thousand men, pushed into the valley of the Susque- 
hanna. Both forces destroyed the Indian villages and the 
growing crops wherever they went. 
Finally, meeting the united forces 
of Johnson, Butler, and Brant 
near Newtown (now Elmira), Sulli- 
van achieved a complete victory, 
August 29.^ 




General John Sullivan. 



207. Destruction of the Six Na^ 
tions. — Sullivan's forces then ad- 
vanced northward in two divisions, 
burning villages, cutting down fruit 
trees, and destroying the growing 
corn in all directions. After a suc- 
cessful march of more than seven 

hundred miles, during which he not only temporarily, but per- 
manently, through his destruction of their harvests, broke the 
power of the Six Nations, Sullivan reached New Jersey in 
October. The suffering which resulted to the Indians from 
this expedition was greatly increased by the intense cold of 
the following winter.^ The horrors of the period, however, 
cannot be understood without a study of painful and revolting 
details. In no part of the country was the suffering greater 
than in central and eastern New York during this contest of 
Indians, Tories, and patriots. In Try on County the population 
was reduced to one third of its former number, and among 
those who remained there are said to have been three hundred 
widows and two thousand orphans. 



1 After the battle so many horses and ponies were slain by Sullivan's 
order, that the number of skulls found at a later period caused the place 
to be called Horseheads, the name by which the locality has ever since been 
known. 

/2 New York Harbor froze over, and cannon and men, as well as supplies, 
were freely moved on the ice between New York, New Jersey, and Staten 
Island. 



158 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 



[§208 



THE CONQUEST OF THE NORTHWEST. 

208. George Rogers Clark. — An expedition of even greater 
importance had been undertaken the previous year, still farther 

west, by George Eogers 
Clark.^ Colonel Hamilton, 
commander of the British 
at Detroit, had planned a 
series of movements with 
the intention of taking 
possession of the whole 
western region north of the 
Ohio. Clark, a Virginian 
who had settled in Ken- 
tucky, had become thor- 
oughly acquainted with 
frontier manners and 
methods. In the autumn 
of 1777, he learned of Bur- 
goyne's surrender. Divin- 
ing the importance of the 
West, he at once sent 
scouts throughout the 
region known as the Illi- 
nois country. As a result of the information thus received, 
this adventurous frontiersman, only twenty-five years old, 
formed the bold project of conquering from the British the 
whole of the vast region extending from the Alleghanies to 
the Mississippi. 

209. Clark's Expedition. — Accordingly, having secured per- 
mission, from the authorities of Virginia, Clark, taking a force 
of one hundred and eighty men, with boats and artillery, 
started in the spring of 1778, at Pittsburg, for a voyage 

1 Born, 1752 ; died, 1818. Went from Virgiuia to Kentucky in 1775 ; became 
a leader against the hostile Indians and the British; gained the Northwest 
for the Union in 1778. 




General George Kogers Clark. 



§211] THE VICTORIES OF PAUL JONES. 159 

down the river to the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi. 
He had no difficulty in capturing Kaskaskia, a small post 
not very far north of the modern Cairo. Thence he sent mes- 
sengers to Vincennes, which agreed to submit to him. Later, 
however, he learned that the British under Colonel Hamilton 
had retaken the fort. Sending his cannon on a boat to patrol 
the Ohio and the Wabash, Clark took his men across Illinois 
in a winter's march, often through mud and water knee deep, 
and appeared before Vincennes. The village at once yielded, 
and the people united with Clark in assaulting the fort. 
Hamilton was soon obliged to surrender with his whole force. 
By this brilliant expedition, the frontier was extended to the 
Mississipj)i River. The importance of the movement could 
hardly be understood at the time, but the history of the next 
hundred years revealed it in many very interesting ways. 

THE VICTORIES OF PAUL JONES. 

210. Early Condition of the Navy. — Before the war the Ameri- 
cans had no navy, for there was no najbional government, and the 
individual colonies, under the Navigation Acts, had no oppor- 
tunities for the development 'of foreign trade. Soon after the 
outbreak of hostilities, however. Congress provided for arming 
vessels, not so much to fight the British warships as to prey upon 
British commerce. Franklin, as minister to France after 1778, 
was authorized by Congress to commission vessels to scour the 
waters for British prizes. 

211. The Bon Homme Richard. — The most famous of these 
cruisers was a merchant ship that had been hastily fitted up 
for war and given the name of Bon Homme Richard. This 
vessel, commanded by John Paul Jones,^ a Scotchman who had 

iBorn, 1747; died, 1792. Came from Scotland to Virginia shortly before 
the Revolutionary War; entered the service of his adopted country with 
great enthusiasm ; commissioned first lieutenant in the navy, and made a 
number of successful cruises; went to France in 1777, where he was given 
command first of the Ranger, and then of the Bon Homme Richard ; he 
devastated St. George's Channel, and finally fought the Serapis ; was thanked 



160 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1778 AND 1779. 



[§211 



renounced his country and lived some years in America, made 
havoc among the British merchantmen, especially in the British 
and Irish Channels and off the east coast of Scotland. On the 
23d of September, 1779, Jones, with two small accompany- 
ing vessels, met the 
British frigate Sera- 
pis, with similar sup- 
port, convoying a small 
fleet of merchant- 
men, off Flamborough 
Head. The xS'eropis was 
slightly more powerful 
than the Richard, but 
Jones did not hesitate 
to attack, and the re- 
sult was one of the 
most obstinate and 
bloody battles in all 
naval history. Jones 
received no assistance 
from his attendant 
ships, which even fired 
into the Richard. Af- 
ter both ships had 
been partially disabled, 
Jones ran alongside the 
Serapis and lashed them together. From that moment a terrible 
battle with canister, musket balls, hand grenades, and cutlasses 
went on, until more than half of all the men engaged were either 
killed or disabled. The Serapis finally surrendered, but it was 
immediately found that the Richard had been so riddled with 
shot that it was sinking, and Jones therefore was obliged to 
transfer his men to the other vessel. A few hours later the 
Richard went down. 




Captain John Paul Jones. 



by Congress and given a sword by France; 
Russian navy, and died at Paris. 



became a rear admiral in the 



J 



§ 212] THE VICTORIES OF PAUL JONES. 161 

212. Importance of Jones's Victory. — This desperate naval 
battle was important for two reasons : first, it everywhere gave 
the Americans a reputation as sailors ; and secondly, it led to an 
important international dispute. Jones took the Serapis into a 
port in Holland. The British at once demanded that the com- 
mander of the Richard should be given up to be tried as a pirate. 
The Dutch refused, on the ground that Jones had done only 
what the British had long been doing. This, with some other 
complications, led to war between Holland and Great Britain. 
The English, in consequence, were then at war with Holland, 
as well as with America and France. Spain was also drawn 
in as the ally of France. Russia had long been apparently on 
the point of joining in the contest, but the Empress Catherine, 
before taking a final step, wrote a personal letter of inquiry to- 
Frederick the Great, who advised her to keep out of the trouble. 
Thus England, left without a single ally,foundherself confronted 
by three of the most powerful naval forces of continental Europe. 
The united fleets of France and Spain, even without the help of 
Holland, were scarcely weaker than the British fleet, and they 
at once threatened, while the English were occupied in America, 
not only to destroy the commerce of England in the open seas, 
but also to recover Gibraltar, and to overwhelm all the English 
possessions in the West Indies. The influence of these alliances 
on the American war may be inferred from the fact that while 
in 1779 the British had three hundred and fourteen thousand 
men under arms, not a tenth of that number were at any time 
in America. 

References. — The same as at the end of Chapter VL 



CHAPTER X. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. 

THE WAR IN THE SOUTH. 

213. Clinton's Success in the South. — Sir Henry Clinton, even 
without a very large force, found it possible to carry out his 
designs in the South with energy and success. Leaving Knyp- 
hausen a part of his force to defend New York, he started, 
December 26, 1779, with eight thousand men, for the South. 
Savannah fell into his hands, and a little later he invested 
Charleston. General Lincoln made the great mistake of al- 
lowing himself with five thousand men to be shut up in that 
city with no means of escape, and accordingly he was forced 
to surrender on the 12th of May, 1780, with his whole army. 
This was the severest blow the Americans had received. Clin- 
ton at once put Lord Cornwallis in command, after issuing a 
proclamation, threatening to deal with all who did not return 
to allegiance as traitors and rebels. He then went back to 
New York. South Carolina was soon overrun by the troops of 
Cornwallis, Tarleton, and Ferguson. 

214. Northward Movement of the British. — The American 
standards, however, were kept flying by the heroic deeds of 
the partisan generals, Marion and Sumter. The British ad- 
vanced northward, hoping to find very little opposition before 
reaching Virginia. Washington recommended the appointment 
of Greene to the command of the Southern army; but the 
intriguers were successful, and Congress recalled Gates from 
his retirement, in the hope that the experience of Burgoyne 

162 






§214] 



THE WAR TN THE SOUTH. 



168 



would be repeated by Cornwallis. ^ But in North. Carolina 
there had been no Schuyler to plan the campaign in advance, 
and there was no 
Arnold or Morgan to 
assist in carrying it 
out. Gates revealed 
his inefficiency at 
every step ; and when 
the two armies finally 
came together, on the 
16th of August, 1780, 
his troops suffered at 
Camden the most dis- 
astrous defeat ever 
inflicted on an Ameri- 
can army. Though 
the American force 
was superior to the 
British, it was routed, 
driven in utter con- 
fusion from the field, 
and dispersed. Gates 
himself, after com- 
mitting a succession of gross blunders, crowned his igno- 
miny by joining in the panic and finally leaving the army 
to its fate. In four days he reached Hillsborough, some two 
hundred miles away. Thus the worst fears of Washington 
were fully realized, and the whole South, was practically in 

1 Born, 1737 ; died, 1806. Served in the Seven Years' War ; favored the 
Americans during the preliminary discussions in Parliament ; was made lieu- 
tenant general, and sent to America in 1776; fought at Long Island; was 
defeated at Princeton ; decided the victory by a flank movement at the Brandy- 
wine ; served at Germantowu and Monmouth ; overwhelmed Gates at Camden, 
1780 ; defeated Greene at Guilford Court House, 1781 ; was so outgeneralled that 
he practically lost the South and retreated into Virginia, where he was over- 
whelmed by Lafayette and Washington at Yorktown, 1781 ; was governor gen- 
eral in India, 1786-1793; was lord lieutenant of Ireland, 1798-1801 ; is properly 
considered the ablest of the British generals in the Kevolutionary War. 




Lord Cornwallis. 



164 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. [§ 215 

the grasp of the British. Clinton might well suppose the end to 
be near at hand. 



THE TREASON OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

215. Growth of Arnold's Disaffection. — As if to complete a 
year of disasters, the country received a terrible shock in the 
treason of one of its foremost officers. Benedict Arnold, who 
had been one of the most skillful, as well as one of the most 
energetic of commanders, had been slighted in various ways. 
Washington had repeatedly recommended that he be advanced 
from brigadier to major general, but Congress promoted five 
officers of inferior rank over him. These facts not unnaturally 
soured his temper, so that he was inclined to find fault with 
everything. While he was in this mood Washington assigned 
him to the command in Philadelphia, after the withdrawal 
of Clinton, where he was noted for luxurious tastes and ex- 
travagant methods of life. Meanwhile he became engaged 
to Margaret Shippen, a beautiful daughter of one of the most 
prominent Tory families in Philadelphia. Before many months, 
his views had drifted completely over to those of the moderate 
Tory party. After the surrender of Burgoyne, the British 
government had offered the colonies all the constitutional 
guarantees they had asked for before the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and Arnold, as well as the Tories generally, believed 
that these terms should have been accepted. 

216. Charges by Congress against Arnold. — Arnold was 
seriously contemplating the advisability of resigning his post, 
owing to the hostility of the Executive Council, when charges of 
peculation and misconduct were brought against him. There- 
upon he promptly demanded an investigation. He was ac- 
quitted, not only by a committee of Congress, but afterward 
by a court-martial, of all the charges excepting two of very 
trifling importance. But he felt insulted and persecuted. His 
hatred of Congress became intense, and accordingly, in the 
course of the six months froui January to July, 1780, he 



^ 



§ 218] THE TREASON OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 165 

devised one of the most infamous schemes in history. He 
entered into correspondence with the British commander, for 
the purpose of betraying the American cause. His letters, 
signed " Gustavus," were answered by the British adjutant 
general, Major John Andre, over the signature "John 
Anderson." But nothing definite came of the matter until 
Arnold determined to ask Washington for the command of 
West Point, in order that this most important stronghold in 
the whole country might be turned over to the enemy for a 
good price. His request was granted, and his nefarious plans 
came alarmingly near to success. 

217. Meeting of Arnold and Andre. — In September the agree- 
ment had advanced so far that a personal interview between 
the officers in correspondence was thought desirable. The 
British fleet, temporarily under the command of Admiral 
Rodney, who had recently come from the West Indies, showed 
signs of great activity. It was the intention at an opportune 
moment to sail up the Hudson and make a show of attacking 
the fort. Arnold was to surrender it, with only a faint 
appearance of resistance. The American traitor was to sell 
his country for fifty thousand dollars and a commission in the 
British army. On the 18th of September, Washington left the 
fort for a conference with Rochambeau at Hartford ; and this 
absence afforded the coveted opportunity. Andre, ascending 
the Hudson in the British ship Vulture to a point near the 
fort, went ashore and passed the night with Arnold a few 
miles below the fortress. After some delays the agreement 
was completed, but in returning Andre was obliged to cross 
and go down the river along the eastern shore. 

218. Arrest of Andre. — At Tarrytown, in a strip of neutral 
territory between the two armies, he was arrested by three 
young men headed by John Paulding. One of the party had 
on a Hessian uniform, and when they confronted Andre, who 
was clad in citizen's dress, he accosted them as friends, sup- 
posing they were British. They immediately declared them- 



166 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. 



[§219 



selves to be Americans, however, and roughly ordered him to 
dismount. Proceeding to search him, they found the fatal 
articles of agreement in his boots. As, however, they were 
unsigned, Colonel Jameson, to whom the documents and 
the prisoner were delivered, decided to forward the papers 
to Washington, and to send a message concerning the affair to 
Arnold. 

219. Escape of Arnold. — Washington returned to West Point, 
September 25, and received the papers soon after his arrival. 
The letter had* reached Arnold only in time to enable him to 
escape by taking a boat and rowing swiftly down to the British 
ship which was awaiting Andre. When Washington read the 
documents he burst into tears, and with choking voice disclosed 
the affair to Lafayette and Knox and the other officers about 
him. 



220. Andre's Execution. — Andre was put upon trial by a 
court-martial consisting of fourteen officers, including Greene, 

Steuben, and Lafayette, and was 
pronounced guilty. Though every 
effort was made by Clinton to save 
his life, Washington was inflexible, 
and, on the morning of October 2, 
he died upon the gallows the death 
of a spy. Though the English 
have been inclined to dispute the 
justice of Washington's action, 
the latest and most judicious of 
British historians of this period, 
Mr. Lecky, after a full examina- 
tion of the facts, reaches the con- 
clusion that his condemnation was 
justified by the usages of war. Benedict Arnold's treason has 
properly given his name an immortality of infamy. 




Place of Andre's Execution. 






§222] CAUSES OF DISCOURAGEMENT. 167 

CAUSES OF DISCOURAGEMENT. 

221. Discontent in the Army. — The treason of Arnold was 
followed by events in the army which added to the general 
distress and anxiety. The best of the troops were those that 
had enlisted during the hopeful period just after Burgoyne's 
surrender, in 1777. The term of enlistment was " three years, 
or during the war." The troops claimed that, as the three 
years would expire at the end of December, they would then be 
free. The officers interpreted the law as meaning that in case 
the war should continue more than three years, the soldiers 
would be bound to service until its close. The army had 
many causes of complaint. Paper money issued by Congress 
had now become nearly worthless. With this money Congress 
was reluctant to pay the troops, but there was no other. At 
the end of December many of the regiments had received no 
pay for sixteen months, and supplies of clothing and shoes 
were so small that when January approached, many soldiers 
were barefooted and in rags. The winter of 1780-1781 saw 
scarcely less suffering than did the winter at Valley Forge. 

222. Spirit of Mutiny. — On New Year's Day, 1781, thirteen 
hundred Pennsylvania troops claimed that their time had ex- 
pired, and, seizing six lield pieces, set out for Philadelphia 
to secure their rights from Congress. After much parleying, 
Congress, through its president, promised to give them certifi- 
'•ates of indebtedness and their formal discharge. Thus it was 
settled that the men who had enlisted on the ambiguous terms 
might go when the three years had expired. By this decision 
Washington's army not only lost its best troops, but was agi- 
tated by the mutinous spirit of others who were tempted to try 
the same method. On the 20th of January a part of the New 
Jersey troops mutinied without any adequate reason, and were 
not subdued until they were met by a brigade of troops from 
Massachusetts. The insurgents were soon brought to order, and 
two of the ringleaders were shot by Washington's command 



168 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND^1781. [§223 

Thus came to a close the most discouraging year of the whole 
war. 

223. Discouragements at the Beginning of 1 781. — The disasters 
that had come to the Americans in 1780 gave the British many 
reasons to hope for a successful end of the contest in the sum- 
mer of 1781. After the defeat of Gates at Camden there was a 
reasonable prospect that Cornwallis, having completely estab- 
lished British authority in the farther South, would be able to 
overrun Virginia and then unite with Clinton in overwhelming 
Washington. This feeling received encouragement from the dis- 
contented state of the American army, but in their predictions 
the British greatly underrated the ingenuity and the resources of 
the American commander in chief. Congress, which had chosen 
to disregard Washington's former recommendation by sending 
Gates to the South, was now, late in 1780, when there was only 
a forlorn hope of success, quite willing that the commander 
should designate the general to meet Cornwallis. Washington 
selected Greene, the man he had recommended the year before. 
The latter did not reach Charlotte in North Carolina until 
the 2d of December ; but he found that much had already been 
done by Marion, Sumter, and Morgan to counteract the effects 
of disaster and to keep alive the patriotic spirit. 

AMERICAN SUCCESSES IN THE SOUTH. 

224. Victory at King's Mountain. — Soon after the defeat of 
Gates at Camden, in the summer of 1780, Cornwallis had begun 
a northward movement. He sent on in advance two divisions : 
one under Ferguson, with about fourteen hundred men, and 
one under Tarleton,^ with about the same number. Ferguson 

1 Bora, 1754; died, 1833. Came to America, 1776; in 1779, as lieutenant 
colonel, organized in South Carolina a troop known as the " British " or 
" Tarleton's Legion " ; waged with it very effective partisan warfare ; served 
with great success at Camden ; defeated by Morgan at the Cowpens, 1781 ; 
made a raid in Virginia, 1781 ; returned to England and served many years in 
Parliament; knighted (Sir Banastre Tarleton), 1818. 



§225] 



AMERICAN SUCCESSES IN THE SOUTH. 



169 



soon found that patriots had arisen on every side. Enterpris- 
ing hunters and backwoodsmen had come from all parts of 
the North and West, 
as well as from the 
neighboring regions, 
until nearly three 
thousand were in the 
path of his progress. 
Thwarted at every 
step, he was finally 
obliged to look for a 
way of retreat. His 
messengers to Corn- 
wallis and his scouts 
were everywhere shot 
down as fast as they 
were sent out. His 
force was finally 
brought to bay on the 
top of King's Moun- 
tain, where after des- 
perate fighting it was 
compelled to surren- 
der, October 7. As a 
result of this battle, 
in which Ferguson was 
killed and nearly four 
hundred men were lost, Cornwallis was obliged to fall back 
to Winnsborough. 

225. Victory at Cowpens. — Against the force of Tarleton, 
Greene sent General Daniel Morgan,^ who had already shown 




COLONKL TarIvK'J'OX. 



1 Born, 1736 ; died, 1802. Fought in the French and Indian Wars ; led a com- 
pany of Virginia riflemen at Boston; after release from imprisonment in 
Arnold's expedition against Quebec, gained great distinction at Saratoga 
under Gates; resigned in 1779, but rejoined the army in 1780 as brigadier 
general ; gained victory at Cowpens ; was congressman from Virginia in 1797. 



170 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. 



[§226 



great ability at Quebec, at Trenton, and at Saratoga. The 
forces of Tarleton and Morgan were about equal. The Amer- 
ican commander chose, as a spot for the battle, an open plain 
where cattle had been herded, called the " Cowpens.'^ The 




Map of Opekations in the South, 1780-1781. 



British, though wearied after a difficult march of five hours, 
decided to advance at once to a front attack. The first 
volleys of the Americans caused the enemy's line to stagger 
and fall back. As the British came on a second time to the 
charge, Colonel Washington, a relative of the commander in 
chief, who led the cavalry, swept around the American left and 
struck the British in the flank. At this moment the Continen- 



§227] AMERICAN SUCCESSES IN THE SOUTH. 171 

tals rushed forward in a bayonet charge with irresistible force. 
The British were obliged to give way at every point, losing two 
hundred and thirty killed and wounded and about six hundred 
prisoners. Tarleton escaped with difficulty. The Ameri- 
cans lost only twelve 
killed and sixty-one 
wounded. The bat- 
tle of the Cowpens, 
fought January 17, 
1781, was the most 
brilliant American 
victory of the war, as 
Camden had been the 
most disastrous de- 
feat. 

226. Morgan's Race 
with Comwallis. — 

Morgan, having now 

destroyed Tarleton's 

force, at once set out 

to rejoin Greene, but, 

in order to do so, he 

had to run a race with 

Cornwallis for the 

fords of the Catawba 

River. Though the British commander had the shorter course, 

Morgan pushed on with so much greater speed that he was the 

first to cross and thus was able to rejoin the main army. 

227. Battle of Guilford Court House. — Greene now determined, 
before fighting a decisive battle, to draw his enemies as far as 
possible away from their supplies. Sending on a part of his 
force in advance and placing himself in command of the rear, 
he kept near enough to Cornwallis to lure him on without giving 
him an opportunity for a decisive battle. At length, on Feb- 
ruary 9, the American forces united at Guilford Court House, 




General Daniel Morgan. 



172 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. [§228 

only about thirty miles south of the Virginia border, and here 
Greene, after a delay of about one month, during which he re- 
ceived reenforcements, selected ground for a battle. Though 
the British had a smaller force, they were veterans, while 
the larger part of Greene's army was composed of recent 
recruits. In the battle which occurred on the 15th of March, 
the British had the advantage, but they lost so heavily that 
Cornwallis did not dare to pursue the defeated army. In 
order to reestablish his communications with supplies, he 
moved southeast for the port at Wilmington. 

228. Greene's Recovery of the South. — Greene followed him 
rapidly until they were near the coast. Then Greene struck 
into the South for the purpose of reestablishing his authority 
throughout the Carolinas. His march was not resisted with 
any success. September 8, after a masterly campaign extend- 
ing ov€r six months, he fought and won the last battle of the 
series, at Eutaw Springs, about fifty miles from Charleston. 
Thus, within little more than a year after the disastrous defeat 
of Gates at Camden, the brilliant campaign of Greene drove 
Cornwallis into Wilmington and the remaining British forces 
in the South into Charleston, and had practically cleared the 
intervening country of the enemy. 

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 

229. Movement of Cornwallis from Wilmington. — Cornwallis, 
however, did not long remain on the coast. As soon as he had 
refreshed his army, he attempted, with the help, of Arnold, to 
overrun Virginia. Reaching Petersburg on the 20th of May, 
he was able, within a short time, to take and pillage the more 
important towns of Virginia, including Petersburg, Richmond, 
Charlottesville, Portsmouth, and Williamsburg. To meet these 
raiders, Washington sent Lafayette with an army of Ameri- 
cans and French, amounting to about five thousand men. The 
French commander, though only twenty-three years of age, had 
learned from Washington the art of harassing the enemy with- 



231] 



THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 



173 



out bringing on a general engagement. Cornwallis now had a 
little more than seven thousand men. After trying in vain to 
bring Lafayette to battle, and to get reenforcements from Clin- 
ton, he followed Clinton's instructions by withdrawing his 
force to Yorktown, in order to put himself in communication 
with the British fleet. This was the fatal move that resulted 
in the loss of the British cause. 



230. Plans of Washington and Rochambeau. — Two days after 
the British reached Petersburg, Washington had an important 
conference with Rochambeau at Wethersfield, Connecticut. 
There, it was decided to send to the West Indies for Commo- 
dore de Grasse and such ships of the French fleet as could be 
spared from that region. The purpose was to combine the 
French and Ameri- 
cans, either to make 
a joint attack upon 
New York, or, by a 
sudden movement 
toward the South, 
to overwhelm Corn- 
wallis. De Grasse 
was to choose and 
to Report whether 
he would go to New 
York, or would stop 
at the Chesapeake. 




FIELD OF ^V^ 
SURRENDER 



Ji^Lafayette'a 
^ Quarters 



^^ ^Steuben's Quar.tera 



Washinffton's ^ 
Headquarters 



Jiochambeau's 
Headquarters 



231. Plan of the 
Yorktown Cam- 
paign. — In due 
time, Washington 
learned that De 
Grasse had chosen 

the Southern destination, and accordingly he began at once 
to maneuver his force so as to lead Clinton to suppose that 
the purpose was a general attack on New York. He ordered 



Map of the Operations at Yorktown. 



174 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. [§232 

all preparations to be made in New Jersey as though, he 
intended a siege, even sending misleading dispatches, which 
he planned to have the British capture. So skillfully was 
this done, that even when the army began to move from the 
Hudson, the British believed it was for the purpose of a 
general attack upon the city from New Jersey and Staten 
Island. The secret of the movement was confined to the French 
and American commanders. Washington evidently believed 
with Franklin, that three persons can keep a secret only when one 
of them is dead. On the 19th of August, leaving a strong guard 
along the front line, the French and American armies com- 
menced their Southern march. So skillfully had all plans been 
arranged, that Clinton learned of the movement only after the 
Americans had reached Philadelphia, nearly a hundred miles 
away. He attempted a diversion by an attack upon Connecti- 
cut, but it was impossible to retard the march, or distract 
the attention of Washington. The British could not follow 
without abandoning New York to Heath, who had been left 
with four thousand men on the Hudson. 

232. Movement of De Grasse. — De Grasse, with a larger fleet 
even than had been anticipated, reached the Chesapeake on 
the day when Washington reached Philadelphia. The French 
admiral at once landed three thousand troops and turned them 
over to Lafayette, whose army was thus increased to about 
eight thousand men. The French general, knowing that 
Washington was not far away, threw his lines boldly across 
the peninsula, September 7, thus shutting Cornwallis com- 
pletely in. The British now saw the James on the one side, 
the York River on the other, with De Grasse in the rear, and 
Lafayette in front. Their condition was hopeless. " 

233. Surrender of Cornwallis. — Though a few British ships 
reached the scene from the north, they were too weak to cope 
with the fleet of De Grasse, and there was, therefore, no 
possible escape. To break through the American lines was 
impossible, as Cornwallis was now confronted by an army 



J^M 



§235] THE CLOSE OJ THE WAR. 175 

more than twice the size of his own. The siege and bombard- 
ment began at once. The cannonade was continued for some 
days with terrific energy, till the British ammunition began 
to fail. The outworks were carried by an assault in two 
divisions, — one of Americans and the other of Frenchmen. 
The Americans, led by Alexander Hamilton, were the first to 
cross the British ramparts. This was on the 14th of October. 
On the 17th, just four years after the surrender of Burgoyne, 
Cornwallis hoisted the white flag. As soon as the prelimina- 
ries could be settled, seven thousand two hundred and forty- 
seven soldiers became prisoners of war. 

234. Influence of the Surrender on the British Government. — 

The surrender of Cornwallis was virtually the end of this long 
and memorable contest, for it put enthusiastic life into the 
Americans, while it overwhelmed the British government with 
confusion. Those English statesmen who had opposed the war 
from the first so strengthened their following that they were 
able to sweep the king's friends out of power and bring in a 
government that sympathized with their views. The king him- 
self, though driven almost to despair by this stupendous event, 
was the last to recognize its real significance; but at length 
even George III. saw that with a war on his hands against 
France, Spain, and Holland, his American project, so dear to 
his heart, must now be given up. A new ministry, with Lord 
E/Ockingham at its head, was brought in to negotiate terms of 
peace. 

235. Difliculties in making Peace. — There were long delays 
and many difficulties in arranging terms. These were greatly 
complicated by the fact that America had France as an ally, 
and France had to be consulted in regard to all the conditions. 
Congress had no money with which to pay off the soldiers, 
and no power to raise money in the individual states. Dis- 
content among the rank and file threatened to end in the 
most serious revolts. Nothing but the infallible tact and skill 
of Washington prevented mutiny. The commander in chief, 



176 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 AND 1781. [§236 

however, was inflexible in his determination that the forces 
should be kept up until the treaty was finally adopted. That 
painful period of distress and waiting at length came to an 
end, but it was not until September 3, 1783, nearly two years 
after the surrender at Yorktown, that the treaty was signed 
at Paris. By that act Great Britain acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of the country from Canada to the Floridas, and 
from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. The conquest of the 
West was thus admitted, but the northern boundary was left 
rather vague, owing to defective knowledge of the region. 

236. Treatment of Tories. — The Americans made the mistake 
of refusing to grant amnesty to the adherents of the defeated 
party, as should always be done in civil war. The patriots, or 
Whigs, as they were often called, continued to persecute the 
Tories. Many were put to death, and thousands were obliged 
to flee into Canada and Nova Scotia, where their descendants 
still remember with bitterness the treatment of their ancestors. 

237. Causes of Success. — The success of the Kevolutionary 

War was mainly due to five causes : — 

1. The unfailing courage, wisdom, and ability of Washington. 
Even in the darkest hours his confidence in the final issue 
never faltered. By the wisdom and persuasiveness of the 
letters which he sent to governors, members of Congress, and 
prominent men in all parts of the country, he inspired others 
with something of his own confidence and multiplied the 
friends of independence. His extraordinary military skill in 
knowing when to fight and when not to fight, enabled him to 
take advantage of the mistakes of the enemy and to strike a 
blow whenever he could hurt the cause of the British or inspire 
his own army with new courage. 

2. The alliance and support of the French. Until the York- 
town campaign the active assistance of the French in the field 
was very slight, but the moral support was most important. 
While it inspired the Americans with new courage, it had a 
corresponding effect in disheartening the British, who had 



§237] THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 177 

to fight the French in other parts of the world. But for 
De Grasse, the Yorktown campaign would probably not have 
been attempted; for, if attempted, Cornwallis could easily 
have been supported and relieved by the British fleet. 

3. The weakness of the British commanders in the field. 
Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, Clinton, and Cornwallis were all 
greatly inferior to Washington and Greene. 

4. The British, toward the end of the conflict, had four 
very important wars on their hands, so that they found it 
impossible to send large reenforcements to their armies in 
America. 

5. The persistent sj)irit of the American patriots. Though/ 
often defeated, and sometimes much disheartened, they stub- 
bornly refused to give up. Even in the dark days of 1780, 
when the South was overwhelmed and overrun, they never 
regarded the cause as lost. It was this spirit which made it 
possible for Washington to keep a force in the field large 
enough to prevent the complete success of the British. 

( 

References. — The same as at the end of Chapter VI. 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND THE 
CONSTITUTION. 

DIFFICULTIES OF CONFEDERATION. 

238. Chaotic Condition at the Outbreak of the War. — As soon 
as the Declaration of Independence was adopted, the mem- 
bers of Congress saw that some form of general government 
would be necessary to bind the different parts of the country 
into common methods. Several of the states now had the 
advantage of regularly constituted governments ; but the Con- 
tinental Congress was without authority from any source what- 
ever. Its members had been sent together by the different 
states without any mutual understanding or instructions, and 
consequently it had no power, except that of war, to enforce 
its acts. 

239. Committee to frame Articles of Confederation. — On the 

day after the committee was appointed to frame the Decla- 
ration, a still larger committee was charged with the duty 
of preparing some plan of confederation. The diffi-culties met 
by this committee were almost insurmountable. The colonies 
were at that moment engaged in the work of framing perma- 
nent constitutions for themselves. Nor did the common cause 
of the war entirely sweep away the jealous differences between 
the states. The colonies had been settled by people of differing 
religious and political beliefs, and they had preferences for 
differing methods. The smaller colonies feared they would be 
absorbed, and the larger ones feared they would not have 
proper representation. The same spirit which made them 
desire to be free from the rule of the mother country made 

178 



I 



§241] DIFFICULTIES OF CONFEDERATION. 179 

each state unwilling to be subject to the rule of the other 
states. As the Declaration of Independence had been aimed 
against the central authority of Great Britain, it was natural 
that they should distrust a strong central authority in the 
government they were about to establish. It was in the face 
of all these difficulties that the " Articles of Confederation and 
Perpetual Union ^' were reported by the committee, only eight 
days after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. 

240. Difficulties of Agreement. — But the representatives 
found so many reasons for desiring changes that a final agree- 
ment was not reached by Congress until November of 1777. 
Then the articles had to go to the several states for ratifica- 
tion. The difficulties now seemed greater than ever before. 
According to the articles, every state was to have an equal 
vote with every other state, but to this equality of representa- 
tion the larger states very strongly objected, while the smaller 
states stubbornly resisted every other method. There were 
also grave differences of opinion as to the executive branch of 
the new government. 

241. Western Lands. — The ownership of the Western lands 
was the occasion of one of the most serious difficulties. The 
boundaries of some of the states were defined by their charters, 
while those of others were not. Six of the states claimed to 
extend as far west as the Mississippi Eiver, while Virginia de- 
fined her boundary as extending to the northwest so far as 
to include the region which afterward formed Ohio, Michigan, 
and Wisconsin. The other states held that this territory had 
all been rescued from the British by common effort, and there- 
fore that it should belong to the nation as a whole. This 
opinion finally prevailed. At length, after long and hot dis- 
cussion, New York agreed to cede its Western lands to the gen- 
eral government, and this example was soon imitated by the 
others, although several states still reserved certain portions 
of their Western territory. After this concession. New Jersey 
was the first state to ratify the articles. Others followed so 



180 CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§242 

slowly that the ratification was not complete until Maryland 
signed on March 1, 1781, only a few months before the sur- 
render at Yorktown. The delay shows the difficulty of ob- 
taining even so little central authority as the articles provided 
for. 

242. Weaknesses of the Confederation. — It immediately be- 
came evident that the confederation had very serious defects. 
Though a stronger government at the time could not have 
been adopted, the one obtained was of little value, except to 
show that a stronger government was demanded. By its pro- 
visions no measure could be taken by Congress without the 
vote of nine of the thirteen states, and even after the adoption 
of a measure, the confederation had no power to enforce it. 
The central government relied upon the individual states to 
carry out its laws, and the states had the option of enforcing 
obedience, or not, as they chose. Meantime the states them- 
selves were under no restrictions. They passed revenue laws 
according to their own interests, and custom houses had to be 
multiplied along the state borders. Whenever any tax was 
called for by Congress, to pay off the Continental troops or for 
any other purpose, some of the states would enforce its collec- 
tion and others would not. 

243. Dangers shown by Shays' Rebellion and Other Dis- 
turbances. — In New Hampshire an armed force assailed the 
legislature at Exeter and demanded an issue of paper money. 
In Massachusetts, the collection of debts and taxes was forcibly 
resisted. The people in the central part of the state, led by 
Daniel Shays, collected into a motley army, and not only at- 
tacked the arsenal, but kept the state in a turmoil for more 
than six months. At length "Shays' Rebellion," as it was 
called, was put down by Governor Bowditch (1787), but with 
difficulty. Not one of the insurgents was punished. The 
states seemed to be growing farther and farther apart and 
more and more independent. There was really great danger 
that this tendency would go on till the United States, like 



§246] THE CONSTITUTION. 181 

Europe, would be made up of many independent nationalities. 
As if to make improvement impossible, the framers of the 
Articles of Confederation had provided that no change in 
them should be adopted unless agreed to by all the states. 
The consequence was that whenever any change was pro- 
posed, some state objected and the proposal was lost. It 
was a time of such perplexity and danger that it has been 
aptly called, " The Critical Period in American History." 

THE CONSTITUTION. 

244. First Effort for a Convention. — During all this time 
Washington, Hamilton, and Madison had been writing letters 
to show that a change was necessary and to devise a means 
of bringing it about. At length, the legislature of Virginia 
issued a call in 1786 for a general convention to meet at An- 
napolis, Maryland. But the smaller states were very shy of 
committing themselves to any scheme proposed by any of the 
larger states, and only five states responded to the call. Of 
course nothing could be done. The very absence of repre- 
sentatives, however, revealed some of the difficulties of the 
situation. 

245. Second Effort toward a Convention. — The next year 
another course was adopted and with greater success. The 
call for the convention was issued by Congress. The pur- 
pose of the call was not to frame a new constitution, but to 
modify the old one. Twelve of the states appointed delegates, 
Rhode Island, the smallest of the commonwealths, alone stand- 
ing aloof. The convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, 
and unanimously chose Washington as its president. 

246. Ability in the Convention. — This convention w^s for- 
tunate in having prominent representatives of all classes. 
Every state sent its best. Of the fifty-five members, twenty- 
nine had been college bred. Jefferson and John Adams were 
m Europe. Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry opposed the 
convention and remained at home. With these exceptions the 



182 CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§ 246 



most eminent men of the country were present. Washing- 
ton and Franklin, by their general wisdom and great experi- 
ence, represented the 
practical judgment of 
men of affairs. There 
were John Dickinson, 
whose Farmer's Let- 
ters had done so much 
to bring on the Revo- 
lution (§ 131), and 
James Wilson, a 
Scotchman, one of the 
most learned jurists 
the country has ever 
had. Hamilton and 
Madison, by their 
varied and profound 
knowledge of politi- 
cal history, brought 
to the convention the 
advantage of the best 
types of general schol- 
arship. Hamilton,^ though only thirty years of age, was probably 
the ablest political thinker in the body. But his power was 
neutralized by the fact that New York, the state which he 




Alexander Hamilton. 



1 Bom at Nevis, in West Indies, January 11, 1757 ; died, July 12, 1804. De- 
veloped an astonishing precocity, and was sent to New York City in 1772; 
entered Columbia College, and in 1774 made a public speech that was con- 
sidered marvelous for a boy of seventeen ; published numerous pamphlets of 
importance, and organized a cavalry company which he led at Long Island 
and White Plains ; was member of Washington's staff, 1776-1781 ; ended his 
military career by leading the final charge at Yorktown ; member of Con- 
gress, 1782-1783; member of Annapolis Convention in 1786, and Federal 
Convention in 1787 ; was the chief writer of The Federalist ; converted a two- 
thirds majority in the New York Convention of 1788 into a minority against 
the Constitution ; as Secretary of the Treasury under Washington founded the 
national financial system ; resigned in 1795 ; was a constant power as a writer, 
until killed in a duel by Burr in 1804. 



§247] 



THE Constitution. 



183 



represented, had opposed the convention, and had sent two 
delegates to do what they could to prevent success. Hamilton 
was further handi- 
capped by the ex- 
treme nature of his 
views, for he be- 
lieved in a much 
stronger central gov- 
ernment than could 
at that time be 
adopted. 

247. James Madi- 
son. — For these 
reasons, the main 
guidance of the con- 
vention fortunately 
fell upon James 
Madison,^ a young 
man less brilliant 
than Hamilton, but 
superior to him in 
the art of estimat- 
ing what is possi- 
ble. A graduate of 
Princeton College, he had been from his youth a devoted 
student of history, had made himself thoroughly acquainted 




James Madison. 



1 Born, 1751 ; died, 1836. Graduated at Princeton, 1772 ; member of Com- 
mittee of Public Safety in 1774 ; member of tlie Virginia Convention in 1776 ; 
member of Continental Congress, 1780-1784, in which he was noted for the 
wisdom of his judgment and the aptness of his methods; did great service 
in securiag religious liberty in Virginia in 1784-1787 ; member of the Annapo- 
lis Convention in 1786 ; most influential member of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1787 ; a leading member of Congress from 1789 to 1797 ; wrote 
the •' Virgmia Resolutions " in 1798 ; Secretary of State under Jefferson from 
1801 to 1809 ; President from 1809 to 1817, during which time the war against 
Great Britain was forced upon him ; lived in retirement at Montpelier, Vir- 
ginia, from 1817 till his death. 



184 CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§ 24S 

with all the best books on political science, and had paid 
particular attention to the republican organizations of Greece, 
Rome, Switzerland, and Holland. From the time he was 
twenty-five he had taken a prominent part in the Virginia leg- 
islature and in Congress, and he thoroughly understood the 
weaknesses and difficulties of the Articles of Confederation. 
His knowledge and experience, though united with a remark- 
able firmness of purpose, were presented with a kindness and 
sweetness of manner that commended his views to all his fel- 
low-members. Madison, therefore, was the most influential 
of the members in giving the Constitution the form in which it 
was adopted. 

248. General Spirit of the Convention. — The delegates brought 
together the wisdom and experience gained in framing the 
state constitutions and from observing the prevailing difficul- 
ties. The efforts of the convention to amend the Articles of 
Confederation were doomed to early failure. It was soon de- 
cided to abandon them altogether and to frame an entirely new 
constitution. Here the smaller states caused the greatest diffi- 
culty, for they were determined to give as little power as pos- 
sible to the general government, in order that they might not 
be overwhelmed or absorbed. In this determination were 
enlisted not only New York, which was then one of the less 
important states, but also New Hampshire, New Jersey/ Dela- 
ware, and Maryland. 

249. Representation of Slaves. — Another very serious obstacle 
was presented by the slave trade and the question of the 
representation of slaves in Congress. In the early part of the 
eighteenth century there were about twelve thousand slaves 
north of Mason and Dixon's line, and about forty-eight 
thousand south of it. But at the time of the Constitutional 
Convention, there were about fifty thousand in the North, 
and not far from seven hundred thousand in the South. 
There had been little or no importation of slaves during 
the war, and the slave system was generally condemned by 



§252] 'THE CONSTITUTION. 185 

the best men of the South as well as by those of the North. 
In their opinion, it was only a question of time when it 
would cease altogether. But the greater number of slaves in 
the South made the Southern delegates determined to have 
them represented, while the North generally opposed such 
representation. 

250. Strength of Central Government. — Another difficulty in 
the way of agreement was found in the radical differences of 
opinion between the members as to whether the new government 
was to be very weak or very strong. This was by far the most 
important question of all. One party held that the states 
should still be left with great powers, and should be practi- 
cally independent; while the opposite party thought that a 
general government with the essential attributes of an elec- 
tive monarchy was most needed. There was, however, a very 
general and a very natural remembrance of the fact that it 
was the predominating strength of the executive part of the 
British government that had caused separation, and there was 
a general disposition to avoid any similar defect. 

251. Discussion of the Difficulties. — These various difficulties 
taxed all the faculties of the members. It sometimes seemed 
that not another step of progress could be made, and that the 
delegates would be obliged to abandon the task and go home. 
As discussion advanced, it became evident that no agreement 
could be made except through a general spirit of conciliation 
and compromise. The convention sat with closed doors, and 
for four months considered the stupendous difficulties that 
confronted them. At length, on the 17th day of September, 
1787, they agreed upon a constitution and adjourned. It 
was to go into effect when ratified by the conventions of nine 
states. 

252. Four Great Lines of Compromise. — The Constitution was 
built upon a basis of four great lines of mutual concession. 

First, the smaller states wer3 brought to agreement by 
being allowed the same representation in the Senate as the 



186 CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§253 

larger states; while the larger states were satisfied by being 
allowed to send to the House of Representatives a number 
of delegates to be determined by the number of inhabitants. 

Second, the question of the representation of slavery in 
Congress was finally adjusted by providing that for determin- 
ing the number of representatives of each state, Congress 
should add to the number of freemen three fifths of all 
persons held to service. Congress was also prohibited from 
abolishing the foreign slave trade before 1808. 

Third, the advocates of a strong central government came 
to~an agreement with the advocates of a weak one by allowing 
the dividing line between the authority of the central govern- 
ment and of the several states to be somewhat vaguely defined, 
and by leaving such definition to the course of future events. 
It is probable that if either side had insisted on putting 
into words a statement authorizing its interpretation, no 
agreement could have been reached. This uncertainty of 
interpretation, though apparently necessary to an agreement 
on the Constitution, might be called the fundamental cause of 
the Civil War in 1861. 

Fourth, while the President, by being made commander in 
chief of the army and being intrusted with the enforcement 
of all laws, was given great authority, • he was put under 
rigid constitutional checks in numerous ways. In case he 
should exceed his authority, he could be impeached by the 
House of Representatives and tried by the Senate; and in 
case of conviction, removed from office. It was further pro- 
vided that in all cases whatsoever involving differences of 
opinion regarding the Constitution, the Supreme Court should 
render authoritative decision. This authority of the Supreme 
Court was the most marked peculiarity of the Constitution. 

253. Characteristics of the Constitution. — On the basis of 
these mutual concessions, the Constitution was finally adopted. 
It provided for three departments of government : the Legisla- 
tive, to make the laws ; the Executive, to execute the laws ; 



§254] THE CONSTITUTION. 187 

and the eJudicial, to define the laws in case of dispute. The 
legislature consisted of the House of Eepresentatives, the 
members of which were to be chosen for two years by 
the people of the several states ; and the Senate, consisting of 
two members from each state, who were to be chosen for a term 
' of six years. The executive officer was to be a President, 
elected for a term of four years, by electors chosen by the 
people of the several states, each state to have as many 
electors as it had members in the Senate and the House 
of Eepresentatives together. To the President was also given 
legislative influence through the right of veto. The judiciary 
was to consist of a Supreme Court, and such other courts as 
Congress might provide for. The judges were to be appointed 
by the President, with the consent of the Senate, and were 
to hold office during good behavior. In case of misdemeanor 
they could be removed by impeachment. The authority 
acquired by the Supreme Court, in concrete cases of liti- 
gation, to pass on the validity or invalidity of acts of Con- 
gress, or of state legislatures, gave a great and novel power 
to that tribunal. Jefferson returned from Europe just after 
the completion of the work of the convention, and was 
almost panic stricken by fear that the plan of government, if 
adopted by the states, would allow, if not even encourage, 
the establishment of monarchy. It was many years be- 
fore Jefferson's fears were allayed. The general wisdom of 
these provisions, however, has been acknowledged by the 
whole world. 

254. Attitude of the States. — After the adoption of the Con- 
stitution by the convention, it went to the several states for 
ratification, and during the winter of 1787-1788 conventions in 
the respective commonwealths had the question of adoption 
under consideration. Its ratification was most strenuously 
opposed in Virginia, in New York, and in Phode Island. 
Patrick Henry was the most eloquent of these opponents, his 
opposition being founded on the belief that the general govern- 



188 



CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§ 255 



ment would gradually grow so strong as to interfere with the 
governments of the individual states. Of the states unfavor- 
able to the Constitution, New Hampshire was the first to yield, 
in June, 1788. New York and Virginia soon followed. Ehode 
Island and North Carolina held out, and the Constitution went 
into effect without their consent. In order to satisfy those 
who thought the Federal government had too much power, ten 
amendments to the Constitution, embodying a Bill of Eights 
designed to restrict those powers, were adopted in 1791. The 
final adoption of the Constitution was brought about very 
largely through the influence of a remarkable series of letters 
written by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, and afterward col- 
lected into the volume 
known as The Federalist. 

255. Washington, the 
First President. — AVhen, 
soon after the adoption of 
the Constitution, the first 
general election, was held, 
it was found that every 
elector voted for Wash- 
ington, who was therefore 
unanimously elected as 
the first President. John 
Adams, having the next 
number of votes, was elected Vice President. On April 30, 
1789, they were inaugurated on the balcony of the Federal 
Building, on Wall Street, New York City, which was then the 
seat of government. 

256. Ordinance for governing the Northwest. — While the 
Constitutional Convention was in session at Philadelphia, the 
Congress of the Confederation was in session in New York City. 
On the 30th of July, 1787, Congress passed the memorable 
" Ordinance for the Organization of Government in the North- 
west," that vast and important territory which now comprises 




Federal Hall, New York City. 



§256] 



THE CONSTITUTION. 



189 



the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and 
a part of Minnesota. This ordinance established among others 
four provisions of fundamental importance, which have con- 
tributed immensely to the development of the North Central 



THE NORTHWEST 

TERRITORY 

In 1787 




states. These four fundamental provisions were the follow- 
ing:— 

1. " Slavery and involuntary servitude shall forever be 
excluded." This provision exempted the region from those 
perplexing discussions which afterward troubled Missouri, 
Kansas, and Nebraska. 

2. "Keligion, morality, and knowledge being necessary for 
the welfare of mankind, schools and the means of education 
shall forever be encouraged." In this provision common 
schools, high schools, normal schools, and universities found 
their constitutional justification, and accordingly, in all the 



190 CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION. [§256 

states formed from the Northwest Territory, schools of all 
grades have been supported by taxation. The example thus 
set has been followed by all the states since admitted to the 
Union. 

3. "The navigable rivers leading into the Mississippi and 
the St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between them, shall 
be common highways and forever free." This provision secured 
that freedom of communication between the states which has 
encouraged very rapid material growth. 

4. "The inhabitants shall forever enjoy religious freedom, 
the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and equal civil and political 
privileges." This provision not only secured perfect independ- 
ence of religious thought, but protected all the people, immi- 
grants as well as others, in the enjoyment of political freedom. 

Though the binding authority of this ordinance was 
subsequently declared by the Supreme Court to have been 
superseded by the adoption of the Constitution, its influence on 
the development of the Northwest was unquestionably very 
great. 



References. — A. Johnston, American Politics, 3-18 ; R. Frothingham, 
Else of the Bepublic, 569-610 (of great importance) ; J. Fiske, Civil Govern- 
ment, 180-260 ; F. A. Walker, Making of the Nation, 1-75 ; A. B. Hart, 
Formation of the Union, 93-140 ; J. Fiske, Critical Period of American 
Histoi^^ 90-101 and 177-186 ; J. Winsor, Narrative and Critical Histoi-y 
of America, Vol. VI., 716, Vol. VII. ; H. Von Hoist, Constitutional His- 
tory, Vol. I. ; J. Schouler, United States, Vol. I. ; H. C. Lodge, Wash- 
ington, Vol. II. Fiske, Schouler, and Winsor are the most important of 
the general authorities on almost every point. J. Bryce, The American 
Commonwealth (abridged edition), chaps, iii., xxv., xxix., important on 
the various functions of different parts of the government ; Elliot, De- \ 
hates on the Constitution ; Hamilton, The Federalist ; B. A. Hinsdale, The 
Old Northwest; W. G. Sumner, The Financier and the Finances of the 
American devolution (2 vols.); W. P. Cutler, Ordinance of 1787; 
American History Leaflets, Nos. 7, 8, 14, 20 ; Old South Leaflets, XI., 5; 
T. Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. II., chaps, i.-iii. 




The United States in 1783— State Claims and Cessions 
To face p. 191 



PART III. 

THE ORGANIZATION OF POLITICAL 
PARTIES, 1789-1825. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE COUNTRY AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY. 

GENERAL CONDITIONS. 

257. Population and Area. — The country over which Wash- 
ington began to preside in 1789 was very different from the great 
nation it has grown to be. Counting about seven hundred and 
fifty thousand slaves, the population did not quite reach four 
millions. Eleven years later, by the second census, that of 1800, 
this population had increased to 5,308,480; but the area of 
827,844 square miles was not yet settled at the ratio of six and a 
half persons to a square mile. It was only along the Atlantic 
coast from Virginia to Massachusetts that the original wilder- 
ness had been fairly conquered by settlements that furnished a 
population of from twenty-five to ninety inhabitants to the 
square mile. 

258. Boundary Disputes. — The boundaries of this immense 
and practically unoccupied area were in dispute to the north, 
northwest, and south. The British still kept garrisons at 
Detroit, Niagara, and other forts. In the region bordering on 

191 



192 THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. [§259 

the Gulf of Mexico, Spanish claims conflicted with those of the 
Americans, and Spain denied the inhabitants of the new settle- 
ments beyond the Alleghanies any practical use of the lower 
Mississippi. A treaty with Spain in 1795 helped to mend 
these matters. 

259. The West. — The Westerners, who were thus deprived 
of the full use of their great waterway and whom Spanish 
agents endeavored to detach from the Union, were few in 
numbers. Kentucky and Tennessee were practically the only 
organized settlements; but a popular movement toward Ohio 
and the Northwest was beginning, and by the end of the cen- 
tury the Mississippi Territory had 
been formed in the region which 
Georgia claimed north of the Gulf. 
Most of the settlers in these outly- 
ing communities had moved west- 
ward from the frontier portions of 
the adjoining older states. Thus 
many of the immigrants to Tennes- 
see came from North Carolina. 

Often they were of Scotch-Irish 
Blockhouse at Mackinaw, ,■,-,■, ^• • ■, -, ^ 

-^ygQ stock, deeply religious, hardy and 

frugal. They drove out the Indians, 
killed the wild beasts, cleared lands for their farms, and raised 
their large families in a rude independence. On the foundations 
they laid, great commonwealths have been erected which should 
not in their present wealth and power forget the bold adven- 
turers who crossed the mountains in wagon trains or floated 
down the Ohio in large flat-bottomed boats.^ 

260. The Older Commonwealths. — Within the original colo- 
nies state lines were much confused. Vermont did not formally 
succeed in throwing off New York's claim and becoming a 
state until 1791. Connecticut still claimed a strip of land 
along the northern border of the Northwest Territory. Maine 

1 Kentucky was made a state in 1792; Tennessee, in 1796; Ohio, in 1803. 




§262] GENERAL CONDITIONS. 193 

continued to constitute a district of Massachusetts. The 
population of all the states was chiefly of English descent and 
was, on the whole, homogeneous, although the amount of inter- 
course between state and state was still small. Virginia was 
the most populous of the states, Massachusetts ranking next. 
Each was typical of the region to which it belonged, the pres- 
ence of slavery more or less retarding the South, and the com- 
parative absence of it favoring New England. 

261. Occupations. — Although the country had grown consid- 
erably in population and wealth during the eighteenth century, 
the people had not greatly changed in character or in their 
pursuits. The confusion engendered by the Eevolntion was 
slowly passing away, but the revived industries ran along 
much the same narrow lines as of old. At Washington's 
accession to the Presidency public and private finances were in 
a bad shape, but speedy improvement followed the reforms 
of Hamilton, shortly to be described (§ 266). Agriculture 
was still the main calling — the nation being, on the whole, 
one of farmers. Commerce, however, was a surer source of 
wealth, especially in the East, where there was a good deal of 
shipping. But manufacturing was in its infancy, as we at 
once perceive when we learn that even in 1800 not quite four 
per cent of the people lived in towns. 

262. The Towns. — The country people had no such incen- 
tives to flock to cities as they have to-day. There were no 
railroads or steamboats to make the journey easy. On the 
contrary, roads were bad and travel by water was both uncom- 
fortable and dangerous. Nor were the towns, of which Phila- 
delphia with seventy thousand inhabitants. New York with 
sixty thousand, Baltimore with twenty-six thousand, Boston 
with twenty-four thousand, and Charleston with twenty thou- 
sand, were the chief, especially attractive. Sanitation was 
little attended to, save in Philadelphia after the terrible yellow 
fever epidemics of 1793 and 1797. There were few theaters. 
The newspapers were small and uninfluential sheets. Good 



194 THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. [§263 

colleges and schools and libraries were scarcely to be found. 
Life was comparatively simple and lacking in interest and 




.Stagecoach of the time of Washington. 

brilliancy. Indeed the country gentleman, especially in the 
South, found his rural sports and his rounds of social visiting 
more enlivening than the life led by his town friends. 

SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 

263. Dominance of the Colonial Spirit. — In their mental atti- 
tude toward life the American people had changed about as 
little as in their occupations and customs. Although in 
Jonathan Edwards and Benjamin Franklin they had pro- 
duced two great writers, in Franklin and Benjamin Thompson 
(Count Eumford, 1733-1814) eminent scientists, and in Ben- 
jamin West (1738-1820) and J. S. Copley '(1737-1815) distin- 
guished painters; although they had developed as great 
statesmen and political writers as any country could name, 
they still had no literature, or art, or science worthy of being 
called national. In other words, though the people of the 
United States had won their political independence, they were 
still, in their modes of thought and action, dominated by the 
spirit of colonial dependence. There were many persons 
who not merely imitated English manners and dress, read 
English books, and wrote in the current English style, but 
who even shared, in the main, English political ideas and preju- 
dices. There were others who were fully as much influenced 
by French modes of thought and life. Here and there, in 



§264] SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 195 

great men like Washington or Franklin, we find a sturdy- 
originality thab smacks of the soil, and undoubtedly the plainer 
people were little affected by foreign ideas and customs. But 
the towns still preserved their colonial attitude of dependence 
on Europe, and this was in the main true of the prosperous 
country families as well. In fact, the seaboard colonies were, 
in a way, outskirts of Europe, just as the Western communities 
were outskirts of the Atlantic seaboard. There was little of 
the enterprise and activity which throughout America to-day 
keep small communities from stagnating. In short, our fore- 
fathers of three generations ago were in many ways a very 
different race of beings from their descendants of to-day. 

264. Virtue and Happiness of the People. — Yet it would be 
a great mistake to suppose that the drawbacks just enumerated 
were in the main apparent to the American people themselves, 
or that they are greatly to be insisted upon in a sketch of the 
civilization of the period. American life might at the close of 
the eighteenth century seem dull and narrow to travelers from 
Europe, but we know that a happy, brave, free, religious people 
inhabited a land that yielded abundant returns to their labors, 
and we may readily believe that their lives were fully as useful 
as ours are to-day. Nor should it ever be forgotten that amid 
these provincial surroundings arose the greatest figure that 
modern history can show, and that the American people were 
wise enough to choose electors who would make him President. 



References. — J. Schouler, History of the United States, Vol. L, 
chaps, i.-iii. ; J. B. McMaster, History of the American People, Vol. I., 
chap. i. See also References to the next chapter. The novels of Charles 
Brockden Brown (1771-1810), the first American who was a successful 
professional man of letters, may be profitably consulted in connection with 
this chapter, especially his Arthur Mervyn, and Ormond, which describe 
life in Philadelphia during the yellow fever epidemics. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. 

EARLY LEGISLATION AND PARTIES. 

265. Washington as a Statesman. — When Washington took 
the oath of office in New York City ^ on April 30, 1789, few peo- 
ple could have foreseen that the elderly, dignified man, dressed 
in the picturesque costume of the period, would one day rank 
among the greatest statesmen of the world. His experience 
had been rather with military than with civil affairs. He was 
reserved in temper, and liked forms and ceremonies to which 
the masses were opposed. He had few of the arts of per- 
suasion. His mind was not trained like that of John Adams, 
for example, nor was it markedly original. But he had 
had the training of experience, and he had what is essen- 
tial to statesmanship of the first order — a great character, 
sobriety, dignity, perfect rectitude of purpose, knowledge of 
men, and willingness to trust those whom he regarded as com- 
petent — in short, wisdom as opposed to mere knowledge 
made Washington the great statesman we now know him to 
have been. He held the reins of government firmly and made 
few or no mistakes. He saw that the new nation should 
show prudence and by its dignity win the respect of other 
nations ; and in spite of criticism, and often of frantic opposi- 
tion, he kept his administrations well in line with his ideals. 
He avoided foreign complications and appeased or put down 
domestic discontent. He balanced political parties and made 

1 New York City was the temporary capital until 1790, when Philadelphia 
took its place. In 1800 the government was moved to Washington, which at 
the time contained few houses. 

196 



A 




To face p. 196. 



§266] EARLY LEGISLATION AND PARTIES. 197 

their leaders serve the state. When he laid down his office 
he explained his principles in his "Farewell Address," which 
has become one of the political classics of the world. And 
now, after the lapse of a century, the perspective of time en- 
ables us to comprehend, in part at least, the unique grandeur 
of his position among men. 

266. Early Legislation. — The first Congress, which was or- 
ganized shortly before Washington was inaugurated, contained 
some eminent men, chief among them perhaps being James 
Madison of Virginia, in the House of Representatives, and 
John Adams of Massachusetts, who, as Vice President, presided 
over the Senate. The members were residents of the districts 
they represented, and their salary was at first six dollars a day. 
The most important work they d^, after determining the rules 
of procedure that should govern them, was to organize those 
portions of the administration and government that had been 
left vague by the Constitution. They established the three de- 
partments of State, Treasury, and War, whose Secretaries, along 
with the Attorney-General, formed the President's Cabinet.^ 
The Post-Office Department was also organized, but the Post- 
master-General was not then included in the Cabinet. Con- 
gress furthermore organized the Federal judiciary along the 
lines of circuit and district courts that it follows at present, 
the Supreme Court having been authorized by the Constitu^ 
tion, but the number of its justices not having been settled. 
They also passed a tariff law giving mild protection to manu- 

1 General Henry Knox of Massachusetts was the first Secretary of War and 
was also mtrusted with the charge of naval affairs. The Navy Department 
was not established until 1798. Edmund Randolph of Virginia was the first 
Attorney-General. The two most important secretaryships were those of 
State and of Treasury respectively (§§ 267, 268) . The Cabinet officers did 
not obtain the privilege of appearing before Congress in order to explain and 
defend the measures advocated by them. Thus an important variation from 
British parliamentary government was introduced. Another variation has 
come about through the fact that the Speaker of the House, who was at first 
an impartial moderator, has become for three quarters of a century the most 
influential of party leaders through his privilege of appointing all committees. 



198 ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. [§267 

facturers, as well as a moderate system of internal duties on 
distilled spirits. They arranged for the payment of the 
foreign and domestic public debt of the United States, about 
fifty-four million dollars, mainly incurred to carry on the Revo- 
lution, and also, after much discussion, agreed to assume a 
large part, i.e. twenty-one million five hundred thousand 
dollars, of the debts of the individual states contracted for 
the same purpose. The latter measure was carried only by 
means of an agreement to fix the Federal capital at a point 
on the Potomac Eiver (afterward Washington), in return for 
which concession Southern votes were secured.^ Finally, 
Congress established a National Bank with a capital of ten 
million dollars and a charter running twenty years, and also 
laid before the states twelve amendments to the Constitution 
which, as we have seen (§ 254), had been suggested during the 
state debates on the adoption of that instrument.^ 

267. Hamilton and the Federalists. — The financial legislation 
mentioned in the last paragraph had been outlined in the main 
by Alexander Hamilton of New York, the first Secretary of 
the Treasury. This remarkable man had distinguished him- 
self as a soldier and as a contributor to The Federalist in 
defense of the Constitution (§ 254), before Washington chose 
him as his chief counselor. As a financier and an adminis- 
-trator working under a chief, he has probably had no equal in 
America. In his theories of government, however, he favored 
a strong central administration more than a simple people sus- 
picious of tyranny thought proper. Hence, while he easily 

1 Jefferson was chiefly instrumental in obtaining this compromise. 

2 Of these twelve proposed amendments, ten were ratified in 1791. They 
form a Bill of Rights. A few years later an eleventh was added in order to 
prevent states from being sued by citizens, and a twelfth, as we shall soon see, 
in order to avoid deadlocks in the election of a President. At this point the 
practice of amending the Constitution stopped until after the Civil War. 
Cumbrous formalities had to be gone through, and it was soon found that the 
decisions of the Supreme Court in constitutional questions were the best means 
of making the Constitution a flexible instrument capable of adapting itself 
the changing needs of the country. 



§268] EARLY LEGISLATION AND PARTIES. 199 

dominated all the supporters of the new government, he failed 
to secure the confidence of the masses and probably would not 
have been given the Presidency, even if he had* not fallen in a 
duel with Aaron Burr in 1804. He did, however, during his 
life direct the policy of the Federalists, as the party supporting 
the Union under the Constitution was called. Washington 
would have liked to govern without parties, but the unsettled 
question whether the new central government should be strong 
or weak necessitated a twofold division of voters. And in the 
end even Washington was forced more or less to take sides 
with Hamilton and the Federalists. 

268. Jefferson and the Democratic-Republicans. — Hamilton's 
rival in the Cabinet was Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, who 
gave up his post as minister to France to accept the Secretary- 
ship of State. Jefferson had already acquired great fame as the 
writer of the Declaration of Independence and other state pa- 
pers. He had been governor of Virginia, and was a good legis- 
lator and administrative officer, although plainly Hamilton's 
inferior in the latter respect. But he was especially strong in 
his thorough comprehension of the desires of the people and in 
his ability to criticise political institutions and measures. He 
believed in democracy and wished government to be simple in 
every respect. Being suspicious by nature, he thought that 
Hamilton and the Federalists were aiming to establish a strong 
republic that might develop into a monarchy. In order to 
oppose them, he drew together all the dissatisfied elements in 
the country, as well as all the advocates of a simple, popular 
government, into a party soon known as the Democratic-Repub- 
licans. Under one name or another, the two parties formed 
under Hamilton and Jefferson have existed to our own day. 
The two Secretaries naturally opposed each other in the Cab- 
inet,^ and Washington had a hard task in forcing them to work 
together. Finally Jefferson, who had indiscreetly used the 

1 Jefferson wrote that they were pitted against each other like cocks in a 
cockpit. 



200 ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. [§269 

newspapers against the administration, desired to resign and 
return to his home at Monticello,^ and Washington let him go. 
After this, as we have just seen, the President allowed Hamil- 
ton more and more power, and the administration became prac- 
tically a Federalist one, although its head was still superior to 
mere party considerations. 

DIFFICULTIES OF ADMINISTRATION. 

269. Washington's First Term. — At the appointed time, be- 
fore the expiration of his first term, Washington was elected 
unanimously for a second. During his first term, in which 
North Carolina and Rhode Island were reconciled to the Union, 
and Vermont and Kentucky added to it, only two events of 
great importance took place. These were St. Clair's defeat 
and the outbreak of the Trench Revolution. This latter event 
was destined to complicate domestic politics in America after 
Washington had begun his second administration. 

270. St. Clair's Defeat. — The North western Indians had 
been giving trouble since 1786, and in 1791 had destroyed 
the settlement of Big Bottom, in Ohio. In order to check 
them, it was determined to construct a line of forts from 
Cincinnati to Lake Michigan. General Arthur St. Clair, gov- 
ernor of the Northwest Territory, was beginning the work 
when he was entrapped in ambush, and suffered a crushing 
defeat (1791). He resigned, and Washington, who was moved 
to indignation and grief by the catastrophe, appointed " Mad 
Anthony " AVayne, another Revolutionary veteran, as his suc- 
cessor (§ 198). Wayne, a thorough soldier, proceeded cau- 
tiously, and two years later (1793) broke the power of the 
tribes in a battle near Vincennes. The treaty of Greenville 
(1795) relieved eastern Ohio from Indian menaces. 

271. Genet's Indiscretions. — Early in 1793 war was declared 
between France and England, and the Democratic-Republican 

1 In Albemarle County, Virginia. 



§272] DIFFICULTIES OF ADMINISTRATION. 201 

party wished to involve America in the struggle, directly or 
indirectly, in the interests of her former ally. We had a 
treaty binding us to defend French colonies, like those in the 
West Indies, but this treaty had been concluded with the 
French monarchy, not with the Republic that had overthrown 
Louis XVI. After some discussion in the Cabinet, Washing- 
ton issued a proclamation of strict neutrality, which naturally 
disappointed the French revolutionists greatly. Their min- 
ister to America, Edmond Charles Genet, landed in Charleston 
and began to lit out privateers and enlist men in plain defiance 
of the President's proclamation. He counted on the sympathy 
of the people with France, and was, indeed, received with en- 
thusiasm by many visionary citizens. But Washington stopped 
his privateers, and treated all his demands with such firmness 
that he soon lost ground. He had the insolence to make a 
public appeal against the administration. This foolhardy act 
could lead to but one result — his recall, at the request of the 
United States. Genet, however, though recalled, chose not to 
run the risk of returning to France, where the guillotine was in 
full operation. 

272. Jay's Treaty. — One of the chief events of Washing- 
ton's second administration was the ratification of the treaty 
with Great Britain, which bears the name of the statesman 
who negotiated it — John Jay,^ then Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court. There were. various restrictions placed by 
England upon America's trade, and the ships of the latter 
were being captured during the war then in progress between 
Great Britain and France. Native-born Americans were fre- 

1 Bom, 1745 ; died, 1829. Graduated at King's (now Columbia) College, 1766 ; 
member of committee of correspondence and of the First Continental Con- 
gress, 1774; wrote Address to the People of Great Britain in 1774; was mem- 
ber of the Second Congress, and was chief justice of New York in 1777; was 
associated with Franklin and Adams in negotiating treaty with France ; sec- 
retary of foreign affairs, 1784-1789 ; wrote at least five of the essays in The 
Federalist ; member of the New York Constitutional Convention, 1788 ; ap- 
pointed by Washington first Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, 
1789; after negotiating "Jay's Treaty," was governor of New York, 1795-1801. 



202 ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. [§273 



quently taken from the decks of their country's merchant 
vessels and pressed into the British naval service, on the 
pretense that they were really British born. As the two nations 
spoke the same language, it was often difficult to prove that 
this impressment was illegal. There were other troubles, con- 
nected with the fail- 
ure of the British 
to abandon frontier 
posts, with boundary 
disputes, and with 
unpaid claims ; hence 
there was much popu- 
lar feeling against 
Great Britain. Jay, 
after great trouble, 
negotiated in the 
autumn of 1794 a 
treaty which removed 
some grievances, such 
as the unlawful occu- 
pation by the British 
of military posts upon 
American soil, but did 
not much improve the 
condition of trade, nor 
abate the impressment 
nuisance. Washington, although he was disappointed, thought 
that even such a treaty for twelve years would be better than a 
war with England. He called an extra session of the Senate in 
June, 1795, and after a hot debate, the treaty, slightly altered, 
was confirmed. There was great popular displeasure about the 
matter, and Jay and Washington were bitterly reviled, but in 
the end it was seen that they had acted wisely. 




John Jay. 



273. The Whisky Rebellion. — Another event of importance 
was an insurrection in western Pennsylvania in the summer 



§274] 



DIFFICULTIES OF ADMINISTRATION. 



203 



and autumn of 1794, commonly known as "The Whisky 
Rebellion/' The moderate excise tax on whisky had outraged 
the rough frontiersmen of the district, since they made the 
liquor easily and could purchase goods in exchange for it.^ 
They threatened the tax collectors in mobs, and finally blood 
was shed, in July, 1794. Great excitement followed, and the 
government mail was robbed. Then the President called out 
the militia from Pennsylvania a.nd neighboring states, and fif- 
teen thousand men were marched over the region, encountering 
no opposition, and making only a few arrests. Two rough 
fellows were convicted of treason, but Washington pardoned 
them, and the insurrection was at an end. 




'i^^^X^^l 



Mount Vernon. 



274. Washington Refuses a Third Term. - In 1796, in his 
famous "Farewell Address," Washington declined reelection 
for a third term, thus setting a precedent which has been fol- 
lowed ever since. He served his country from the spring of 



1 The internal revenue tax on spirits still produces lawlessness anrong the 
mountaineers of the Southern states. 



204 ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON, 1789-1797. [§274 

1789 to that of 1797. During his second term his political 
assailants were especially venomous.^ As criticism hurt him 
sorely, he was glad to lay down his office, and retire to Mount 
Vernon, particularly as it seemed that the new government 
was now stable enough to be able to exist without him. 



References. — General Works which should be consulted in con- 
nection with Chapters XIII.-XVII. : W. Macdonald, Select Documents 
of United States History, 1776-1861 ; J. vSchouler, History of the United 
States (6 vols.) ; J. B. McMaster, A History of the People of the United 
States (to 1830, 5 vols.) ; J. Winsor, The Narrative and Critical History of 
America (8 vols.) ; H. von Hoist, The Constitutional History of the United 
States (8 vols.) ; G. Tucker, Jlie History of the United States (4 vols.) ; 
Bryant and Gay, A Popular History of the United States (4 vols.) ; R. 
Hildreth, The History of the United States ('1492-1821, 6 vols.) ; A. B. 
Hart, Formation of the Union, chaps, vii.-xi. ; F. A. Walker, Making 
of the Union ("American History Series") ; J. W. Burgess, The Middle 
Period, chap. i. ("x\merican History Series"). 

Special Works in Connection with Chapter XII. : H. C. Lodge, 
George Washington, Vol. II., Alexander Hamilton; J. T. Morse, Thomas 
Jefferson ; S. H. Gay, James Madison (these are in the " American States- 
men" series). See also other biographies of these four statesmen and 
their collected writings, as well as the Messages of the Presidents. 

1 To Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, who had urged Washington to run 
for a third term, the President replied that if the Democrats were to put up a 
broomstick against him as candidate they would be victorious. See Fisher's 
Life of Trumbull, Appendix. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS, 1797-1801 
A PERIOD OF DISSENSIONS. 

275. The Election of John Adams. — Washington's refusal ot 
a third term and retirement to Mount Vernon, brought John 
Adams^ to the front 
as the natural choice 
of the Federalists for 
President. Hamilton, 
as we have seen (§ 267), 
was out of the question, 
and the services of 
Massachusetts' great 
^on during the Revolu- 
tion ranked next to 
those of Washington 
now that Franklin was 
dead. The Democratic- 
Republicans naturally 
favored Jefferson; but 
there was no such 
elaborate campaign 
between the rivals as 
there is in our day. 
As the electoral sys- 
tem then stood, the 
person receiving the highest number of votes in the Electoral 
College became President, the person receiving the next highest 

1 Born at Braintree, Massachusetts, October 31, 1735 ; died at Quincy, once 
part of Braintree, July 4, 1826. He practiced law and took active part in agita- 

206 




John Adams. 



206 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS, 1797-1801. [§ 276 

number, Vice President. Hamilton tried by an intrigue to get 
Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, who was the Federalist 
candidate for Vice President, elected President over Adams. 
His scheme failed, however, for Pennsylvania and the South 
voted for Jefferson, who thus secured 69 votes to Adams's 71. 
Jeiferson, therefore, became Vice President. Congress divided, 
the Senate continuing Federalist, but both parties being so 
nearly even in the House that a few moderate Democratic- 
Republicans held the balance of power. 

276. The X. Y. Z. Aifair. — Adams, took over Washington's 
Cabinet, fromjvhic h Hamilton Jiad-xati£gd^in 1795. In so doing 
Eelnade a mistake, since theSecretaries^ regarded Hamilton as 
the leader Qf^their_party^_ and indulged Jn hitri^ues-agaiaat- 
their la wful chief. The new President also tried to carry out 
Washington's general policy, and found himself hampered, 
especially with regard to France. The French _had not liked 
the treaty the United_StatesJi ad conclu ded w ith their enemies, 
^Ehe'British, through th e diplomacy _of_Jay, and tliey_had Jbeen 
Imprudently dealt withby_j the Am erican minister, _ James 
Monroe'. Monroe's successor, Charles Cotes worth Pi nckney^ of_ 
South Carolina, was not well treated in France, and^at^oncejn.::. 
lofmed Adams that the French Direct ory w ould not receive 
"anaEheOIinisterTrom the' U ni'ted States until thejii^rieyances 
were redressed. Adams immediat ely called a s jjecjpl pe^gjoinjTF 

tion against the Stamp Act ; wrote much against British treatment of colonies ; 
served prominently in First and Second Continental Congresses ; did much to 
secure the adoption of the Declaration of Independence ; sent as Commissioner 
to France, 1777; negotiated Dutch loan, 1780; Minister to Holland, 1781; one 
of the negotiators of the Treaty of Paris, 1783; Minister to Great Britain, 
1785 ; returned to America, 1788 ; Vice President, 1789-1797 ; President, 1797- 
1801 ; lived in retirement at Quincy till his death. 

1 Born in South Carolina, 1746; died, 1825. Attorney-general in South 
Carolina, and member of the Provincial Congress, 1775 ; fought as major at 
Brandy wine, German town, and Charleston ; member of the Federal Conven- 
tion of 1787 ; was sent on mission to France in 1796 ; in response to efforts of 
the French to bribe the envoys, gave utterance to the phrase, "millions for 
defense, but not a cent for tribute " ; was Federalist candidate for Vice Presi- 
dent in 1800, and for President in 1804 and 1808. 



^A^ 



277] 



A PERIOD OF DISSENSIONS. 



207 



Congr ess, but w as wise eDOTjgh^fcosendjovgr fToLnJarshalLof 
Virginia and Elbridge (xerry of Massachu s etts to act with Pinnk- 
'ngy'as'co mmis sioners. 
Searly a year later 
news was received 
tEa t"an att empt Jiad 
been made to make 
tE£^_commissipners, 
who j ad not been 
officially Xficeiyeil, 



offer^money for_s^cur- 
mg a_ settlemenJL jaf 
the trouble. In other 




that they m ust com- 
mit th e crime of brib - 
ery if they wish ed 
jto serve their _j2fflin- 
try effectively . The 
names o f the person s 
"making these insult- 
"' demands were 



■ 


^H 


^^H 


^"^^^1 


■■pp 


b '^l::^^^^^ 




'^ ' ^^^V^I^H^^I 


■^^^Hi€ 




Hl| 




^^M 




im^i 


K^b^l v'^^'^^l 



Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. 



ing_ 

veiled under the letters X. Y. Z. — hence the matter is known as 
\ Z. Affair. Adams ancT^the people~at large resented" 



theJL 

this treatment of the comnTissTohers, and ajw ar with France 
was imminent. InaeecL m July, lVv)8^merican vessels of war 
w ere authorizedT'to^aftack French men-of-wa rt_and_a_Fren^ 

Washington 
familton 



" mgate was actually J^a.ke^n^nT^Febnifl.r y^ 1 799 . 

w as ma de commander in chief of the land forces with"" 

asseconJ~Th~comnmnd^^but neither had occasion to serve 
actively. 



277. The Alien and Sedition Laws. — Meanwhile Adams and the 
Federalists, who had the sympathy of the country in the impend- 
ing war, speedily lost it by passing the famous "Alien and 



208 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS, 1797-1801. [§278 

Sedition Laws." The editors of the Eepublican press, being 
in many cases foreign born, had been friendly to France since 
the days of the French E-evolution and of Genet's mission, and 
had attacked Adams and his party violently. The Federalists, 
believing that the liberties of the country would be destroyed 
if this license were not checked, not only passed a rigid natu- 
ralization law, but also one providing for the removal from the 
country of dangerous aliens designated by the President. 

278. Features of the Sedition Law. — To this act against 
foreigners, which was tyrannical in theory although not in 
practice, an even worse law was added relative to sedition. It 
was designed to punish persons who conspired in order to resist 
the government's measures or to intimidate officeholders. It 
was also aimed at persons guilty of libeling the government, 
Congress, or the President. Practically this was to gag the 
press in the interest of the Federalist party. The first con- 
spicuously effective use of the law was made against an obnox- 
ious Eepublican editor named Callender. But the .journalists 
took shelter behind public opinion, and the Federalists soon 
found to their sorrow that they had gone too far in their attack 
on popular liberties. 

279. The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. — Jefferson led 
the resistance to the unpopular law, and as he could hope to do 
nothing with Congress until a new election, he turned to the 
state legislatures. In those of Virginia and Kentucky, in the 
fall of 1798, resolutions were adopted, since known as the Vir- 
ginia and Kentucky Resolutions. These declared that, as the 
Constitution was a compact between the states, the latter have 
individually the right to pass judgment upon the enactments 
of the general government, which derives its power to make laws 
from the Constitution. In pursuance of this assumed right the 
legislatures representing the two states pronounced the Alien 
and Sedition Acts unconstitutional and void and called on other 
states to do likewise. In 1799 the Kentucky legislature passed 
a second series, which declared that all acts of the general 



i 



§281] A PERIOD OF DISSENSIONS. 209 

government unauthorized by the Constitution ought to be nulli- 
fied by the states. The immediate object and effect of these 
resolutions was to render the Alien and Sedition Laws unpopu- 
lar and suspected. The chief effect, however, was seen later to 
lie in the support given by the names of Madison and Jeffer- 
son, authors respectively of the Virginia and Kentucky series, 
to the theory of the " compact ^' origin of the government and 
to the subsequent Carolina doctrine of nullification. 

280. Dissensions in the Cabinet. — While the Federalists were 
defeating themselves by the laws they passed, Adams was 
dividing them by his policy. In order to conclude a new treaty 
with France, he nominated a minister to that country without 
consulting his Cabinet. This not only alienated his Secretaries 
still more, but also irritated those Federalists who had wished 
to fight France. Kelations became so strained in the Cabinet 
that Timothy Pickering, a friend of Hamilton's, had to be re- 
placed, as Secretary of State, by John Marshall. But Adams 
secured his treaty (1800) through a commission of three, instead 
of through the Minister he had at first nominated. 

281. The Presidential Election of i8oo. — As a new election 
was approaching, Hamilton again tried to oust Adams as leader 
of the Federalists, but failed. Adams, with C. C. Pinckney 
for a colleague, received the votes of the Federalist electors 
but was defeated by Jefferson by eight votes (seventy-three to 
sixty-five). Unfortunately, however, Aaron Burr, the New 
York Democratic-Kepublican, who was supported for Vice Presi- 
dent, got the same number of votes as Jefferson, which threw the 
election into the House of Kepresentatives, where the Federalists 
had a majority. There was great confusion, and for a time it 
looked as if Burr, who was thought to be unprincipled, would 
be chosen. It was even believed by some persons that the 
Federalists would be able to keep themselves in power on the 
plea that old officials must hold over until new ones were legally 
elected. But Hamilton at last supported Jefferson, as the lesser 
of two evils, and through the votes of moderate Federalist con- 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. 

JEFFERSONIAN POLICY. 

282. Jefferson's Character and General Policy. — With the ad- 
vent of the popular Jefferson as President, the aristocratic Feder- 
alists, especially those of New England, thought, as we have just 
seen, that anarchy would ensue. Jefferson was supposed to be an 
opponent of all social distinctions, of strong organized govern- 
ment, and even of religious institutions. As a matter of fact, 
he was a widely cultured country gentleman who had liberal 
political theories, a sympathy with the masses of the people, 
especially the agriculturists, and a profound belief in human 
capacity for progress.. He was too suspicious, and he often 
lacked dignity ; he had no great executive ability and preferred 
rather to manage than to command, but he understood the Ameri- 
can people as perhaps no other man has done. Furthermore, 
he gave in his writings the most subtle and widely current 
exposition of general republican ideas that has ever been given. 
He corresponded with leading men throughout the country and 
by his letters molded public opinion. His accession to power, 
so far from overthrowing the government, gave it a popular 
support it could have received in no other way; and the 
successive elections of his pupils, Madison and Monroe, kept 
the South and West fairly in the Union until the central govern- 
ment became strong enough under Jackson to crush incipient 
efforts to divide the nation. None of these three Virginian 
Presidents was a commanding man, but all were influential, 
and their policies made for harmony. Hence the period of 

211 



212 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§283 

their administrations liad an importance not at first perceived. 
They helped to hold the agricultural slave-holding South in 
line with the manufacturing and commercial North and East. 
They made mistakes, were embarrassed by foreign complica- 
tions and domestic difficulties, and had to persuade instead of 
ruling. But they represented both the Union and the section 
that was most masterful and restive of control, and thus 
their administrations formed a necessary stage in the nation's 
evolution. 

283. The Revolution of iSoi. — Another point to be remem- 
bered about these Presidents is the fact that they were all rep- 
resentative of the educated 
upper classes, and yet were 
in full sympathy with the 
common people, who had 
just obtained political con- 
trol of the country. If they 
had been demagogues or as 
ignorant of the j)rinciples of 
government as many of their 
supporters, they might in- 
deed have precipitated the 
reign of anarchy the Feder- 
alists feared. On the con- 
trary, they governed as well 
as their aristocratic op- 
ponents could have done, 
and so the Federalist party, 

which had succeeded so well 
Albert Gallatin. 

in establishing the govern- 
ment, but had unwisely ignored the wishes of the people, sank 
into insignificance, without any serious detriment to the nation. 
The Eevolution of 1801, as the Democratic-Republican victory 
has been called, was a beneficent one, chiefly because it took 
place under the direction and control of trained statesmen. 




J 



§284] 



JEFFERSONIAN POLICY. 



213 



284. Leading Public Men. — Jefferson made a good begin- 
ning by delivering a conciliatory inaugural address^ and by- 
not making a whole- 
sale removal of Fed- 
eralist officeholders. 
Where commissions 
had not been delivered 
to Adams's late appoin- 
tees, he withheld them, 
and he removed obnox- 
ious partisans, but on 
the whole his attitude 
toward the civil service 
was fairly conserva- 
tive. His Cabinet ap- 
pointments were good, 
and throughout his two 
terms he had the cor- 
dial support of his 
subordinates. Madison, 
who was much under 
his influence, was a 
prudent and able states- 
man, and made a dignified Secretary of State. Albert Gal- 
latin ^ of Pennsylvania, as Secretary of the Treasury, proved 




John Marshall. 



1 This address is still often quoted, especially by leaders of the Democratic 
party, and it deserves to be carefully read by all who desire to understand 
the cardinal principles of Jefferson's political philosophy. Many of its phrases 
have become political maxims to which members of every party would sub- 
scribe. 

2 Born at Geneva, Switzerland, 1761; died at Astoria, Long Island, 1849. 
Was educated at Geneva, and came to America, 1780 ; settled as manufacturer 
in Pennsylvania in 1784 ; rose rapidly as leader of the Democratic-Republican 
party ; in national House of Representatives, 1795-1801 ; showed great ability, 
especially on financial topics ; was made Secretary of the Treasury by Jefferson ; 
held the position from 1801 to 1813 ; was peace commissioner in negotiating 
Treaty of Ghent, 1813-1814; Minister to France, 1816-1823; envoy extraor- 
dinary to Great Britain in 1826 ; became bank president in New York City. 



214 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§285 

himself second only to Hamilton as a financier. Gallatin was 
by birtli a Swiss, and is a striking example of what a foreign- 
born citizen of integrity and talents can accomplish in free 
America. The leading man in the House of Representatives 
was the Virginian, John Randolph of Roanoke, one of the 
most brilliant and interesting figures in our history. He was 
too independent and one-sided, however, to work long in har- 
mony with the administration, and became in course of time 
the most bitter and effective of its opponents. Another Vir- 
ginian, in the judiciary department, was a formidable opponent 
of Jefferson. This was John Marshall,^ whom Adams, shortly 
before he left ofiice, had made Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court. Marshall was a Federalist, and in favor of giving the 
general government broader powers than Jefferson and his 
party thought either right or expedient. The President and 
the great jurist came often into conflict, as, for example, in the 
Burr trial (§ 290) ; but on the whole the advantage rested with 
Marshall, since he remained in office until his death, in 1835, 
and since his decisions steadily helped to build up the power of 
the government. 

MEASURES AND EVENTS. 

285. Financial Affairs and War with the Barbary States. — One 

of the first matters that occupied the new administration was 
the reduction of taxes and the decrease of the public debt, 
which had grown rapidly in consequence of the preparations 
for war with France. The army was greatly reduced,^ and 
much less was spent on the navy — a branch of the service 
which had grown under Adams, but with which Jefferson, as 
an agriculturist, had little sympathy. He endeavored to 

1 Bom , 1755 ; died, 1835. The greatest of American jurists ; served as soldier 
at Brandywine and Monmouth ; contended successfully against Patrick Henry 
in behalf of a ratification of the Constitution in 1788 ; was envoy to France 
with Gerry and Pinckney, 1797; congressman, 1799-1800; Secretary of State, 
1800-1801 ; Chief Justice of Supreme Court from 1801 till his death. 

3 Yet West Point was founded in 1802. 






§285] 



MEASURES AND EVENTS. 



215 



economize in other ways, especially by doing away with 
internal taxes and with the unnecessary judges added by the 
Federalists, but he natur- 
ally found that the de- 
mands of a growing 
country had to be met. 
Still, the next ten years 
were distinctly a period of 
retrenchment, in spite of 
the cost of Louisiana and 
of the small war waged 
against the piratical Bar- 
bary States (1801-1806). 
These " pests of Christen- 
dom " had become too im- 
pudent in their demands 
for tribute in return for 
promised immunity of 
American shipping in the 
Mediterranean, and they 
had to be brought to their 
senses by the bombard- 
ment of Tripoli. The war 
furnished training to our sailors, and gave Lieutenant Stephen 
Decatur^ great fame for his exploit in burning one of our 
frigates, so that she could be of no use to the enemy.^ 

iBom in Maiyland, 1779; died, 1820. Began service in the navy, 1798; 
distinguished himself against Tripoli in 1804 ; commanded the Atlantic squad- 
ron in 1812, and captured the British ship Macedonian ; humhled the Barbary 
States in 1815 ; was navy commissioner from 1816 to 1820, when he was killed 
in a duel with Commodore Barron, who had been found by court-martial guilty 
of negligence in commanding the Chesapeake against the Leopard (§ 293). 

^ The Philadelphia, commanded by Captain Bainbridge, while pursuing a 
frigate of the enemy, ran upon a rock off the Tripolitan coast and was cap- 
tured, along with her captain and crew, November 1, 1804. Attempts to 
liberate the prisoners failed, and they were not released for nearly two years. 
But Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, ventured one dark night into the harbor of 
Tripoli and destroyed the Philadelphia, under the fire of the enemy's batteries. 




Stephen Decatur. 



216 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§286 

286. The Louisiana Purchase. — This purchase was the most 
important feature of either of Jefferson's administrations. The 
colony of Louisiana, which comprised a vast stretch of terri- 
tory west of the Mississippi, had, as we have seen, been ceded 
by France to Spain in 1763 (§ 115). In 1800 Spain ceded it 
back to France. As the latter country was far more powerful 
and dangerous than the former, and as the ambitious Napoleon 
then ruled France, great alarm was felt in America at the" pros- 
pect of having a rival nation grow up across the Mississippi. 
Affairs were made still more serious by the denial of the right 
of depositing their goods at the port of New Orleans to the 
inhabitants of our Western country. These citizens were thus 
unable to transfer their merchandise from river boats to ocean 
vessels, and were cut off from profitable markets. Even the 
pacific Jefferson took the alarm,^ and James Monroe of Virginia 
was dispatched to France to try to buy a strip of territory in- 
cluding New Orleans. Because of the impending war between 
Great Britain and France, and the consequent necessity of 
defending Louisiana, and for other reasons, Napoleon just be- 
fore Monroe's arrival made the regular American Minister, 
K. E. Livingston, an offer to sell the whole Louisiana region. 
His offer was accepted, and the price was set at fifteen million 
dollars, less certain claims against the French. 

287. Controversy over the Purchase. — Jefferson declared, con- 
sistently with his own principles, that no power to acquire 
territory was allowed the general government by the Constitu- 
tion, and that therefore an amendment must be made to that 
document in order that the purchase might be valid. But an 
amendment would take time, and unless the bargain were 
closed at once the new territory might be lost forever, espe- 
cially as Spain was indignant on account of Napoleon's action. 

1 Jefferson had long been friendly to France and more or less hostile 
to Great Britain, but when he heard that the former power had acquired 
Louisiana, he wrote : " The day that France takes possession of New Orleans 
fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low-water mark. 
From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 



MEASURES AND EVENTS. 



217 



So the treaty was ratified, and a strict constructionist President 
furnished a weighty precedent to his political opponents. The 
latter, however, did not perceive the value of Louisiana to the 
Union, and would have been better pleased had Jefferson 
clung to his principles. Yet it is clear that he was right, and 
the Federalists wrong. The contiguity of the territory made 




j it necessary that it should belong to the United States, and it 
i was better to buy it than to fight for it at some future day. It 
j is true that the boundaries of the region were unsettled, and 
were sure to cause trouble, and that a spread of slavery was 
also involved. But the people were wise when they indorsed 
Jefferson's action by reelecting him in 1804 by an overwhelm- 
ing majority. Jefferson himself was wise in not speculating 
whether or not the states formed west of the Mississippi 
Would adhere to the Union, — the Federalists feared the/ 



218 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§288 

would not, — and in having the new region explored by Lewis | 
and Clark and Lieutenant Pike. So great was the opposition 
of New England to this acquisition of territory by the nation, 
that some Federalist leaders actually thought that they might 
persuade the Eastern states to detach themselves from the 
Union. Their schemes were abortive, but were destined soon 
to bear bitter fruit (§§ 313-315). 

288. The Election of 1804. — The election of 1804 was. held 
under the Twelfth Amendment (§ 281). Burr, who had 
endeavored to secure the Presidency through Federalist help, 
and who was besides, as we have seen, a suspicious character, 
was not available for reelection to the Vice Presidency. Jef- 
ferson was therefore given George Clinton, of New York, as 
a colleague. The two Federalist candidates, C. C. Pinckney 
and Eufus King of New York, received but fourteen electoral 
votes, so complete was the demoralization of the party. 

289. Burr's Conspiracy. — Burr ran as an independent can- 
didate for the governorship of New York, but was defeated, 
again chiefly through the instrumentality of Hamilton. In 
consequence, he picked a quarrel with the latter, which led to 
a duel. Hamilton was killed at the first shot, and the death 
of so brilliant a man in such a manner aroused the indignation 
of the entire country.^ Burr became almost an outcast. As 
he was an ambitious schemer, he undertook in 1806 to induce 
a secession of the Western states from the Union. He seems 
also to have dreamed of playing the part of Napoleon in the 
New World, and of establishing an empire in Texas or Mexico. 
He gained the support of a well-to-do Irish gentleman named 
Blennerhassett, who helped to gather arms and men in Ohio 
and Kentucky, and as a consequence ruined himself and 
family. Burr also tampered with other leading citizens of the 
West, particularly with General Wilkinson, the American com- 
mander at New Orleans, who reported his schemes to Jefferson. 

1 Among the people of the Northern states dueling was practically put a 
stop to by Hamilton's death. 



J 



§292] MEASURES AND EVENTS. 219 

After some delay, the President made use of local militia, and 
Burr's expedition was reduced to a fiasco, only about one hun- 
dred men descending the Mississippi with him. He finally 
abandoned these, and after some wandering in the almost unin- 
habited territory that lay to the south of Tennessee, he was 
captured and sent to Eichmond, Virginia, for trial (1807). 

290. Burr's Trial. — Jefferson showed great interest in the 
case, and almost seemed pitted against Chief Justice Marshall. 
The latter ordered the President to appear as a witness, but 
the Executive very properly refused to do anything beyond 
sending papers. Marshall declared that an overt act of treason 
must be proved, but as Burr had not yet levied war against the 
United States or adhered to their enemies, — actions constitut- 
ing treason according to the Constitution, — and as his muster- 
ing of men had not taken place in Virginia, there was little or 
nothing for the prosecuting attorneys to proceed on, and the 
case came to an abrupt close. Marshall's decision has prob- 
ably done good in making trials for treason practically unknown 
in the United States. But he can hardly be acquitted of hav- 
ing allowed his feelings against Jefferson to get the better of 
him. On the other hand, Jefferson had, in his easy-going way, 
allowed Burr to go too far before interfering with his plans. 
Burr himself went to England, then returned to New York, 
and soon passed from public notice. 

291. The Impeachment of Justice Chase. — Two years previous 
to the miscarriage of justice in Burr's case, another trial of a dif- 
ferent nature had failed almost as signally. This was the trial, 
before the Senate, of Justice Samuel Chase of the Supreme 
Court. Chase was a violent Eederalist, who had been im- 
peached by the Democratic-Republican House of Eepresenta- 
tives for partisan conduct on the bench. He was ably defended, 
while John Ean^olph, who led the prosecution, completely mis- 
managed his case. The result was a failure to convict (1805). 

292. Troubles with Great Britain and France. — More serious 
matters now confronted Jefferson. Since the signing of Jay's 



220 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§29? 



Treaty, American shipping had flourished, owing to the fact 
that being a neutral nation, the United States could convey to 
France and Spain the produce of their West Indian colonies, 
the ships of the two European countries not being serviceable 

on account of the war 
with Great Britain) 
whose fleets swept the 
ocean. By 1805, how- 
ever, the jealousy of 
British shipowners 
had been aroused and 
the Prime Minister, 
William Pitt the 
Younger, applied to 
American vessels what 
was known as the 
"Euleofl756.'^ This 
prevented a neutral 
from enjoying, in time 
of war, trading privi- 
leges not allowed in 
time of peace. Brit- 
ish men-of-war, there- 
fore, began to seize 
American ships, and the old impressment abuses were increased. 
Meanwhile, Jay's Treaty expired, and a new treaty, signed 
by Monroe and William Pinkney, a brilliant Maryland lawyer 
and orator, was not honorable to us and was not even laid before 
the Senate. One provision of it ran, that Great Britain would 
not be bound by it unless the United States undertook to resist 
Napoleon's Berlin Decree of November 21, 1806. This was 
a paper blockade of the British Isles, in retaliation for the 
British blockade of the Continent. In other words. Napoleon, 
who by that time had humbled most of the sovereigns of 
Europe, had declared Continental ports closed to British ships, 
although he had no effective means of keeping them out. 




William Pitt the Younger. 



§294] MEASURES AND EVENTS. 221 

Great Britain wished to force America to take sides against 
France. An Order in Council of November, 1807, actually 
authorized the seizure of any neutral vessel on a voyage 
to closed ports, unless it had previously touched at a British 
port. To this order Napoleon replied by the Milan Decree 
(December, 1807), authorizing the capture of any vessel that 
had entered a British port. Thus American neutral trade was 
practically an impossibility, and an important portion of our 
population was seriously affected. 

293. The Embargo. — Under these harassing circumstances, 
Jefferson was forced to adopt a more energetic foreign policy 
than at all suited his pacific disposition. Diplomatic efforts 
were wasted on headstrong opponents, who despised a weak, 
young nation. So the Non-intercourse Act, forbidding the 
importation of goods from Great Britain or her colonies, 
was passed in the spring of 1806, but did not go into effect 
for nearly two years; by 1808 it had been determined that 
mere non-importation was not a sufficiently drastic remedy, 
and that an embargo, forbidding all American vessels to leave 
for foreign ports, was necessary. In the interim, relations 
with Great Britain had been strained to the point of breaking, 
through the fact that on June 27, 1807, the British ship 
Leopard, acting under the orders of an admiral at Halifax, 
fired on the American frigate Chesapeake, and took from the 
latter four sailors, three of whom were American citizens.^ 
Jefferson at once ordered British warships out of American 
waters and tried to bring the impressment controversy to 
an issue, but the British merely disavowed the action of their 
admiral. This conduct, together with the Order in Council of 
November, 1807, precipitated the Embargo. 

294. Nature and Object of the Embargo. — The Embargo was 
partly intended to save the lives and property of the Americans 



1 The Chesapeake was taken by surprise, and Commodore Barron had no 
time to make an effective resistance. 



222 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§295 

— who were, nevertheless, willing to risk both on account of 
the great profits accruing from trade with Europe — by pre- 
venting ships from leaving port and running the risk of being 
captured by British men-of-war, or of being confiscated in Con- 
tinental ports. Jefferson, however, had another object in view. 
He believed that both England and Europe would suffer so 
much from the loss of the American trade that the combatants 
would be forced to abandon their repressive measures against 
the ships of neutrals. He miscalculated the stubbornness and 
malignity of both parties, and both Non-intercourse and Em- 
bargo, instead of proving coercive, proved irritating and mis- 
chievous. Nevertheless, there was precedent in favor of the 
experiment, and from the point of view. of general human wel- 
fare Jefferson was justified in trying it. From the point of 
view of politics, the experiment was disastrous, but the fact 
that he induced Congress to adopt it is a conclusive proof of 
Jefferson's capacity to control men. 

295. Difficulty of Enforcing the Embargo. — It proved very 
difficult, however, to enforce such legislation, for the Federal- 
ists made capital out of it, while Jefferson's Southern supporters 
upheld it against their wills. New England ships rotted at 
their wharves, and in Virginia the staple tobacco remained 
unsold. Jefferson was overwhelmed with petitions to change 
his policy, but held out persistently. The British government 
also held to its former course and Napoleon to his. Before 
Jefferson's second term had expired, it was quite clear that new 
measures must be tried in order to assert the nation's dignity 
abroad and to secure civil peace at home. ' The pupil Madison, 
who became President in 1809, had to undo in part, at least, 
the work of the master. 

CHARACTER OF JEFFERSON'S STATESMANSHIP. 

296. General View of Jefferson's Administrations. — Viewed ^ 
as a whole, Jefferson's two administrations do not prove him to | 
have been a great executive. He was a political philosopher ! 

I 



M 



§ 296] CHARACTER OF JEFFERSON'S STATESMANSHIP. 223 




Fulton's Steamboat, the 
"Clermont." 



rather than a practical statesman. He was more at home with 
ideas than with facts. But byhis purchase of Louisiana he saved 
the country far more than his in- 
effective diplomacy and his Embargo 
cost it, and he proved conclusively 
that democracy was not contradic- 
tory to the idea of union. He 
proved also that the responsibilities 
of office are likely always to prevent 
a theorist from going to extremes; 
for, although the father of the strict 
constructionists of the Constitution, he left them the difficult 

task of explaining at least one 
very loose construction of his 
own. Perhaps at another period 
his weakness might not have 
been apparent. He was intel- 
lectually far in advance of his 
countrymen, and was thus an ob- 
ject of suspicion to many worthy 
citizens of a land which had then 
done little for the cause of letters 
or of science. On the other hand, 
he only slowly and partly out- 
grew the prejudices of the agri- 
cultural class to which he belonged. 
It was not until late in life that he 
showed sympathy with the manu- 
facturing and commercial enterprise which was destined in a 
few years to make the country of Eobert Fulton^ and Eli 

1 Bom in Pennsylvania, 1765 ; died, 1815. Student of portrait painting ; went 
to England in 1786; soon began to study engineering and inventions; was in 
France, 1797-1804, where he invented a torpedo which he vainly tried to m- 
duce Napoleon to adopt ; failed in a similar attempt in Great Britain, 1804- 
1806; returned to New York, 1807; devised and successfully propelled his 
steamboat Clermont from New York to Albany in 1807 — the beginning of suc- 
cessful navigation by steam. 




Robert Fulton. 



224 ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEFFERSON, 1801-1809. [§29? 



Whitney^ one of the wealthiest and most prosperous nations 
in the world. 

297. Jefferson an Idealist. — Americans have been right in 
recognizing in Jefferson their main political spokesman. 

No other man has ever so thor- 
oughly brought the people to 
his way of thinking, or so com- 
pletely, held his own with politi- 
cians of all degrees of ability and 
ambition. Congress followed his 
lead almost blindly, even in mili- 
tary matters, about which he 
knew little. His popularity 
speedily recovered from the de- 
cline it experienced during the 
days of the Embargo, and for 
nearly twenty years his home 
at Monticello was almost like a 
pilgrim's shrine. His fame has 
suffered at the hands of some his- 
torians, but it is not unlikely that posterity will conclude that 
he was in advance not merely of his age, but of his century. 




Eli Whitney. 



References. — General Works : same as for Chapter XIII., with the 
addition of: Henry Adams, History of the United States (1800-1817, 
9 vols.). 

Special Works : J. Schouler, Thomas Jefferson ("Makers of Amer- 
ica"); H. S. Randall, Thomas Jefferson (3 vols.) ; J. Parton, Tliomas 
Jefferson, Aaron Burr; Henry Adams, Albert Gallatin, John Randolph 
(" American Statesmen ") ; A. B. Magruder, John Marshall (" American 
Statesmen"). See also T. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. IV. ; 
and the writings of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin. E. E. Hale's 
Philip NolanH Friends deals with Burr's Conspiracy, and G. W. Cable's 
Grandissimes with New Orleans shortly after the American occupation. 



1 Born in Connecticut, 1765 ; died, 1825. Invented the cotton gin in 1793, 
which increased enormously the importance of slave labor by raising the 
cotton crop in ten years from about two hundred thousand pounds to more 
than forty-two million pounds a year. Also established near New Haven, 
Connecticut, the first arms factory in the country. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. 

OUTBREAK OF WAR. 

298. Madison's Perplexities. — Just before Madison's accession 
to the Presidency the Embargo was supplanted by a non-inter- 
course law which permitted trade with nations not controlled 
by France or Great Britain. This legitimate trade and the large 
amount of fraudulent shipping that went on brought temporary 
wealth to American shipowners, and there even seemed to be a 
prospect of a treaty with Great Britain. People began to say 
that Madison was a better President than his predecessor, who 
continued to advise him. As a matter of fact, he was a weaker 
man, had a poorer Cabinet, and was soon involved in greater 
difficulties than those encountered by Jefferson. For British 
statesmanship was at that time at a very low ebb; the con- 
cessions agreed to by Erskine, the British envoy, were dis- 
avowed at home, and a new envoy actually ventured to insult 
Madison by accusing him of deception in negotiations relating 
to the prospective treaty. Yet party politics were at a still 
lower ebb in this country, as is shown by the fact that the 
Federalists showered social attentions on James Jackson, the 
envoy who had so grossly insulted the President. Neverthe- 
less Congress, tired of legislation that seemed to produce 
no effect either on England or on France, did away with 
non-intercourse, with the proviso that if one of the two 
contending powers annulled its vexatious decrees and the 
other did not, non-intercourse should be maintained with the 
nation still holding out (" Macon's Bill," No. 2, May 1, 1810). 
Napoleon took advantage of this proviso, although really show- 

225 



226 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§299 

ing America very little favor. He showed enough, however, 
to make Great Britain appear most in the wrong, and on 
November 1, 1810, Madison issued a proclamation declaring 
trade suspended with that power. This was a sorry commentary 
on the proclamation of the preceding April renewing trade with 
Great Britain; for the sole result of the diplomacy of the year 
had been to let loose more American ships to be captured by the 
British or confiscated by the French. 

299. War Advocated. — Madison, who was prudent like Jeffer- 
son, and who was more of a student of politics than a vigorous 
man of affairs, did not desire war with either Great Britain or 
France any more than Jefferson had done, but he was forced into 
hostilities with the former power before the close of his first 
administration. The temper of the American people had been 
sorely tried by the Embargo and the non-intercourse policy as 
well as by British arrogance throughout the whole controversy. 
British statesmen spoke ill of Americans when they should have 
tried to enlist their sympathies in the war Great Britain was 
waging against despotism personified in Napoleon. The British 
were also thought to have stirred up the Western Indians, who 
were crushed on Tippecanoe River by General William Henry 
Harrison in 1811. The Western people were thus greatly em- 
bittered against Great Britain, and Henry Clay of Kentucky 
represented their feelings when, as Speaker of the new House 
of Representatives, he helped to force Madison into consenting 
to war. With Clay were joined many young, high-spirited men, 
some of whom, like John C. Calhoun ^ of South Carolina, while 
adhering to the Jefferson-Madison school of politics, were in- 
clined to be impatient with their more cautious elders. It is 

1 Bom, 1782 ; died, 1850. Graduated at Yale, and early developed remark- 
able powers ; entered House of Representatives in 1811 ; was Secretary of War 
during Monroe's administrations; was Vice President, 1825-1832, when in 
consequence of radical differences with Jackson, he resigned his position and 
entered the Senate, where his ability at once made him a leader of the 
"States' Rights" party; was Secretary of State under Tyler in 1844-1845; 
reentered the Senate in 1845, where he held the leadership of the Southern 
Democrats till his death. 



300] 



OUTBREAK OF WAR. 



227 



said that they threatened Madison with loss of a second term 
if he would not agree to war with Great Britain.^ Their pol- 
icy eventually proved 
beneficial to the coun- 
try, s-ince it strength- 
ened the national 
spirit and showed 
that the new genera- 
tion contained men 
too strong to be bound 
by the traditions of 
the Revolutionary pe- 
riod ; but it was tardy 
and lacking in cos- 
mopolitan breadth of 
view. 

300. Outlook for the 
War of i8i2. — Not 
only was the War of 
1812 a political blun- 
der in so far as it 
helped Napoleon by 
harassing Great Brit- 
ain, but also owing to the condition of America at the 
time of its inception. The national finances were by no 
means adequate to its cost, and the incompetence of Gallatin's 
successor in the Treasury Department made the borrowing 
that had to be undertaken especially burdensome. The 
army, too, was small and poorly officered at the first. The 
volunteers were brave and in the West were very anxious to 
serve, but they and their leaders absurdly overrated the ease 
with which Canada could be conquered. Henry Clay actually 
boasted that his Kentucky constituents could accomplish this 




John C. Calhoun. 



1 This statement, put thus baldly, is probably an exaggeration, but it is cer- 
tain that strong pressure was brought to bear on Madison, and that he finally 
yielded to the " War Hawks," as the party opposed to peace was styled. 



228 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§301 

exploit without assistance. Besides, the political discontent of 
New England, where the Federalists were English sympathizers, 
and where much capital was invested in shipping which would 
be cooped up during the war, made it difficult to secure militia 
from the very portion of the country nearest the chief seat of 
operations. Volunteers were indeed obtained from New Eng- 
land, and after a while both officers and men made a better 
showing in the field. But when all is said, the land operations 
of the war, except in the splendid instance of the battle of 
New Orleans, afford little cause for patriotic gratification. A 
prediction to this effect might have been made about the navy, 
for the less than two score American vessels seemed but a baga- 
telle in comparison with the British navy, which contained about 
fifty times as many.^ But in the end the exploits of our seamen 
formed almost the sole bright spot in an exceedingly gloomy 
period. 

301. Opening of the War. — War was formally declared on June 
18, 1812, the majority in neither house being overwhelming. 
Two days previously the obnoxious Orders in Council had been 
revoked. Although the news was received on this side of the 
ocean before hostilities had fairly begun, the government ad- 
hered to its tardy determination to fight. This course seemed 
justifiable since the impressment trouble and the blockade of 
the coasts still called for redress, and the temper of at least a 
part of the nation had been inflamed. 

302. Hull's Surrender. — It was easy to perceive from the 
outset that the theater of the war on land would be much the 
same as in the French and Indian War — that is, it would 
stretch along our northern boundary from Maine to Lake 
Michigan. The main attacks by the Americans would be 
made through Lakes Ontario and Champlain. At first, bodies 
of troops were moved over the border from Detroit and 
Buffalo. General William Hull, the governor of Michigan Ter- 



1 As in the later years of the Revolutionary War, it was fortunate that 
British ships were so fully occupied on the other side of the Atlantic. 



303] 



OUTBREAK OF WAR. 



229 



ritory, who led the first advance with over two thousand troops, 
mainly volunteers from Ohio, was ignominiously repulsed by 
the Canadians and surrendered Detroit in a cowardly manner 
(August 16, 1812), for which he was afterv^ard court-martialed 
and found guilty. Hull had issued a very boastful proclama- 
tion on his entry into Canada, and his surrender of an important 
fortress without firing a gun was almost unpardonable, in view 
of such high-flown pretensions. Altogether, the Canadians 
under Isaac Brock, the able governor of Upper Canada, with 
their allies, the Indians under 
Tecumseh, a famous warrior and 
the inveterate foe of the Ameri- 
cans, had outmaneuvered their op- 
ponents, and proved conclusively 
that the volunteers, rapidly gath- 
ering in Ohio and Kentucky, 
would have to be well led in 
order to secure any success. To 
get such leaders was not easy, 
but Madison finally selected the 
right man in General William 
Henry Harrison, the victor at 
Tippecanoe (§ 299). It was late 




in the 



year, 



however, and the 



Map of Operations in Canada, 
1812-1814. 



country was a very difficult one 

to penetrate. The impatient public had therefore to wait 
quietly for the success that was to retrieve the early losses, 
among which may be mentioned the capture of Fort Dearborn, 
on the site of the present city of Chicago. 



303. Other Defeats. — Meanwhile General Van Rensselaer, of 
the New York militia, had gathered about six thousand eager 
men, and on October 13 was forced, by the general impatience for 
a victory, prematurely to cross the Niagara River from Lewiston 
to Queenstown. Hull's surrender had left Brock free to manage 
the Canadian defense. The Ainerican regulars fought well, 



230 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§304 

but the militia crossed only in part, and the result was another 
surrender. Yet the enemy also suffered heavily, for the brave 
Brock fell defending the heights of Queenstown, where his tall 
monument may now be seen. Van E-ensselaer, for his part, 
resigned, and was succeeded by the still less capable General 
Alexander Smyth, who imitated Hull in bragging and in in- 
effectiveness, but who dismissed his volunteers to their homes 
instead of surrendering them. Equally futile were the at- 
tempts to reach Canada by way of Lake Champlain ; and the 
year would have ended in complete gloom, so far as land opera- 
tions were concerned, had not the Americans, in their turn, 
repulsed an invading force at Ogdensburg. In the latter fight 
Jacob Brown, a Quaker farmer of New York, showed that he 
was the coming general for the war in the northeast, if that 
war were to be carried on seriously and not with manifestoes 
and ill-directed sallies of raw troops. Another soldier of merit 
was also discovered in the person of Lieutenant Colonel Win- 
field Scott, a young Virginian who fought finely at Queenstown 
Heights. 

EXPLOITS OF THE NAVY. 

304. The War at Sea. — On the sea, events took a different 
turn from the first, although the government's main intention 
was to use its few ships* in guarding the chief ports. On 
August 19, 1812, Captain Isaac Hull ^ of the frigate Constitu- 
tion^ (44 guns), which had previously been chased into Boston by 
a British squadron, met in the Gulf of St. Lawrence the enemy's 

1 There were so few that there were not enough to go the round of the cap- 
tains. So the ofiScers took turns in commanding, in order that each might get 
a chance to distinguish himself. 

2 Born in Connecticut, 1773; died, 1843. Served in merchant marine from 
1784 to 1798, when he entered the navy ; engaged in the Barhary War in com- 
mand of the Argus ; commissioned captain in 1806 ; given command of the 
Constitution in 1807 ; won great distinction hy capturing the Guerriere with 
a loss of fourteen killed and wounded, while the enemy lost seventy-nine; 
commanded the Pacific and Mediterranean squadrons and served on the naval 
board at Washington. 

8 See O. W. Holmes's Old Ironsides. 



304] 



EXPLOITS OF THE NAVY. 



231 



I 



GuerrUre (38 guns), which had made an unsavory reputation 
for itself by searching American vessels. The American ship 
was somewhat the stronger, but no one could have foreseen 
that she would overcome her adversary within half an hour. 
About two months later (October 18), in a very similar contest, 
the American sloop of war Wasp (18 guns), under Captain 
Jacob Jones, took the 
British brig Frolic (20 
guns). In consequence 
of these unexpected 
victories Great Brit- 
ain's naval prestige 
was greatly shaken 
and American pride 
correspondingly stim- 
ulated. Analysis has 
shown that the results 
were mainly due to the 
better gunnery of the 
Americans. Equally 
fortunate for the 
younger nation were 
the fights between the 
frigate United States 
(44 guns), under Cap- 
tain Decatur (§ 285, 
note 1), and the British 
frigate Macedonian (38 guns) ; and between the Constitution, 
then under Captain Bainbridge, and the British Java. The 
former contest took place near the Madeiras, on October 25 ; 
the latter, off the coast of Brazil, on December 29, 1812. Con- 
gress immediately authorized the building of new ships, and 
while the British were able to sweep American commerce from 
the seas, the people consoled themselves with the thought of 
the superb victories of their ships and of the damage American 
privateers were doing English shipping on every ocean and 




Captain Isaac Hull. 




The " Constitution.' 



232 



305] 



EXPLOITS OF THE NAVY. 



233 



sea — even within Dublin Bay itself. At last, however, re- 
verses came, when, in 1813, the Chesapeake^ ^2.^ captured by 
the British Shannon, and when 
our ships were blockaded in our 
chief harbors. But the priva- 
teers continued their exploits 
until they raised British rates 
of insurance on trading vessels 
to a very high percentage. 

305. Victories of Perry and 
Harrison. — Meanwhile the war 
was not popular in Great Brit- 
ain or in New England. The 
South and West still favored it, 
however, and Congress helped 
Madison by allowing him to 
use twenty new regiments of 
regulars in place of volunteers. 
A new Secretary of War, 
General Armstrong, late minister to France, took the place of 
Eustis, who was unfitted to cope with the difficulties of the 
position. But the year was to witness few signal successes 
beyond an important victory on Lake Erie that led to the retak- 
ing of Detroit. Captain Oliver H. Perry^ had a flotilla con- 




Captain James Lawrence. 



1 Her brave commander, Captain Lawrence, was killed. The contest was 
practically a sea duel in answer to a challenge. The British were greatly 
elated over their victory. Lawrence was born in 1781, at Burlington, N. J. He 
was engaged in the Barbary War, having command of the Argus, Vixen, 
and Wasp ; while commanding the Hornet, in 1813, captured the British brig 
Peacock, with a loss of only one killed and two wounded ; while commanding 
the Chesapeake, was defeated by the Shannon, in consequence of having a 
new and undisciplined crew; was mortally wounded, and gave as his last 
injunction, "Don't give up the ship." 

2 Bom in Rhode Island, 1785 ; died, 1819. Entered the navy in 1799 as mid- 
shipman ; was in the war against Tripoli, and later became a careful student 
of gunnery; was appointed to command on Lake Erie, 1813; showed extraor- 
dinary energy and skill in building a fleet and in collecting and drilling his 
crews ; got together nine rude vessels and captured all six British vessels, in 



234 



ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§306 



structed at Presque Isle (now Erie), and on September 10 met 
and defeated the British flotilla under Captain Barclay. The 

British had more guns, 
but the Americans, 
after Perry had been 
obliged to abandon his 
flagship, gained a com- 
plete victory through 
their courage and skill. 
Perry, who was co- 
operating with Harri- 
son, wrote the latter 
on the back of an old 
letter, "We have met 
the enemy and they 
are ours." Harrison's 
army, helped by the 
American ships, then 
passed to Detroit and 
afterward landed in 
Canada, where, at the 
battle of the Thames 
River, the British, under Colonel Proctor and their Indian 
allies, were completely* routed (October 5). Tecumseh fell 
in this fight, and a portion of Upper Canada passed under 
American control, Michigan having been, of course, regained.^ 




Captain Oliver H. Perry. 



REVERSES AND SUCCESSES. 

306. American Failures. — A great invasion of Canada and the 
seizure of Montreal had been planned for 1813, but it was partly 

the battle of Lake Erie, September 10, 1813; cooperated in Battle of the 
Thames, and served in defense of Baltimore. 

1 Several months previously the Americans had suffered a severe loss at 
the river Raisin, seven hundred troops under General Winchester of Tennessee 
having been overpowered and forced to surrender by Proctor and his Indians, 
and a part of them afterward basely burned and scalped by the savages. In 
consequence the name of Proctor was held in great abhorrence. 



k 



§308] REVERSES AND SUCCESSES. 235 

abandoned, General Dearborn seizing only a few places, including 
York (now Toronto), which was unnecessarily burned. Brown, 
Scott, and others showed that American soldiers could be brave, 
but the campaign was on the whole a failure. General Wilkin- 
son then succeeded Dearborn, but, like the latter, was too old for 
the work, and was besides at loggerheads with Secretary Arm- 
strong and with his second in command, General Wade Hampton 
of South Carolina. An attack on Montreal or else on Kingston 
was planned, but Armstrong mixed matters up by assuming 
the command. Hampton failed to cooperate with Wilkinson, 
who had had a hard time descending the St. Lawrence, and 
the latter general was obliged to put his troops into winter 
quarters with nothing accomplished. Meanwhile the force on 
the weakened Niagara frontier had recrossed the river after 
burning the town of Newark. The British retaliated in kind 
and with their Indian allies did much damage on the American 
side of the river. 

307. Jackson and the Indians. — Wliile these events had been 
taking place in the North, the Southwest had not been quiet. 
British and Spanish emissaries were stirring up the Southern 
Indians to attack the Americans. The Creeks had also been 
excited by Tecumseh, who used a comet and an earthquake to 
work upon their superstitious fears. The savages massacred 
the white settlers at Fort Mims, Alabama, on August 30, 1813, 
slaying or roasting to death four hundred persons. Ketaliation 
came swiftly. The Tennesseean volunteers under General 
Andrew Jackson invaded the Creek country, and with the help 
of troops from Mississippi completely defeated the Indians at 
the battle of the Horseshoe, or Tohopeka (March 27, 1814). 

308. Outlook for 1814. — The year 1814 opened gloomily in 
spite of Harrison's and Perry's victories. There was still much 
improvement needed in the methods of raising troops, the War 
Department was badly managed, and the finances were in a 
wretched condition. Worst of all, good leaders were lacking. 
Besides; the British navy was beginning to ravage the Atlantic 



236 



ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1800-1817. [§309 




Map of Operations in 1814. 



coast, and Napo- 
leon's power being 
on the wane, the 
strength of the 
United Kingdom 
could be more 
fully employed 
against America. 
Russia, however, 
had proffered her 
good services as 
a mediator, and 
Gallatin and 
James A. Bayard were sent to St. Petersburg to join John 
Quincy Adams, minister at that court, in securing this powerful 
influence. The British government discouraged the Czar's 
offers, but as it had 
great European inter- 
ests to settle, it was 
not so much inclined 
to fight to a finish 
with the United 
States as it might 
otherwise have been. 



309. The Canadian 
Campaign of 1814. — 

Several incompetent 
generals having been 
got out of the way 
for one cause or an- 
other, the command 
on the Canadian 
frontier fell to the 
capable Brown. A 
mistake was made 




Commodore Thomas Macdonough. 



310] 



REVERSES AND SUCCESSES. 



237 



with regard to the scene of operations, but when the fighting 
began near Niagara Falls, Brown gave a good account of him- 
self. At Chippewa and Lundy's Lane (July 5 and 25), leaders 
like Winfield Scott distinguished themselves, and the Ameri- 
can troops showed themselves the equals of British regulars, 
and won honor, if no substantial military gains. Commodore 
Thomas Macdonough^ also repeated Perry's exploit of destroy- 
ing a British flotilla — this time off Plattsburg on Lake Cham- 
plain (September 11). The result of all this fighting was little, 
— each side practically holding its ground, — but the Americans 
gained prestige. 

310. Capture of Washington. — Meanwhile British ships rav- 
aged the Atlantic coast, and by midsummer a large fleet under 
Admirals Cockburn and Cochrane 
was collected in Chesapeake Bay. 
On board was General Ross with 
several thousand troops. Washing- 
ton, Virginia, and Maryland were 
evidently in danger and great efforts 
were made to meet the invaders — 
unfortunately to little purpose, on 
account of the incapacity of Secre- 
tary Armstrong. The British landed 
and began their march to Washing- 
ton, easily putting the undisciplined 
American militia to flight at Bla- 
densburg, Maryland (August 24). 
Our troops evacuated Washington, 
and the British entered. They 

retaliated for the burning of York by setting fire to the 
White House, the unfinished Capitol, and other buildings. 
It was an act of vandalism that cannot be defended; but 

1 Born in Delaware, 1783; died, 1825. Served against Tripoli; gained cele- 
brated victory over British Commodore Downie at Plattsburg, 1814, the Brit- 
ish having 16 vessels and 92 guns, the Americans 14 vessels and 86 guns, the 
British losing 300 men besides prisoners, the Americans 200. 




Map of Operations around 
Washington in 1814. 



238 



ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§311 



fortunately the next city attacked repulsed the invaders coura- 
geously. This was Baltimore, before which the British troops 
were driven back, General Eoss being slain, and from which 
the British fleet retired after a vain bombardment of Fort 
McHenry (September 12 and 13). The song of " The Star Span- 
gled Banner," by Francis S. Key, commemorates this American 
victory. 

END OF THE WAR. 

311. The Battle of New Orleans. — It soon became apparent 
that the attacks on Washington and Baltimore had been 

of secondary im- 
portance, and that 
the real object of 
the British fleet 
was to capture 
New Orleans, and 
snatch the newly 
acquired Louisiana 
from the United 
States. James Mon- 
roe, who had suc- 
ceeded Armstrong 
as Secretary of War, 
at once called upon 
the ablest soldier 
in the Southwest, 
Andrew Jackson.^ 
The latter gathered 
his forces, and al- 
though he first tried 

an expedition into 
Andrew Jackson. ^^^^^^^ ^^^.^^^ ^^^ 

British and Indians, he set to work at the defenses of New 
Orleans in good season. The large British fleet effected a 

1 Born on border of North and South Carolina, March 15, 1767 ; died at the 
Hermitage, near Nashville, Tennessee, June 8, 1845. Scantily educated ; became 




312] 



END OF THE WAR. 



239 



landing safely, and by December 23 the troops were only a 
few miles from the city. The main battle occurred on January 
8, 1815, and the backwoodsmen 
behind their works destroyed 
the flower of the British army 
who had the hardihood to make 
a front attack. Sir Edward 
Pakenham, the British com- 
mander, was killed, after hav- 
ing been for days outgeneralled 
by Jackson; and at least two 
thousand veterans, many of 
whom had followed Welling- 
ton in the Spanish Peninsula, 
lay dead or wounded on the 
field. The American loss, on 
the other hand, was almost incredibly slight 
men all told. 




Map of Southwestern Opera- 
tions, 18i;5-1815. 



about twenty 



312. The Treaty of Ghent. — If those had been the days of 
the telegraph, the battle of New Orleans would not have been 
fought, and the American people would have had no great 
land victory to salve the pride that had been touched to 
the quick by the capture of Washington, Hull's surrender, 
and other disgraceful events of the war. On December 24, 
1814, American and British commissioners had signed a 
treaty of peace at Ghent. Adams, Gallatin, and Bayard, 
who were already abroad, had been joined by Henry Clay 
and Jonathan Russell ; and the five had defended American 
interests very well. Gallatin was the most influential 
member and succeeded in curbing the zeal of Clay and 



a lawyer in Tennessee, 1788 ; rose in his profession and in politics ; elected 
congressman in 1796 ; senator, 1797-1798; judge in Supreme Court of Tennes- 
see, 1798-1804; defeated Indians at Tohopeka, 1814; won battle of New Or- 
leans, 1815 ; put down Seminoles in Florida, 1818 ; governor of Florida, 1821 ; 
elected United States senator, 1823; candidate for Presidency, 1824; Presi- 
dent, 1829-1837; lived in retirement at the Hermitage, 1837-1845. 



240 ADMINISTEATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§313 

Adams, who wished to press matters like the British 
right to navigate the Mississippi and the fisheries question, 
in which the people of the West and of New England took 
a great interest. Curiously enough, the treaty did not touch 
the impressment abuse, or the right of searching vessels, 
for the sake of which, in the main, the war had been waged. 
Still, after her naval victories, America was not likely to 
suffer in the future friDm such abuses. Each side restored 
the territory of the other that it occupied, and both felt relieved 
that the anomalous war was over. 

THE DISAFFECTION OF NEW ENGLAND. 

313. Political Events. — - Political events in Madison's second 
administration were naturally overshadowed by the war or 
else connected with it. As we have seen, the finances were 
badly managed, nor were the affairs of the War Department 
on a better footing. Congress was scarcely more efficient, 
especially when its Speaker, Henry Clay, was absent with the 
commissioners at Ghent. But the disaffection of the New Eng- 
land Federalists was the most serious element in the political 
problem. With the waning of their party and the assured 
success of the Democratic-Kepublicans, they naturally grew 
more rancorous. They coquetted with the British before and 
during the war, and they had little or no sympathy with 
the idea that the United States was a nation. In the debate 
in 1811 on the admission of Louisiana as a state, one of their 
leaders, Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts, actually declared 
that the passage of the bill would be a virtual dissolution 
of the Union, and that it would be the duty of some of 
the states, " to prepare for a separation amicably " if they 
could, " violently if they must." 

314. Reasons for New England's Attitude. — This attitude 
seems at first wholly indefensible, but we must remember 
both at this juncture and in dealing later with the secession 
of the South, that the idea of national unison was one of 



§315] THE DISAFFECTION OF NEW ENGLAND. 241 

very slow growth, and that threats of secession or of violent 
resistance to the Union had been heard already from Southern 
Western, and Middle states. States were still jealous of their 
prestige, and the language of the Constitution lent itself to 
interpretations that reduced the power of the nation to a 
minimum. Besides, New England had suffered greatly from 
the enforced idleness of its shipping during the Embargo and 
from the captures made by the British. Consequently, just 
as men are always inclined to do, they held the national 
government responsible for matters that often lay beyond 
Its control. Their pro-British sympathies, although certainly 
carried beyond the bounds of decency, may be partly ex- 
tenuated for these reasons. When they went farther, and 
refused to put the state militia at the service of the Union, 
they took a dangerous step, but one not entirely indefensible 
on strict constructionist grounds. It was a sure precursor, 
however, of more determined and less defensible opposition. 

315. The Hartford Convention. — Success in state elections 
gave the political solidarity that was needed, and the increasing 
pressure of hostilities in the year 1814 gave the needed stimulus, 
for effective opposition to the war on the part of New England. 
After speeches and resolutions as strenuous as those that 
nerved Virginia and Kentucky to their resistance of the Alien 
and Sedition laws, passed half a generation before by the Fed- 
eralists themselves, a-callVas issued by Massachusetts for a 
convention of the New England States. This met at Hartford, 
Connecticut, on December 15, 1814. After a few weeks of secret 
debate its members issued a remarkable report. This docu- 
ment asserted the doctrine of states' rights in its most 
naked form, suggested amendments to the Constitution of the 
United States looking to the protection of the interests of 
minorities, and demanded for the states the right to claim the 
customs duties collected within their own borders. This last 
provision would have been of itself enough to destroy the 
power of the Union, but fortunately there was no need even to 



242 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§ 316 

discuss it. The commissioners sent to Washington to propose 
it to Congress found that peace had been declared and that their 
chief ground of grievance had been removed. They had, there- 
fore, nothing to do but to hasten home in chagrin. The Fed- 
eralist party did not survive their last attack upon the general 
government, and for several years after 1815 there was practi- 
cally only one party in the country. This fact is not surpris- 
ing when we remember that accession to power had rendered 
the leading Eepublicans as desirous of maintaining a fairly 
strong government as the moderate Federalists were. 

CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR. 

316. Some Results of the War. — With the decline of Federal- 
ism came a natural increase of national democratic spirit 
and a lessening of the dependence on either Great Britain 
or France, which, as we have before seen, had characterized 
the generation that grew up just after the Revolution. This 
was a clear gain from the war. On the other hand, the inter- 
ests of the sections began more sharply to diverge. The North, 
during the trouble with England, had taken to manufacturing, 
and now began to demand a really protective tariff for its "in- 
fant industries." This policy, though encouraged by the West 
for the sake of certain products like hemp, was soon seen to 
bear hard on the South. Previous legislation on the subject 
(§ 266) had paved the way for an effective tariff, and the influx 
of British goods brought into the country after the close of the 
war showed that the newly developed industries, especially 
that of cotton manufacture, which had increased greatly since 
1810, would find it hard to subsist without support. So the 
tariff act of 1816 was passed, in spite of the opposition of 
Daniel Webster, who represented New England shipping inter- 
ests, and of John Eandolph, who represented the agricultural 
South and the stricter forms of Republicanism. The rate (about 
twenty-five per cent), placed on imported cotton and woolen 
goods, was found practically prohibitive by Southern planters, 
who needed coarse clothes for their slaves. Thus the South- 



§ 319] CONSEQUENCES OE THE WAR. 243 

erners began to be alienated from the Democratic-Republican 
party, although not a few of them helped to pass the act of 
1816. Among these was John C. Calhoun, whose leanings 
toward a strong government were still pronounced. 

317. The National Bank and Internal Improvements. — The 
year 1816 also saw the passage of another financial measure 
destined to cause division later. This was the reestablishment 
of a national bank, Hamilton's bank (§ 266) having failed to 
secure a second charter in 1811. The financial burdens of the 
war had fallen in consequence upon the state banks, which 
had not been managed well. Hence the new bank scheme 
was favored even by cautious Republicans like Madison. Its 
establishment for twenty years, with a largely increased capi- 
tal, enabled the country practically to resume a specie basis in 
less than a year.^ A fund of a million and a half dollars was 
paid by it to the government for the privileges granted by the 
charter, and the problem how to employ this sum to the best 
advantage brought forward still another question involving 
conflicting interests. 

318. The Question of Internal Improvements. — At first the 
individual states had attended to their internal needs and had 
spent considerable sums, especially in improving their water- 
ways, but a great scheme for a system of national canals had, 
before the war, attracted leading Republicans. Now Calhoun 
proposed to use for a similar purpose the money turned in by 
the bank. His bill passed Congress, but Madison vetoed it, on 
the ground that although such improvements were desirable, 
a specific amendment to the Constitution was needed if the 
general government was to undertake them. 

319. The Succession of Monroe. — This veto of Madison's, 
which led the people of New York, in default of national aid, to 
construct their own Erie Canal, through which New York City 

1 The bank was soon mismanaged and was with great difficulty set straight. 
The numerous state banks continued to be badly managed also, and the years 
1817-1820 were a period of great financial strmgency. 



244 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, 1809-1817. [§319 

was enabled soon to outstrip its rivals/ was one of his last 
official acts and showed that he was still faithful to the politi- 
cal creed of Jefferson. He was shortly after (March 4, 1817) 
succeeded by his Secretary of State, James Monroe, who had 
proved his claim to the succession by developing the national- 
istic ideas that had made Jefferson and Madison safe leaders 
in a very critical period. Monroe had also rendered very effi- 
cient service as temporary Secretary of War, and had endeared 
himself to the people of every section. 



References. — General Works : same as for Chapter XIII. 

Special Works: same in the main as for Chapter XV., with the 
addition of: Henry Adams, History of the United States (1800-1817, 9 
vols.) ; D. C. GWrndiii, James Monroe ("American Statesmen") ; W. G. 
Sumner, Andrexo Jackson ("American Statesmen") ; C. Schurz, Henry 
Clay (2 vols. "American Statesmen") ; B. J. Lossing, Field Book of the 
War of 1812; C. J. Ingersoll, Historical Sketch of the Second War; 
T. Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812 ; J. Fenimore Cooper, History of the 
Navy of the United States, chaps, xiii.-xlix. ; E. S. Maclay, History of 
the United States Navy, Vol. I., 305-577 ; H. C. Adams, Public Debts, 
Part II., chap. i. ; H. C. Lodge, George Cabot, chaps, x.-xiii. 

1 In the time of the Revolutionary War and for some years later. New York 
City was not larger than Boston or Newport. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. 

CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD. 

320. Monroe's Counselors. — Monroe ^ was fortunate not only 
in having to preside over a united people, but in being able to 
secure good advisers. For Secretary of State he chose John 
Quincy Adams, son of the former President and a diplomatist 
of tried ability, who had done good work for the country 
as Minister to Russia and commissioner at Ghent (§ 312). 
The fact that the son of the great Federalist leader should be 
serving in the Cabinet of a Republican President was a signal 
proof of l^e utter demoralization of the old Federalist party. 
In the Treasury, Monroe placed William H. Crawford of 
Georgia, an able though rather intriguing man whose subse- 
quent defeat for the Presidency and withdrawal from national 
life caused regret to many people. Crawford was more of a 
politician than a statesman, and his success showed that public 
leaders were undergoing a change of type. The Cabinet was 
made preponderatingly Southern by the appointment of Cal- 
houn as Secretary of War and of William Wirt as Attorney- 
General. Its strength, however, was not decreased, for both 
made excellent officials, although Wirt was more an advocate 
and literary man than a statesman. 

1 Born, 1758 ; died, 1831. Left William and Mary College in 1776 to enter the 
army ; fought at Trenton, Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth; mem- 
ber of the Virginia Assembly in 1782, and chosen a member of the Continental 
Congress; opposed the ratification of the Constitution by Virginia in 1788; 
"Jnited States senator, 1790-1794; envoy to France, 1794-1796; governor of 
Virgmia, 1799-1802; went a second time as envoy to France, 1802-1803; Mm- 
ister to London, 1803-1807 ; Secretary of State, 1811-1817 ; President, 1817-1825. 

246 



246 



ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. 



[§321 



321. The Era of Good Feeling. — Monroe's name is chiefly 
connected to-day with matters of foreign policy, and his admin- 
istrations have 
been termed "The 
Era of Good Feel- 




James Monroe. 



lllgj 



because do- 



mestic affairs wore 
on the whole so 
quiet an aspect. 
Yet, as we shall 
soon see, the de- 
bates on the sub- 
ject of slavery 
connected with 
the admission of 
Missouri as a 
state showed that 
the country was in 
reality ^ar from 
united ; and the 
tariff legislation 
of 1824 brought 
out the fact still 
more clearly in a few years. Harmony was also far from the 
minds of the politicians, however united politically the people 
might appear to be. Intrigues for the succession to the Presi- 
dency occupied the leading statesmen, and in the combinations 
formed by them a careful observer might have perceived the 
beginnings of a division into two parties not radically dissimi- 
lar to the Federalists and Democratic-Republicans of the pre- 
ceding generation. 



322. The Character of Monroe as President. — Monroe has 
generally been regarded as the weakest of the early Presidents, 
although his popularity was widespread. This view is plausi- 
ble, but hardly just. He certainly behaved with great dignity 



§324] DIPLOMATIC ACHIEVEMENTS. 247 

toward the intriguing politicians who were aiming to succeed 
him; he showed discretion in adopting from his advisers 
the foreign policy that bears his name; and he preserved a 
strict impartiality and adherence to the cause of the Union in 
the sectional disputes that disturbed his administrations. He 
was not a commanding man, yet he deserves to be remem- 
bered as a statesman who outgrew early rashness, and he was 
fully entitled to the confidence given him by the masses. Tor 
his second term (1821-1825), indeed, he had no opposition. 
But a solitary vote was cast against him, in order, as the story 
goes, that Washington should be the only President unani- 
mously chosen. 

DIPLOMATIC ACHIEVEMENTS. 

323. The Oregon Region. — Two boundary disputes with 
Great Britain and Spain early occupied the attention of 
Monroe and his advisers. The first was mainly concerned 
with the so-called Oregon region beyond the Rockies, drained 
by the Columbia River, which the United States claimed 
through the discovery of this great stream by Captain Robert 
Gray in 1792, and through explorations made by Lewis and 
Clark (§ 287), whom Jefferson had sent out soon after the 
purchase of Louisiana (1805). In this region the British 
Hudson Bay Company had, however, established trading posts, 
and Monroe found that the best thing he could do was to agree 
upon the forty-ninth parallel as a northern boundary as far as 
the Rockies and upon joint occupancy for ten years of the dis- 
puted territory beyond. 

324. The Acquisition of Florida. — Diplomacy with Spain 
was more definitely successful. Ever since the purchase of 
Louisiana the United States had claimed that it was entitled 
to the strip of land along the Gulf known as West Florida; 
but Spain had refused to admit this, or to sell the territory, in 
spite of persistent offers to purchase made by Jefferson. In 
1810 Madison took possession of the region by proclamation, 



248 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. [§325 

althougli it now seems certain that the nation had better 
claims on Texas. His action, and the invasion of Florida 
by General Andrew Jackson while he was in pursuit of 
Indians convinced Spain, however, that she would do well to 
sell while she could the outlying peninsula of East Florida. 
Accordingly, on February 22, 1819, Adams negotiated a treaty 
by which the Floridas were ceded,^ and the western boundary 
of Louisiana was settled along the Sabine, Eed, and Arkansas 
rivers to the forty-second parallel, and then along that to 
the Pacific. This treaty strengthened American claims to 
the Oregon region, and also helped to settle various Indian 
and slave troubles connected with East Florida, which had 
served as a place of refuge for runaway negroes and other bad 
characters. So much disturbance had indeed been caused by 
these marauders and by the Seminole Indians, that in 1818 
General Andrew Jackson had had to invade Florida, and had 
actually taken two towns and done other rather high-handed 
acts which nearly led to his being court-martialed.^ Spain for 
two years delayed ratifying the treaty, but finally yielded to 
the inevitable. 

325. The Occasion of the Monroe Doctrine. — A few years later 
relations with Spain again became important. Kevolutionary 
principles had spread in the Spanish colonies to the south, and 
by 1822 Spain had lost all her provinces on the mainland. But 
the so-called " Holy Alliance," formed by the principal sover- 
eigns of continental Europe after the fall of Napoleon, had for its 

1 The United States in return agreed to assume claims against Spain held 
by American citizens amounting to five million dollars. 

2 Among other things, he caused two British subjects, who had stirred up 
the Indians, to be hanged, and he got into quite a heated controversy with the 
governor of Georgia. As a matter of fact, he grossly exceeded his instruc- 
tions, and Calhoun was technically right when he proposed the court-martial. 
Monroe and Adams, however, knew that Jackson had acted in what he 
believed to be his country's interest, and they shielded him. It was many 
years before Jackson learned who it was that had proposed to court-martial 
him. When he found out, a breach with Calhoun followed, which had, as 
we shall see, important political results. 



§ 326] DIPLOMATIC ACHIEVEMENTS. 249 

chief object the repression of revolutionary doctrines and out- 
breaks, and it seemed not unlikely that a concerted effort might 
be made by Europe, not to restore her colonies to Spain, but to 
distribute them among the great powers. This was naturally 
not to the liking of a people who had themselves revolted, nor 
was Great Britain anxious to allow the Alliance to gain too 
much headway. Besides, Eussia was endeavoring to establish 
a colony on the North Pacific, and she and other powers might 
easily find pretexts to seize upon territory nearer to the United 
States — perhaps upon California. Hence, while overtures for 
a joint protest, made by the British statesman, George Canning, 
to our Minister to England, Eichard Eush, were declined, the 
administration soon found it necessary to take a stand in the 
matter. 

326. The Monroe Doctrine. — Accordingly, Monroe sent in a 
message to Congress in December, 1823, in which he outlined 
the policy since known as the " Monroe Doctrine." This doc- 
trine was none the less important from the fact that it was 
addressed to Congress instead of to the European powers. Its 
gist was contained in two assertions/ first, that the American 
contine^its were not henceforth to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European power ; second, that efforts 
to^iioerce the newly established governments would be regarded 
as proofs of "an unfriendly disposition toward the United 
States." These firm utterances, for which Monroe was indebted 
chiefly to John Quincy Adams, but also to the policy of Wash- 
ington and other statesmen and to the advice of Jefferson, 
put an end to all fear of European aggression and rendered 
Eussia reasonable with regard to Alaska. The policy thus out- 
lined has since been effectively maintained, and it may now be 
regarded as beyond the reach of party action. In fact, it has been 
extended so as to include more of a guardianship over other 
American powers than was contemplated by Monroe. It is 
plain from John Quincy Adams's attitude in the matter of the 
Panama Congress (§ 337), that the original "Doctrine" con- 



250 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. [§327 

templated that each power should guard by its own means 
against European aggressions. 

SLAVERY COMES TO THE FRONT. 

327. The Slavery Question. — Turning now to domestic matters, 
we find that during Monroe's two terms, Chief Justice Marshall 
delivered many of his most celebrated opinions restraining the 
.powers of the states in favor of the general government. But 
there was one subject which not even a Marshall could have 
handled effectively — this was slavery. Slavery had occupied 
the attention of the first Congress, which had been petitioned 
by anti-slavery societies to abate the evils of the- system. In 
1793 an act for restoring slaves who had fled from one state 
to another was passed. The slave trade had been prohibited 
in 1808, as soon as the Constitution allowed, and a great effort 
had been made by the American Colonization Society in 1816, 
to begin the work of exporting the negroes to Africa ; but the 
invention of the cotton gin, in 1793, had rendered slavery too 
profitable to the far Southern states to make it j)robable that 
they would peaceably consent to the abolishment of the institu- 
tion. On the other hand, the number of people who thought 
slavery morally wrong had increased in the North and North- 
west, and the way in which new slaveholding and non-slave- 
holding states had been admitted into the Union by pairs, so as 
not to disturb the balance of power in the Senate, showed that 
many Southerners were alive to the dangers of the situation. 
Yet, after all, so great was the general desire for internal har- 
mony that most persons were startled when the debates con- 
cerning the admission of Missouri revealed the fact that the 
existence of Slavery was a menace to the Union. 

328. The Missouri Controversy. — The inevitable struggle be- 
tween slavery and freedom was precipitated by the endeavor 
to bring in Arkansas as a territory and Missouri as a state. 
Both weve to be carved out of that part of the Louisiana Ces- 
sion in which slavery had already gained a footing. Northern 



§330] SLAVERY COMES TO THE FRONT. 251 

members of Congress objected to the spread of the institution 
into the vast territory still to be occupied, while Southern 
members felt that any limitation of slavery was an infringe- 
ment on their property rights. If a man could carry his other 
chattels when he removed to the new region, why, they asked 
could he not carry those human chattels known as slaves! 
Finally Arkansas was organized without mentioti^ of slavery, 
but a stand was made on Missouri. James Tallmal5ge, a New 
York representative, offered an amendment to the act admitting 
Missouri, to the effect that further introduction of slaves into 
the proposed state should be prohibited, and that the children 
of slaves born after the state's admission to the Union should 
be considered free at the age of twenty-five. The Senate refus- 
ing to concur, the matter went over. 

329. The First Missouri Compromise. — The close of the year 
1819 saw a renewal of the contest in the new Congress, which 
assembled after the matter had been much discussed in state 
legislatures and throughout the country. Alabama was ad- 
mitted to balance Illinois ; .then bills passed the House admitting 
Maine ^ and Missouri, but with the anti-slavery proviso made 
applicable to the lattfer. The Senate would admit Maine only 
if Missouri were admitted as a slave state. The House refused 
to yield, but finally a compromise was effected. A line was 
drawn across the Louisiana Territory at 36° 30', i.e. along the 
northern boundary of Arkansas, and it was agreed that north 
of this line slavery should not exist save in Missouri. This 
famous arrangement, which went into effect in March, 1820, 
became known as the "Missouri Compromise" and was effective 
until new territory was added to the Union as a result of the 
Mexican War. 

330. The Second Missouri Compromise. — Missouri was not, 
indeed, admitted until 1821, on account of a provision in its 
Constitution against allowing free colored men to enter its 

1 Maine up to this time had been a district of Massachusetts. 



252 



ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. 



[§331 



borders. This obstacle was overcome by the address and 

dexterity of Henry Clay ^ who, as a Virginian by birth and a Ken- 

tuckianby residence, 
was in every way 
admirably suited to 
act as mediator be- 
tween the two sec- 
tions. He did not 
like slavery, and 
had been president 
of the Colonization 
Society ; but he un- 
derstood how thor- 
oughly in earnest 
the Southern men 
were to defend the 
institution. He used 
all the tact and 
personal charm for 
which he was con- 
spicuous among his 
contemporaries, and 
succeeded in mak- 
ing the people of 

Missouri agree not to deprive citizens of other states of their 

rights. 

331. General View of the Compromises. — The Second Com- 
promise was distinctly ambiguous and meant little ; the First 
was a sacrifice of principle which, however, was regarded as 
necessary at the time. Both sides were in earnest, and the 




Henry Clay (1832). 



1 Bom in Virginia, 1777 ; died, 1852. Moved to Kentucky, 1797 ; in rapid 
succession was member of the Kentucky legislature, the House of Repre- 
sentatives, and the United States Senate; Speaker of the House, 1811-1814; 
leader of the war party against Great Britain, and champion of internal im- 
provements; one of the envoys to Ghent, 1814; Speaker of House, 1815-1821, 
also from 1823-1825 ; ardently advocated the tariff of 1824 ; Secretary of State, 



§331] 



SLAVERY COMES TO THE FRONT. 



253 



extreme adherents of each stood out to the end for their respec- 
tive principles. On the whole, the responsibility for the set- 
tlement rested largely on the 
moderate Southerners and on 
their Northern and Western 
sympathizers, who were very 
influential in some states, — 
for example, in Illinois. Few 
men saw with John Eandolph^ 
that the day of settlement 
was only postponed. Whether 
it would have been best to 
fight the question out then 
and there, will always be a 
mooted point. Compromise 
on matters of principle is 
incapable of satisfying men's 
consciences for long; but it 
is equally true that principles 
cannot be uncompromisingly 
maintained with success at all 
times and seasons. Fighting unyieldingly for them at the 
wrong time may postpone their final triumph indefinitely. 
Hence it was, perhaps, best that the forces of freedom were 
given time to grow strong and that the Union was not haz- 
arded at so early a juncture. 

1825-1829; senator from Kentucky, 1832-1842 and 184^1852; candidate for 
President, 1824, 1831, and 1844; was the great representative of the National 
Whig party of his time, and the most powerful advocate of what was called 
the American System of Protection. 

1 Bom in Virginia, 1773; died, 1833. Studied at Princeton and Columbia; 
entered House of Representatives in 1799 ; soon became a leader among the 
Democratic-Republicans ; was a champion of strict construction of the Consti- 
tution, and won great distinction as the most satirical speaker ever heard in 
Congress; was United States senator, 1825 to 1827, when he invented the term, 
"doughface," as applied to Northern sympathizers with slavery; was sent 
as Minister to Russia by Jackson in 1830, but he disliked the climate and 
returned ; reelected to Congress, 1832. Emancipated his slaves by his will. 




John Randolph. 



254 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. [§332 

FACTIONAL POLITICS. 
332. Political Factions and the Tariff of 1824. — The fight 
over Missouri was not the only indication tliat the Era of Good 
Feeling was to be of short duration. Politics throughout the 
country were becoming personal in character and therefore 
more or less petty. The influence of the Revolutionary states- 
men was waning, in spite of the prestige of survivors like John 
Adams and Jefferson. The right to vote no longer depended 
in the main upon the possession of property, as had been the 
case when the Union was formed, but was being extended to all 
male citizens of the age of twenty-one. This extension of the 
franchise was largely due to the example set by the new West- 
ern states, which were naturally far more democratic than the 
older commonwealths. As a result, political tricksters were fast 
controlling the vote of the masses. Offices were being given for 
political services, and congressional caucuses and state cliques 
were dictating nominations. The nominating convention, with 
its opportunities for " wire-pulling " and its aptitude for select- 
ing compromise candidates, was also coming into vogue in state 
politics, and political clubs, like the " Tammany Society " of 
New York, were beginning their sinister work. Under these 
circumstances it is no wonder that, as the tarilf of 1816 was 
not sufficient for their purposes, the manufacturers of the 
Middle states and New England should have endeavored to 
obtain legislation of a more decidedly protective character. 
Aided by the West, which believed with Clay in creating 
"a home market" and thus adhering to a truly "American 
policy," they succeeded, in 1824, against the wishes of the 
South, in passing a tariff act with higher duties, especially 
on wool, woolens, cotton goods, iron, and hemp. They had 
nearly succeeded in 1820 in carrying their point. Now, on 
the eve of an election, the politicians who were supporting the 
various Presidential candidates were afraid to risk votes by 
opposing such strong financial interests, and three sections^ were 

1 New England was not yet unanimous in supporting protection, but soon 
became so. 



i 



333] 



FACTIONAL POLITICS. 



255 



in any case stronger than one. But the passage of such an act 
under such circumstances was sure to give trouble, for although 
in theory designed for the good of the nation, protection really 
involved financial loss to one section, the South, which, as a 
whole, did not yet realize the fact, but was beginning to do so. 

333. The Presidential Election of 1824. — Meanwhile, the 
choice of Monroe's successor seemed more important than 
the tariff. Each of the 
candidates was a Demo- 
cratic-Eepublican, a fact 
which perhaps made their 
struggle all the fiercer. 
John Quincy Adams, ^ as 
Secretary of State, had 
precedents in his favor, — 
Jefferson, Madison, and 
Monroe having served in 
that capacity, — and he 
had also the support of 
New England;' but his 
lack of magnetism counted 
greatly against him. Cal- 
houn, who was still strong 
in the North on account 
of his nationalistic views, 
which, however, he was 
fast abandoning, soon contented himself with receiving assur- 
ance of the Vice Presidency. Crawford, whose health was very 

1 Born in 1767 ; died, 1848. Taken to the University of Leyden early in life, 
and at fourteen was secretary to the Minister to Eussia; graduated at 
Harvard, 1788; admitted to the bar, 1791; Minister to Holland, 1794-1797; to 
Prussia, 1797-1801; United States senator, 180a-1808; Minister to Russia, 
1809-1814; Minister to England, 1814-1817; Secretary of State, 1817-1825; 
elected President by House of Representatives in 1825; reentered House of 
Representatives, 1831, where he continued till his death, a model legislator in 
every department of public business. His diary, twelve volumes of which 
have been published, is a mine of valuable information. 




John Quincy Adams. 



266 ADMINISTRATIONS OF MONROE, 1817-1825. [§ 334 

poor at the time, was nominated by the regular party caucus of 
congressmen ; but as caucus nominations had grown in disfavor, 
this fact hurt his chances. Clay had the support of the West, 
and was popular elsewhere. Andrew Jackson, then a senator, 
was popular on account of his military record, represented the 
democratic masses more nearly than any other candidate, and 
had astute political managers. At the election of 1824, Jackson 
led with ninety-nine electoral votes ; Adams had eighty -four ; 
Crawford, forty-one ; and Clay, thirty-seven. The election thus 
went to the House of Representatives, which had to choose 
from the three highest names. 

334. Choice of John Quincy Adams. — In February, 1825, the 
House, voting by states, chose Adams, for whom, as the best 
fitted of the candidates. Clay had used his influence. As Adams 
subsequently made Clay Secretary of State, a corrupt bargain 
between them was charged, but upon no real grounds. Some 
of Jackson's friends claimed that, as he had received most 
votes, the House should have respected the popular will and 
chosen him ; yet this was equivalent to maintaining that the 
€onstitution, which had left the House of Representatives full 
liberty in the matter, had not been properly framed. But, 
although there was no good reason for the discontent expressed, 
it remained clear that the Era of Good Feeling was over, and 
that Adams would find little comfort in the high office he had 
attained.^ 

References. — General Works : same as for Chapter XIIL 
Special Works : same as for Chapter XVI. (see also Chapter XV. ) , 
with the addition of: H. C. Lodge, Daniel Webster ("American States- 
men") ; H. Von Hoist, John C. Calhoun ("American Statesmen"); 
J. T. Morse, John Quincy Adams ("American Statesmen"); T. H. 
Benton, Thirty Years View (2 vols.). See also the writings of Monroe 
and Clay, and of the three statesmen named above, especially J. Q. 
Adams's Diary, as well as A. S. Bolles's, Financial History of the United 
States; F. W. Taussig's, Tariff History of the United States. 

1 It should be noted that in 1824 Lafayette made a triumphal tour of the 
country as the guest of the nation. The reception given him is said to have 
made even the Presidential campaign seem of secondary interest. 



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UNITED STATES 
1835-1830 



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PART IV. 

SPREAD OF DEMOCRACY AND EXTENSION 
OF TERRITORY, 1825-1850. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, 
1825-1829. 

FAILURES OF THE ADMINISTRATION. 

335. Character of Adams's Administration. — Adams was a 
statesman of great ability and experience and of high integrity, 
but he represented ideas of strong government not pleasing 
to the masses. He seemed to be a Federalist veneered with 
Democracy. He did not have the faculty of winning and 
holding friends. He could not be easy in his manners, and, 
on the other hand, his dignity lacked grace. Besides, his 
election had been disputed, his opponents were factious, and 
events favored him almost as little as they had done his 
father. The strongest man in his Cabinet, Clay, was really a 
source of weakness to him, for Jackson's friends continued to 
pretend to believe in the corrupt bargain.^ Adams's adminis- 
tration was, therefore, on the whole, a failure. 

1 John Randolph, probably the most venomously personal debater Congress 
has ever had among its members, gave immortality to the charge against 
Adams and Clay by likening the pair to two unsavory characters in Fielding's 
novel, Tom Jones. He referred to the " coalition of Blifil and Black George, 

267 



258 ADMINISTRATION OF J. Q. ADAMS, 1825-1829. [§336 

336. Foreign Affairs. — Even in foreign affairs, where, being 
a trained diplomatist, he had been previously successful, things 
went against Adams. He secured a number of good commer- 
cial treaties, but lost the important trade with the British West 
Indian ports through the failure to comply in time with certain 
demands of Great Britain. Perhaps if he had used the tact 
afterward displayed by Jackson, he would have secured the 
trade without trouble. But, as it was, the fault lay mainly 
with Congress, which took delight in humiliating the Presi- 
dent. 

337. The Panama Congress. — Adams fared as badly or worse 
when he indorsed the scheme of General Bolivar, the South 
American patriot hero, for holding at Panama a convention, or 
congress, of all the American republics. Both Adams and Clay, 
the latter of whom had long taken interest in South American 
affairs, believed that through such a congress the influence of 
the United States would be extended and the Monroe Doctrine 
be more firmly established. But although commissioners were 
finally sent to Panama, they arrived too late to participate in 
the conference, owing to the protracted debates in Congress on 
the propriety of sending them. Although Adams's opponents 
would under any circumstances have delighted to harass him, 
these debates were mainly due to the fact that Hayti, a republic 
of revolted negro slaves, was to be represented at Panama. 
Southern congressmen disliked the social and political recog- 
nition involved, and feared that the subject of slavery might 
come up for discussion. As a matter of course, Adams's op- 
ponents made him bear the brunt of the fiasco. 

338. Internal Improvements. — In domestic affairs the Presi- 
dent's policy was still more unsuccessful. In his tactless way 

a combination, unheard of until now, of the Puritan and the blackleg." The 
taunt against Clay expressed in the last word was based upon that states- 
man's rather loose habits, which were only too characteristic of the public 
men of the period. The fact that Randolph and Clay fought a bloodless duel 
over this matter, reminds us of the extent to which manners have changed 
within three quarters of a century. 



§339] FAILURES OF THE ADMINISTRATION. 259 

he favored internal improvements to an extent unwarranted at 
the time. He knew of the general prejudice against the gov- 
ernment's undertaking what the states preferred to do them- 
selves, and he should have known also that the vetoes of his 
two predecessors had carried great weight. Besides, it was 
almost amusing to counsel the American people, as he did, to 
build observatories, when they were more interested in finances, 
public and private, than in astronomy. Some money had indeed 
been spent on improvements, especially upon the Cumberland 
Road, a highway running through Maryland, West Virginia, 
and Ohio, and designed to connect East and West. More money 
was spent during Adams's term; but much opposition was 
aroused, particularly in the South, even Calhoun being now 
dubious of the constitutionality of such expenditure of the 
public funds. 

339. Georgia and the Indians. — Still more humiliating than 
anything described yet was Adams's failure to protect from 
the aggressions of the governor and legislature of G-eorgia, the 
Creeks and Cherokees, who lived in a half-civilized condition 
within the boundaries of that state. Both tribes had treaty 
relations with the United States, and neither owed allegiance 
to Georgia. Yet the state proceeded to survey the lands of the 
Creeks under a treaty of 1825, before the general government 
had had time to investigate the matter. When Adams inter- 
fered, feeling that the Indians were being imposed upon. Gov- 
ernor Troup used imprudent language, which he reiterated in 
1827 under similar circumstances. On the latter occasion he 
actually called out state militia to meet the United States 
troops. This was pushing the doctrine of state sovereignty to 
a very dangerous extreme. As the President got little support 
from Congress, he had to brook the insult in spite of a splen- 
did speech in his behalf by Daniel Webster. A few years later, 
as we shall soon see, another state. South Carolina, stood out 
against another President, Andrew Jackson, with far less im- 
punity, Jackson being a more commanding man than Adams, 



260 ADMINISTRATION OF J, Q. ADAMS, 1825-1829. [§ 340 

and his opponents less determined. It must be remembered, 
too, that although the rash conduct of Georgia's legislature and 
governor deserves partial censure, the people of the state were 
acting but naturally, when they endeavored to supplant by 
white settlers the Indians within their borders. An Indian 
state within a commonwealth was not to be tolerated, and the 
United States had in 1802 promised to get the Indians away 
as soon as possible. 

THE TARIFF QUESTION. 

340. The Tariff of 1828. — Thus far Adams's conduct had 
been above reproach, however much he had failed in carrying 
out his various policies. It is less easy to defend his course in 
not vetoing the tariff bill of 1828 — known in history as the 
"Tariff of Abominations." It is natural that men who have 
once tasted the bounty of government should desire more of it ; 
hence we are not surprised at finding the manufacturers of the 
country soon demanding more protection. The most clamorous 
advocates of higher duties were the growers and manufacturers 
of wool, since English woolens were again being sold in Ameri- 
can markets. A bill for the aid of the manufacturers of 
woolens was defeated in 1827 only by the vote of Vice Presi- 
dent Calhoun, who again showed the growth of his anti-protec- 
tion views. Then followed a convention of protectionists at 
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, which advocated very high duties 
(1827). The adherents of Jackson, whose candidacy was kept 
shrewdly before the public throughout Adams's term, now con- 
ceived a very subtle plan for helping their hero and still further 
discrediting Adams. They proposed to levy exorbitant duties 
on raw products, — a policy which would secure the favor of the 
Western farmers and sheep-raisers, but would outrage the New 
England manufacturers. The latter, it was thought, would 
then join the Southerners in defeating the bill and would owe 
no gratitude to Adams. Jackson would in consequence keep 
his Southern votes, yet would also seem friendly to the West 
and to the protectionists generally. The schemes of Jackson's 



§ 342] THE TARIFF QUESTION. 261 

partisans to increase his chances of election were unnecessary, 
since he was already a sufficiently popular candidate. The bill 
actually passed laid high duties which protected both growers 
of raw products^ and manufacturers. Although the gains of 
the manufacturers were thus neutralized, they thought it best 
to take their chances under the increased duties. Accordingly 
the congressmen who represented them voted for the bill, and 
Adams signed it May 24, 1828. The South was greatly out- 
raged in consequence, although some of her own leaders had 
with sinister purpose forced the rates up. 

341. South Carolina's Discontent. — South Carolina was espe- 
cially excited. Her feelings and ideas were well expressed in 
a document — the celebrated " Exposition and Protest " — 
drawn up by Calhoun. In this manifesto the Vice President, 
following the lead of his predecessor Jefferson, pushed the 
doctrine of state protest, as outlined in the Kentucky and Vir- 
ginia Resolutions, to the extreme of a separate state veto and 
nullification of an obnoxious law (§ 279). He went farther than 
Jefferson, however, his views being derived partly from his own 
philosophical speculations, partly from the teachings of John 
Randolph and of other Southern leaders. The consequences of 
the adoption of his theory were plainly very dangerous, but 
matters stood still for a while, since all parties were waiting to 
see what stand the new administration to be inaugurated in 
1829 would take with regard to the tariff. 

342. Election of 1828. — As might have been foreseen, Adams 
was defeated in the election of 1828. He had come nearer 
success than was expected ; for the votes of New York and 
Pennsylvania would have turned the scale. But his oppo- 
nents, with their scandalous stories, their unnecessary con- 
gressional investigations, their general unscrupulousness, had 
been too much for him. Clay had not been efficient in directing 
the campaign ; while Jackson had secured in his favor what he 
had not had in the campaign of 1824, — the support of the 

1 For example, the duty on hemp was raised from $35 to $60 per ton. 



262 ADMINISTRATION OF J. Q. ADAMS, 1825-1829. [§342 

skillful group of New York politicians known as the "Albany 
Regency," at the head of which was the astute Martin Van 
Buren. Besides, Jackson's views on disputed questions were 
a mystery, so that he could be claimed by any faction, while his 
sympathies and qualities were plainly democratic and thus 
acceptable to the masses. On the other hand, Adams's views 
were so pronounced that he was sure to alienate votes, and his 
sympathies and qualities were plainly aristocratic.^ Finally, 
Jackson was a typical Westerner, and the West then held the 
balance of power. It is no wonder, therefore, that in the 
popular vote he distanced his rival. 



References. — General Works : W. Macdonald, Select Documents 
of United States History, 1776-1781 ; J. Schouler, History of the United 
States (6 vols.) ; J. Winsor, The Narrative and Critical History of 
America (8 vols.) ; G. Tucker, The History of the United States (4 vols., 
Winsor and Tucker extend to 1840) ; H. Von Hoist, The Constitutional 
History of the United States (8 vols.) ; Bryant and Gay, A Popular His- 
tory of the United States (4 vols.) ; T. H. Benton, Thirty Years'* View 
(2 vols.) ; E. Ingle, Southern Side Lights; Woodrow Wilson, Division 
and Eeunion ("Epochs of American History "). 

Special Works : same as for Chapter XVII. 

1 In these respects he much resembles the Ex-President, his father, who, 
curiously and appropriately enough, died within a few hours of his old friend 
and rival, Jefferson, on the fiftieth anniversary of the day they had helped to 
render famous, July 4, 1826. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1829-1837. 

POLITICAL CONDITIONS. 

343. The Meaning of Jackson's Election. — Andrew Jackson 
was the first man of plain birth and breeding to sit in the White 
House. Born on the border between the two Carolinas, he had 
early made his way to Tennessee and there had risen to leader- 
ship through his strength of character and his possession of all 
the manly qualities most held in repute by the pioneer settlers. 
The democratic voters gave him whatever political or military 
offices he wanted, and were thoroughly satisfied with the effec- 
tive way he discharged his duties. When Indians or British 
threatened the South or Southwest, he was the man to whom 
the general government had to turn, and his constant success 
made him a popular hero throughout the Union. Thus, in 
reputation as well as in character, he became more than a mere 
Tennesseean; he became a representative American. He was 
not a trained statesman, and his opinions on many impor- 
tant subjects were little more than prejudices. But he was 
thoroughly honest and fearless and precisely the sort of leader 
fitted to enlist the sympathy and admiration of the democracy. 
It is true that he could have done little without his shrewd 
political friends, and that he was likely to be partly their tool. 
It is true, also, that with all the virtues of the backwoodsmen, 
he had some of their vices, notably that of vindictiveness. 
But when all allowances are made, he was a great man, thor- 
oughly representative of the new electorate. 

263 



264 THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1829-1837. [§344 

344. The New Democracy. — The new type of politicians 
controlling the country was but an index of a new electorate. 
In the East the downfall of the Federalists and the constant 
extensions of the suffrage had created a party of " the people," 
which would have had little chance of making its wishes law 
under the regime of Washington, or even of Jefferson. But 
it hailed in Jackson a leader after its own heart. In the 
West, where aristocracy was practically unknown, no other 
party had ever existed, and the young communities had long 
chafed under the conservative methods of the East, which ad- 
vanced one Secretary of State after another to the Presidential 
chair. In the South the planters still controlled affairs, but 
they treated the democracy with consideration, and directed, 
rather than thwarted, its energies. Of course, in developing 
this new political force, the teachings of Jefferson and his 
school had had much influence; but the growth and spread of 
population, the increase of territory, the development of means 
of communication, and the opening up of new industries had 
been more effective. Jefferson had wanted to have the people 
recognized as the source of power, but he wished to have edu- 
cated men use the power thus obtained. He thought, moreover, 
that tyranny would be averted if these picked men represented 
localities, or states, which would be jealous of their rights, and 
not the nation at large, which would not be thus jealous. The 
new democracy, on the other hand, while suspicious of strong 
government, was national in its sympathies, rather than local, as 
was soon proved by Jackson. The lately formed states of the 
West, being all younger than the Union, many of them creations 
by that Union out of national territory, had less state pride than 
the older commonwealths which had formed the Union. The 
new conditions of trade were, moreover, somewhat obliterating 
state lines in the North and East by inducing travel and 
correspondence on the part of business men. Thus the local 
democracy represented by Jefferson was being more and more 
confined to the South, but it kept up an alliance with the 
national and more radical democracy represented by Jackson 



§ 346] PROGRESS OF THE NATION. 265 

down to the Civil War. Manhood suffrage, dependence of ofhce 
holders upon the wishes of the electorate, and other principles 
of the Jacksonian democracy have become the political heri- 
tage of Americans, regardless of party. 

345. Changes among the People. — The new democracy was 
strong and honest, but very ignorant. It was controlled by 
clever politicians, who used the machinery of caucus, primary 
election, and nominating conventions, and also introduced the 
ideas of the supreme virtue of party fealty, and of the propriety 
of distributing the spoils of office to the victors in each succes- 
sive election. In other words, men were being taught to dis- 
trust their individual judgment and to trust that of their party. 
These ideas were held in all honesty, and few persons had time 
to consider whither they would lead. Yew saw that party 
loyalty was taking the place of patriotism, that desire for the 
gains of office was supplanting the spirit of patriotic self- 
sacrifice. The country had grown tremendously in area, in 
population, and in wealth. Steamers Avere running in every 
direction, and railroads were soon to be built. Eeligious and 
educational lethargy had been shaken, and new ideas were in the 
air. National democracy, with its theories of the right of all 
to aspire to office, and its businesslike way of rewarding its 
successful supporters, was itself, therefore, a part of a great 
transformation of three fourths of the American people. 

PROGRESS OF THE NATION. 

346. Growth of the Nation. — It is difficult to realize the 
extent of this transformation. In 1789 Spain hemmed us in 
to the South and West and the British had not abandoned 
fortresses that belonged to us in the Northwest. Just beyond 
the Alleghanies the Indians were still a menace. Forty years 
later our domain stretched far beyond the Mississippi, Spain 
had yielded Florida, and Great Britain respected our rights. 
The Seminoles in Florida, and other tribes in the far West, 
were still to give trouble, but everywhere the wigwam was 



266 THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1829-1837. [§347 

retreating before the log cabin. A generation before, the Atlan- 
tic seaboard had dominated the country in population, educa- 
tion, and wealth. Now the West was, not indeed the equal of 
the East, but a formidable rival. Since the War of 1812, the 
migration io Northwest and Southwest had been marvelous. 
The people seemed determined to fill up their more than 
two million square miles of territory. Emigrants from Europe 
had not begun to come over in great numbers, but American 
families were large and always ready to move to a favorable 
locality, especially from rugged New England to the fertile 
West. Improved roads, canals, and steamboats facilitated the 
movement of population, but even in the South, where roads 
were bad, enterprising families moved by thousands from Vir- 
ginia and the Carolinas into Alabama and Mississippi, which 
with their rich lands invited the cotton planter and his slaves. 
Under these circumstances it is no wonder that by 1830 the 
population of the country had reached nearly thirteen millions, 
and that eleven new states had been added to the old thirteen. 

347. Material and Moral Progress. — Perhaps the greatest 
change that had taken place in America was the increased 
mental and moral energy displayed by its inhabitants. The 
people were still provincial, but they were no longer sluggish. 
The War of 1812 had developed their national spirit; their 
own growth in population, and their acquisitions of territory, 
out of which wealth in all forms could be easily extracted, had 
developed their desire to prosper. They were no longer con- 
tent slowly to grow moderately rich. They fostered manufac- 
tures and commerce and agriculture. They became a nation of 
inventors, and, what was more important, they developed a 
capacity for pure science which made the name of America 
honored throughout the world. Out of their midst sprang 
essayists and novelists and poets who interpreted their life to 
them. There was a notable growth of the religious spirit; 
temperance and other reforms were agitated; more attention 
was paid to education ; public charities of all kinds received 



§348] PROGRESS OF THE NATION. 267 

popular support. Nor were minor things overlooked. Men 
of all classes began to strive to provide household comforts 
for their families. Travel was made more comfortable. Good 
hotels began to replace bad inns. Urban life did not attract 
country people as it does now, but the towns had grown and 
prospered. New York was in 1830 a city of two hundred 
thousand inhabitants. Philadelphia was not far behind. Cin- 
cinnati had grown from a mere village to a town of nearly 
twenty-five thousand people. Throughout the North, East, and 
West, therefore, the watchword was "Development." Even in 
the South, which was rendered conservative and sluggish by 
the presence of slavery, there were not wanting proofs that 
many energetic men would like to imitate their more fortunate 
brothers of other sections. Like the rest of the country, the 
South hoped for great things from her future railroads and 
canals, but her industrial future was still far in the distance. 

348. Political Conditions. — Although the East and North 
led the rest of the country in manufacturing and commerce, 
and although the West was developing agriculture to a great 
degree, political power had not passed to them as completely 
as a casual observer might have perhaps expected. The South 
might be conservative, but it had an immense source of wealth 
in its cotton ; and buying, as it did, many supplies from the 
North, it was a customer not to be offended. Hence many 
Northern politicians opposed Southern schemes less violently 
than they would otherwise have done, and hence the South 
seemed to have disproportionate power at Washington. Be- 
sides, Southern planters had more leisure to think of politics 
than busier citizens elsewhere, and their emotional tempera- 
ments naturally inclined them to political leadership. But 
they were being more and more outnumbered every year in the 
House of Eepresentatives, and the Missouri Controversy had 
shown them how increasingly difficult it would be to keep the 
Senate balanced between free and slave states. In view of. 
their perilous position, they naturally became all the more 



268 THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1820-1837. [§349 

domiueering and haughty in their demands. This, however, 
roused the temper of the other sections. Wealthy New Eng- 
land had time and means to develop the philanthropic spirit, and 
an anti-slavery movement was sure to follow. The Northwest, 
settled largely by New Englanders, would take this movement 
up, altliough hampered by the presence of Southern immi- 
grants in Indiana and Illinois. It was impossible either for 
the descendants of the Puritans or for the hardy pioneers to 
tolerate long the domination of an aristocracy based on slavery. 

349. The New West. — The Western man, especially, living 
in his log cabin, pursuing the primitive unconventional life of 
a farmer, could not sympathize with an aristocracy that did 
not work with its hands, and must sympathize with slaves that 
did. The graces of Southern social life counted for little with 
Puritan or pioneer, and when the fight was begun the moral 
enthusiasm of the one, and the shrewd sense, plain morality, 
and superb energy of the other, would insure the victory for 
freedom. The election of Jackson, who, although partly a 
Southerner, was more a Westerner, meant, therefore, not 
merely the triumph of a new democracy, but that the center 
of political power had crossed the Alleghanies, and that the 
control which the South had exercised over the Union from the 
first was passing to stronger hands. 

350. Changes in New England. — In New England, also, the 
spirit of understanding which had long existed with the South 
on account partly of trade connections, partly of the English 
homogeneity common to both sections, w^as rapidly passing 
away. The old New England of farmers and sailors was now 
becoming more and more a country of manufacturers and 
artisans. The old Puritan leaven still fermented, — not as 
formerly, within the churches, the power of which had con- 
spicuously declined, but in new forms of philanthropy, philoso- 
phy, and literature. New England had always been a power 
in the intellectual life of the nation, but from 1830 to 1860 this 
power was vastly increased. From her midst came abolition- 



360] 



PROGRESS OF THE NATION. 



269 



ists like Garrison^ and others shortly to be mentioned. In 
Webster she had the greatest of orators and of exponents of 
the national idea. In 
Ralph Waldo Emerson 
(1803-1882) she had a 
teacher of high mo- 
rality and a philoso- 
pher who, if vague, like 
his fellow-members of 
the school known as 
Transcendental, pos- 
sessed, nevertheless, 
an inspiring person- 
ality. In the elder 
William Ellery Chan- 
ning (1780-1842) and 
Theodore Parker ^ she 
had clergymen whose 
influence was felt far 
beyond their section. 
In Henry Wads worth 
Longfellow (1807-1882) 

she had the sweetest and most popular of native poets; 
and in John Greenleaf Whittier (1807-1892), a sturdy poet- 
champion of human liberty. James Eussell Lowell (1819- 
1891), too, was a young son of Massachusetts who, as poet 
and critic, was to do good work for the nation. All these 
great men were, more or less, forces to be counted against the 




William Lloyd Garrison. 



1 Bom, 1805; died, 1879. Writer on Newburyport fiera^tZ, 1818-1826 ; edited 
various emancipation papers, 1820-1831 ; editor of tlie great agitation organ 
in behalf of emancipation, the Liberator, 1831-1860; formed the American 
Anti-slavery Society and became its president in 1832 ; perhaps had greater 
influence than any other man in behalf of emancipation. 

2 Born, 1810 ; died, 1860. Was pastor of Unitarian Church at West Roxbury 
from 1837 to 1845 ; was an ardent advocate of emancipation ; was very promi- 
nent as an orator and pamphleteer ; founded a church in Boston for the advo- 
cacy of new and more radical phases of the Unitarian movement. 



270 



THE JACKSONIAN EPOCH, 1829-1837. 



[§350 



continued dominance of the South in politics. With the ex- 
ception of Webster they were not politicians, but they were 
thinkers who taught others to think. Against them the South, 
even with the poet and story writer, Edgar Allan Poe (1809- 
1849), could set no such galaxy of genius, save in the sphere of 
politics ; and with the exception of Calhoun, the Southern states- 
men of the new generation were inferior to those of the old. 

Nor were the Middle states, 
rich and populous though 
they were, capable of com- 
peting with New England as 
a factor in the nation's life. 
Able politicians and editors 
were coming to the front, and 
there were some authors of 
great power, such as James 
Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851) 
and Washington Irving 
(1783-1859), but none capa- 
ble of supplying such civic 
inspiration as writers like 
Emerson and Whittier. 
William Cullen Bryant 
(1794-1878) might be counted 
in this connection, for he 
did his main work in New York, but he was New England 
born. In short, it may be fairly said that New England repre- 
sented for the generation before the Civil War the progressive, 
moral sense of the nation in the great question of freedom 
versus slavery ; for that portion of the West which served the 
cause of liberty was settled chiefly by New England people. 
Curiously enough, the greatest imaginative genius that New 
England produced, Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804-1864), the 
romancer, took little interest in the burning question of the day. 




Theodore Parker. 



References. — See Chapters XVII. aud XVIII. 



CHAPTER XX. 

JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. 
A POPULAR AUTOCRAT. 

351. The Spoils System. — Jackson's inauguration was a sig- 
nal for crowds of his active supporters to hasten to Washington 
for their rewards. At the reception at the White House they 
displayed the rudeness of a mob, and furnished a sharp contrast 
with the stately levees held by Washington in New York. 
But worse things were to follow. Through a Tenure of Office 
Act, due to Crawford (1820), many positions fell vacant every 
four years. These vacancies enabled the President's advisers 
partly to satisfy the demands made upon him, but the poli- 
ticians also induced him to use his power of removal. In a few 
months over five times as many changes were made in the civil 
service as had been made by all Jackson's predecessors. As a 
matter of course these wholesale removals from office brought 
many incompetent men into positions of trust, but it is quite 
clear that Jackson did not realize what he was doing. He 
thought he was rewarding faithful friends instead of inflicting 
a disgrace and an incalculable injury upon his country. He 
was a kind-hearted man, but some of the official changes that 
he made on the advice of his political managers could scarcely 
have been more cruel if he had been really merciless. 

352. Jackson's Cabinet. — Jackson's Cabinet was chosen upon 
the basis of friendship or service and was mediocre in charac- 
ter. Van Buren,^ who was made Secretary of State, had ability. 



1 Born, 1782 ; died, 1862. Early rose to eminence in New York as a lawyer 
and politician; United States senator, 1821-1828; governor, 1828-1829; Secre- 

271 



272 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. [§ 352 

it is true, and showed it conspicuously in the way he humored 
Jackson in order to secure the Presidential succession. Two 
Secretaries were friends of Calhoun, the Vice President, who 
had thus far supported Jackson. Within three years, how- 
ever, the Cabinet 
was, with one ex- 
ception, reconsti- 
tuted. This very 
unusual and auto- 
cratic procedure 
of Jackson's was 
owing partly to 
the alienation from 
Calhoun which fol- 
lowed Jackson's 
discovery that the 
South Carolinian 
had wished to have 
him punished for 
his high-handed 
conduct in Florida 
(§ 324, note 2), and 
partly to the un- 

T., ,^ _, willingness of the 

Martin Van Buren. ° 

wives of the other 

Secretaries to call upon the wife of the Secretary of War. This 

change in the personnel of the Cabinet but slightly affected the 

character of the administration, since Jackson rarely consulted 

his constitutional advisers, but preferred to take the advice of 

a small group of friends known as the "Kitchen Cabinet." 



tary of State under Jackson, 1829-1831; Vice President with Jackson, 1833- 
1837; elected President, 1836; was overwhelmingly defeated by Harrison in 
1840; opposed the annexation of Texas in 1844; received a majority of votes 
in Democratic Convention in 1844, but was beaten by Polk under the two 
thirds rule ; was Free Soil candidate for President in 1848, and drew enough 
electoral votes from Cass to elect Taylor. 




§353] A POPULAR AUTOCRAT. 273 

These men, chief among whom were William B. Lewis, an old 
Tennessee neighbor, and Amos Kendall, later Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, acted as '' coaches " to the old warrior. But the daring 
and energy needed for carrying out certain of his policies 
were furnished by himself. 

353. Jackson's Autocratic Reign. — Jackson, in spite of his 
theories about the duty of an executive to do the people's will, 
was too much accustomed to command to be able to play the 
part of a constitutional President with any grace. When he had 
made up his mind to do a thing there was no stopping him. Of 
all our Presidents he, the most typically democratic, with the 
exception of Andrew Johnson, was the most typical autocrat. 
Opponents called him " King Andrew " and his two adminis- 
trations are often spoken of as the " Reign of Andrew Jackson." 
Yet to his credit be it said, that when he was not persuaded 
to act spitefully, he always acted fairly and for what he 
believed to be the interests of the nation. He bullied Mexico, 
but he would not be bullied by South Carolina. He insulted 
Chief Justice Marshall, was unforgiving to Calhoun, but was 
loyal to Van Buren. He was stern when his resolution to 
act was kindled ; yet at times he was remarkably gentle. 
Almost the only time his will was successfully crossed was 
when the women of Washington refused to receive Secretary 
Eaton's wife. But in describing him thus we are evidently 
dealing with a real man, not with a mere personification of 
the nation's dignity. The history of Jackson's administra- 
tions is the biography of Jackson himself — a fact which 
shows us that republican governments are sometimes as 
much affected by personal influences as monarchies are. 
The parallel between his career and that of a typical auto- 
cratic ruler is drawn still closer when we remember tjiat 
an attempt was made to assassinate him. But this parallel 
must not be pushed too far. No man ever more truly 
wished to serve the people that elected him than Andrew 
Jackson. 



274 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. [§354 



354. Jackson as an Administrator. — Jackson's administra- 
tions form a turning point in our history and are important 
from almost every point of view. Only their leading features 
can be treated here, but it may be well to say that whenever 

he could, — as in the mat- 
ter of internal improve- 
ments, — Jackson played 
the part of a strict con- 
structionist. When it was 
agreeable to him, he fa- 
vored state sovereignty, as 
when he refused to support 
Chief Justice Marshall and 
the Supreme Court in their 
decisions against Georgia, 
which state continued to 
act toward the Cherokees 
as badly as it had done 
toward the Creeks. Geor- 
gia officials treated Mar- 
shall with contempt, and 
Jackson is reported to have 
said, "John Marshall has made his law, now let him enforce 
it." Such a divorce between the executive and the judiciary, 
if long continued, would mean anarchy ; but it must be remem- 
bered that Jackson, an old backwoodsman, would of course sym- 
pathize with the white men of Georgia.^ But he would tolerate 
no violation of national laws which he thought it right to defend, 
and he considered the voice of the people sufficient authority 
for some very loose constructions of the Constitution. 

THE DEBATE OVER THE NATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

355. The Webster-Hayne Debate. — Probably the most strik- 
ing event of Jackson's first administration is the great de- 

1 The Indian problem was partly solved during Jackson's administrations 
by the transfer of some of the tribes to Indian Territory. 




Daniel Webster. 



§ 355] THE NATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 275 

bate of 1830 between Webster ^ and Hayne. It grew out 
of some resolutions of Senator Foote of Connecticut with 
regard to the rapid sales 
of public lands. The 
cheapness of land drew 
population westward, and 
this raised the price of 
labor in the older states ; 
hence the interest of New 
England seemed to lie in 
opposing the policy of 
granting portions of the 
public domain to new- 
comers on very easy 
terms. The resolutions 
were hotly opposed by 
Senator Thomas H. Ben- 
ton^ of Missouri, a lead- 
ing supporter of Jackson. 
Benton and all West- 
erners naturally thought ^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ 
the prevailing policy wise 
because it brought men and money to the new commonwealths. 

1 Bom in New Hampshire, 1782 ; died, 1852. Was educated at Phillips Exe- 
ter Academy, and at Dartmouth College, graduating in 1801; admitted to the 
bar at Boscawen, New Hampshire, in 1805; member of Congress, 1813-1817; 
moved to Bostou and m 1818 -rose to the front rank of lawyers by his labors 
in the "Dartmouth College Case"; congressman, 1823-1827; became widely 
known as orator by his orations at Plymouth, 1820, and Bunker Hill, 1825, 
and his eulogy on Adams and Jefferson, 1826; entered the Senate in 1827, and 
at once took high rank as a leader ; favored the protective tariff of 1828 ; won 
the highest distinction as "Expounder of the Constitution" in debate with 
Hayne in 1830; Secretary of State, 1841; negotiated the Ashburton Treaty, 
1842; resigned in 1843; reentered the Senate, 1845; gave feeble support to 
Taylor in 1848 ; alienated many yld friends by his 7th of March speech in 1850, 
in which he supported Clay's Compromises and took a conservative position on 
the question of slavery ; Secretary of State, 1850-1852. 

2 Born in North Carolina, 1782; died, 1858. Early migrated to Tennessee; 
was colonel in the War of 1812 ; went to Missouri and became a journalist in 




276 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. [§355 



Senator Eobert Y. Hayne ^ of South Carolina came to the help 
of the Western men, since to most Southerners New England 

was now obnoxious on ac- 
count of the Tariff of Abomi- 
nations (§ 340), and since 
the West, being compara- 
tively unsettled, might, they 
thought, possibly be won to 
slavery's side. Webster re- 
plied to Hayne, and the latter 
returned to the attack, but on 
a different line. He discussed 
the nature of the general 
government and gave warn- 
ing that if the South were 
not relieved of tariff bur- 
dens, the remedy of a state 
veto would have to be re- 
sorted to. In other words, 
he advanced Calhoun's doc- 
trine of nullification, which, 
as we have seen, was an extension of the principles enunci- 
ated by Virginia and Kentucky in 1798, and by the Hartford 
Convention in 1814 (§§ 279 and 315). Webster replied in 
his most famous speech, and as an orator certainly got the 




Robert Y. Hayne. 



1813 ; was United States senator from Missouri, 1821-1851 ; was during this 
whole period deemed second in influence only to the great trio Calhoun, Clay, 
and Webster ; was a stanch advocate of favorable land laws, of post roads, 
of the development of the West, and of conservatism in finance ; strenuously 
supported Jackson and opposed Calhoun ; published valuable Thirty Tears 
View, and Abridgment of Debates of Congress. 

1 Born in South Carolina, 1791 ; died, 1839. Served in War of 1812 ; member 
of the South Carolina Legislature, 1814-1818; attorney-general of South Caro- 
lina, 1818-1822 ; elected to United States Seriate, 1823 ; opposed the protective 
system, denying its constitutionality; was chairman of the nullifying conven- 
tion of 1832 ; governor of South Carolina, 1832-1834, when the state prepared 
to enforce its ideas of nullification, — a movement which was prevented by 
Clay's compromise tariff. 



356] 



THE NATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 



277 



better of his opponent, although Hayne's defense of his 
own position was masterly. Even Calhoun himself, who, as 
he was serving his second term as Vice President, could 
not join in the debate, would hardly have presented his 
own views more clearly. Whether Webster eclipsed Hayne 
as a political reasoner, is a point on which the North and 
the South have never been in perfect agreement, Webster 
denied Hayne's postulate that the Union rested on a compact, 
and affirmed that the Constitution had established a general 
government with powers sufficient to enforce its rights even 
against the component states. 



356. The Theoretical and the Historical View. — Few will 
now deny that Webster was right as a theoretical publicist, 
for a constitution which 
admitted the right of 
secession or of nullifica- 
tion would have framed 
a farcical government. 
But whether he was right 
from the point of view 
of the constitutional law- 
yer or of the historical 
annalist is quite a differ- 
ent matter. There were 
nationalists from the be- 
ginning, but it seems 
probable that most men 
in 1789 believed that the 

Constitution was a compact between the states. By 1830 
the North, and much of the West, had been nationalized and 
had more or less forgotten or abandoned the compact theory. 
But the South, less changed, adhered to it, especially as on it 
a minority party could base a constitutional resistance to an 
obnoxious policy like the tariff. Hence it seems fair to con- 
clude that Webster was right as a publicist, partly unsound 




Daniel Webster's Carriage. 



278 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. [§357 

as a lawyer and annalist ; but that the future was with him, 
the past with Hayne. That the past was with Hayne is 
partly at least confirmed by the general historical fact that 
minority parties, needing all the support they can get, make 
a careful study of precedents and have every interest in not 
making mistakes in their procedure. Parties of progress, on 
the other hand, are rarely careful about their reasoning from 
precedents. It is to be noted further that much of the political 
strength the Southerners still possessed lay in the fact that 
they were on the defensive and could obstruct legislation by 
strictly construing the Constitution. 

THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

357. Jackson and Calhoun. — Shortly after the debate it looked 
as if South Carolina at least would put Calhoun's theory in 
operation. The tariff of 1828 had been reformed in 1830 and 
in 1832, but the protective idea was still dominant, and against 
this idea the Southerners were firmly set. They wished to resist 
in some way, but they soon found that they could not count 
on Jackson to help them as he had helped Georgia. That 
old warrior had answered their overtures, when attending a 
banquet given on Jefferson's birthday, at which disunion sen- 
timents were openly expressed, by giving, as his contribution 
to the entertainment, the toast, " Our Federal Union : it 
must be preserved." They could count on Calhoun, however, 
with more certainty than ever, for his break with Jackson 
took place about this time ; and, so far as logical exposition 
goes, no cause has ever had more remarkable support than 
Calhoun gave the nullifiers. Jackson, however, received a 
stronger support. He was reelected in 1832 by a very large 
majority and believed that the people meant him to go 
ahead and preserve the Union, as well as to carry out other 
important policies. 

358. Nullification. — Meanwhile those South Carolinians who 
thought as Calhoun did, in spite of considerable opposition from 



§358] THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 279 

their fellow-citizens, caused a State Convention to be assembled 
in November, 1832. This body declared the tariff acts of 1828 
and 1832 null and void so far as South Carolina was concerned, 
and prohibited payment of duties under them after Febru- 
ary 1, 1833. Jackson replied by a strong proclamation, which 
urged the necessity of every true patriot's supporting the 
laws and officers of the Union. Unfortunately many good 
South Carolinians thought that a patriot ought to support the 
state first, and the Union afterward. Jackson, however, did 
not rely on a mere proclamation. He dispatched soldiers 
and vessels to Charleston, and asked Congress to pass a bill 
enlarging his powers so that he might legally crush the 
incipient revolution. Congress in reply passed what is known 
as the Force Bill, March 1, 1833. No force was needed, how- 
ever. The other Southern states did not stand by South 
Carolina, for although most of them believed in the right of 
secession as a last resort, they had little sympathy with nul- 
lification. They did not see how a state could remain in the 
Union, and yet not obey the latter's laws. The nuUifiers, 
under their leaders, — Hayne, who was now Governor of South 
Carolina, and Calhoun, who had taken Hayne's place in the 
Senate, — had hoped for concession rather than war, and, pend- 
ing the action of Congress, suspended the nullification ordinance. 
The administration, too, while determined to assert itself, had 
no great interest in the protective system, the cause of the 
quarrel. At this juncture Clay again played the part of a 
compromiser, and a tariff act, providing for a gradual return 
in ten years to the mild duties of 1816, was made law, March 
2, 1833, one day after the Force Bill was passed and a day 
before the obnoxious tariff of 1832 was to have gone into effect. 
On their side, the South Carolinians held another convention, 
and repealed their first nullifying ordinance, but nullified the 
Force Bill. Thus it was practically a drawn battle — neither 
side abandoning its principles, but both making concessions 
in a not altogether brave and creditable way. As was to be 
expected, both parties claimed a victory. In South Carolina 



280 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1829-1833. [§358 

Calhoun's influence grew steadily stronger, and the militia of 
the state seems to have been kept up with the distinct idea 
that it might be available in another crisis with the general 
government. On the other hand, Jackson had maintained the 
dignity of the Union, and the tariff compromisers, following the 
Missouri compromisers, had succeeded in putting off the day 
of reckoning until the Free states were strong enough to crush 
slavery and still retain the Southern states in the Union. 



References. — General Works : see Chapter XVIII. 

Special Works: same as for Chapter XVII., with the addition of: 
George T. Curtis, Daniel Webster; T. Roosevelt, Thomas H. Benton 
(" American Statesmen ") ; E. M. Shepard, Martin Van Buren ("Amer- 
ican Statesmen") ; A. C. McLaughlin, Lewis Cass ("American States- 
men"); W. G. Sumner, Andrew Jackson ("American Statesmen"); 
J. Parton, Andrew Jackson ; W. P. Trent, Calhoun, in Southern States- 
men of the Old Begime ; C. W. Loring, Nullification, Secession, etc. ; 
D. F. Houston, Study of Nullification in South Carolina ("Harvard 
Historical Studies"). 



CHAPTER XXI. 

JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1833-1837. 

THE ABOLITIONISTS. 

359. Anti-slavery Agitation. — The tariff was not destined 
to remain the chief grievance of the Southerners. They were 
soon far more concerned with the growing agitation against 
slavery which was being waged by determined men and women 
in the North. At the head of these abolitionists, as they were 
styled, stood William Lloyd Garrison, who in 1831 established 
his anti-slavery paper, The Liberator, in Boston. Up to this 
time many leading Southerners, including Washington and 
Jefferson, had deplored the existence of slavery without see- 
ing how to get rid of it. Now, feeling outraged by the attacks 
made upon their section, and fearing other slave insurrections 
like one incited by Nat Turner in Virginia in 1831, they 
began to defend their institution as a property right secured 
to them by law, and a profitable one in view of the increased 
demand for cotton. Efforts for emancipation, such as those 
made by representatives of the mountain districts of Virginia, 
in a convention held in that state in 1829-1830, were abandoned. 
A pro-slavery literature was produced, which treated slavery not 
as an evil to be abated, but as a benefit to be spread. Stricter 
penal laws were enacted with regard to the blacks, and the abo- 
litionists were denounced and threatened. The latter received 
at first similar treatment in the North, where they were fre- 
quently mobbed. They continued to make proselytes, how- 
ever, and by 1836 had put the nation in a turmoil, as a result 
of their petitions to Congress for the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Columbia. 

281 



282 JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1833-1837. [§ 360 



360. Abolitionist Petitions to Congress. — The Southerners, 
alarmed at the thought of the bad effects upon their interests 
that debate on these petitions might liave, secured the passage 
of resolutions tabling them. But they found it hard to silence 
such an advocate as John Quincy Adams, who had not dis- 
dained to serve his country in the House of Representatives 

after having held the high- 

'"^^^ est office open to a citizen. 

Adams was not an aboli- 

^^^''^■^''' tionist, but he did believe 

^^ in the right of all citizens 

to petition Congress, and 
until his death, in 1848, he 
championed the cause of 
liberty in the most elo- 
quent way. Soon, too, the 
Southerners had the diffi- 
cult task of disposing of 
the abolitionist pamphlets 
sent through the mails. 
As a result of their efforts 
to suppress freedom of 
speech and kindred rights, 
the cause they were oppos- 
ing gained in strength. It had its martyr in E.' P. Lovejoy, 
murdered in Alton, Illinois, in 1837, and its fiery orator in 
Wendell Phillips^ of Boston. It had the future with it 
also, but this only the more far-sighted of the Southerners 
could see. The mass of them saw only that an institution 
bequeathed to them by their fathers and, as they believed, 
essential to their comfort and prosperity, was being assailed 




Wendell Phillips. 



1 Born in Boston, 1811 ; died, 1884. Graduated at Harvard 1831; became a 
lawyer, but from 1837 gave his chief energies to the abolition movement ; was 
the most eloquent and effective advocate of the cause until the outbreak 
of the war ; ardent advocate of temperance reform and of woman suffrage ; 
sided with the Greenback party. 



§361] FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 283 

by men who, as a rule, had had little close contact with it. In 
consequence, they naturally made the best resistance they 
could. They would have been more than human if they had 
not resisted, but it must be confessed that their speeches 
and actions were often so extreme in character as to defeat 
their ends. On the other hand, the abolitionists were partly 
responsible, in their turn, for the extreme stand taken by the 
Southerners, for they were very intemperate in their strictures. 
Because they abhorred slavery, they thought it logical to abhor 
slaveholders and the Constitution of the United States, which 
permitted slavery. They were opposed to all efforts to settle 
the slavery question by political action. They upheld every 
kind of reform, no matter how extreme, and were continually 
at loggerheads among themselves. In other words, they were 
impractical, and their methods in the early years of the agita- 
tion were abhorrent to the average American citizen. Never- 
theless, they aroused the public conscience on the subject of 
slavery, and, as leaders of a crusade, their most influential 
members, men and women, have perhaps never been surpassed. 

FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 

361. Jackson and the Bank. — Meanwhile Jackson, though on 
the whole a Southern sympathizer, had a battle of his own to 
fight that interested him far more than the slavery contest. 
He had an agriculturist's suspicion of capitalists, and in par- 
ticular saw in the Bank of the United States a greedy monopoly 
worked in the interests of his political enemies.^ Accordingly 
he early declared war against that institution, which was at 
that time in good condition. Henry Clay, his chief rival, took 
up the issue, and in 1832 had a bill passed for rechartering the 
corporation. Jackson at once vetoed it, and the country sus- 
tained him in the campaign of 1832, in which Henry Clay, as 

1 The former Adams men and the adherents of Clay, who shortly after this 
time took the name of the patriotic party in the Revolution and called them- 
selves " Whigs." 



284 JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1833-1837. [§362 

candidate of the National Republicans/ and William Wirt as 
candidate of the short-lived party known as the Anti-Masons,^ 
were ignominiously defeated. 

362. Removal of the Deposits. — Encouraged by the popular 
support he had received, and believing firmly, and rightly, it 
would seem, that the bank was a dangerous monopoly, Jackson 
now resolved to deal it a crushing blow. He secured, after 
some trouble, a cooperating Secretary of the Treasury in Roger 
B. Taney of Maryland, and through him had an order given for 
the withdrawal of the deposits of public money in the bank 
and its branches.^ This move might under other circumstances 
have been a wise one, but it was made in an impolitic manner ; 
and by crippling the bank at a period when the nation was car- 
ried away by a craze for speculation, it probably helped to 
pave the way for the great financial panic of 1837. It also 
brought upon Jackson a vote of censure by the Senate, which 
he answered in a vigorous protest, and which his friends later, 
under the lead of Benton, by a rather farcical procedure suc- 
ceeded in expunging from the Senate Journal. 

363. Censure of Jackson's Action. — Few actions of an Amer- 
ican President have been more harshly criticised than that 
of Jackson toward the Bank of the United States, but it cost 
him little of his popularity with the masses, because they, like 
himself, were suspicious of corporate wealth. The wealthy 

1 Before taking the name " Whig," the party that favored protection, inter- 
nal improvements, and liberal construction of the Constitution generally, took 
part of the name of the Democratic-Republican party that was in power from 
Jefferson to Jackson, and called themselves National Republicans. The Jack- 
son men, on the other hand, took the first half of the name, which was dis- 
tinctly appropriate to them. The Democratic party thus formed has been in 
existence ever since, with considerable changes, however. The Whigs, as will 
be seen, are represented to-day by the Republican party. 

* This party was formed against the Free Masons, chiefly in consequence of 
the report, not confirmed, of the killing in 1826 of a man named William Mor- 
gan, who had exposed certain secrets of the order. 

» By law the Secretary had to give the order, and Jackson compelled the 
resignation of Mr. Duane, who would not give it. 



§ 364] FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 285 

classes, however, denounced him freely, and with some reason. 
The changes necessitated in his Cabinet in order that his wishes 
might be carried out suited rather a self-willed sovereign like 
Louis XIV. than the constitutional executive of a republic. The 
vindictiveness with which he pursued his policy was appropriate 
to a small, rather than a great, man. Besides, the whole matter 
was one for financiers to manage, and Jackson knew more of 
fighting than he did of finance. Nor was popular acquiescence 
in his policy a sure indication of its wisdom. On the other 
hand, the president of the bank, Nicholas Biddle, of Phila- 
delphia, acted with indiscretion and injured his own cause. 
Clay also was premature in forcing the issue and had a partisan 
purpose in doing it. The bank had years before been grossly mis- 
managed (§ 317, note) and might be so again ; and when its exist- 
ence was threatened, it used money in politics. Moreover, after 
its charter expired, its career under the laws of Pennsylvania 
was discreditable. Taking all these facts into consideration, we 
are perhaps justified in concluding that Jackson's methods of 
procedure deserve great censure in spite of his integrity, but 
that what he actually did was not nearly so detrimental to the 
interests of the country as some persons have considered it. 

364. Banks and Speculation. — But the end was not yet. The 
funds removed from the Bank of the United States were deposited 
in state banks, controlled by Democrats, and afterwards known 
as " Jackson's Pets." This governmental favor caused the 
numbers of such banks to increase, and thus stimulated the uni- 
versal desire to indulge in financial speculation. The public reve- 
nues meanwhile increased through speculation in public lands 
and through' larger imports, and as the national debt had been 
paid off shortly before, it was hard to decide what to do with 
the accumulated funds. An outlet for this surplus was found 
in non-interest-bearing loans to the states in proportion to their 
representation in Congress. This distribution of the surplus — 
a favorite project of Clay's and destined later to complicate the 
financial situation still more seriously — increased the tendency 



286 JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1833-1837. [§365 

toward extravagant internal improvements, and thus fed the 
fever for speculation which, as we have just said, both supported 
and was supported by a loose system of banking under state 
control. 

365. Wild-cat Banks. — The "Wild-cat Banks," as the banks 
established under this system were called, were especially numer- 
ous in the South and West, and their paper notes were of such 
varying values that the public suffered great inconvenience.^ 
Journals were published for the sx^ecial purpose of reporting 
from day to day the value of the various issues and for the pur- 
230se of pointing out how traders could avoid being deceived by 
the numerous counterfeits. There was a legitimate demand for 
an increase of the circulating medium, and the government had 
tried to meet this by enlarging the output of gold and silver 
coins and by arranging for notes to be issued by the deposit 
banks on a specie reserve of one third of their circulation. But 
these measures were not sufficient. The states chartered banks 
recklessly, and the banks issued their notes in wild profusion. 

366. The " Specie Circular." — Jackson became alarmed, since 
the notes of even the specie-paying banks received by the 
Treasury for the purchase of public lands were declining in 
value. He therefore issued his famous " Specie Circular," which 
announced, against the advice of the Cabinet, that thenceforth 
only gold and silver would be received in payment for public 
lands. This order naturally affected the banks in the West 
disastrously, forced back a mass of notes upon the East, and 
induced a general want of confidence, which was all the greater 
on account of the previous speculative want of caution. 

367. Election of Van Buren. — Jackson, like Jefferson, however, 
was fortunate enough to lay down his office in time to leave his 
successor to meet the impending storm. That successor was 

1 Sometimes men would start a bank in a small town, fail there, and then 
move to another town not far off and play the same trick. A contemporaneous 
invention, the telegraph, was destined to do much for the detection and appre- 
hension of such rogues. 



§ 367] FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 287 

Martin Van Buren, who by the irony of fate had helped his chief 
to secure two of his greatest successes. These were the opening 
of the ports of the British West Indies to American ships, and 
the acknowledgment by France of the justice of the French 
spoliation claims, which Avere based on depredations committed 
on American commerce during the Napoleonic regime.^ Still, 
Van Buren partly deserved his fate, for he had been subservient 
to Jackson and had succeeded him on the distinct pledge that he 
would follow in his footsteps. He was the first real politician 
to reach the White House, but he had statesmanly qualities 
also. If he had not bound himself to Jackson so closely that 
he was often forced to act against his own judgment, he would 
probably rank among the greatest Presidents. But adherence 
to Jackson's policy — for example, in the bullying attitude as- 
sumed toward Mexico on account of Texas — undoubtedly hurt 
his career and perhaps his conscience. Still, Jackson had stood 
by him after the Senate had unjustifiably failed to confirm his 
appointment to the English mission ; and, first as Vice Presi- 
dent, afterward as President, he had great cause to bless "Old 
Hickory's" friendship. 



References. — General Works : see Chapter XVIII. 
• Special Works : same as for Chapter XX., except the two books men- 
tioned last. See also lives of leading abolitionists, — Birney, Wendell 
Phillips, etc, , especially the biography of William Lloyd Garrison, written 
by his children, and A. H. Stephens, War Between the States ; Jefferson 
Davis, The Bise and Fall of the Confederate Government. 

1 Jackson's vigorous policy toward France almost brought on a war with 
that country. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF VAN BUREN AND OP 
HARRISON AND TYLER, 1837-1845. 

A PERIOD OF CONFUSION. 

368. New Parties. — Martin Van Buren won the election of 
1836 as a Democrat, for Jackson's party, as we have seen, had 
dropped the word "Republican " from their name (§ 361, note 1). 
His opponent had been William Henry Harrison of Indiana, a 
man long prominent in his section (§§ 299, 302, 305). Harrison 
was the nominee of the Whigs, but the real leaders of the latter 
party were Clay and Webster. The chief bond of union binding 
the two leaders and their followers together was their desire for 
a liberal construction of the Constitution and for a strong cen- 
tral government. The Whigs were soon destined to develop 
strength in every section, even in the South. 

369. The Independent Treasury. — Van Buren and the Demo- 
crats were destined soon to lose the strength they began with. 
The panic of 1837 greatly injured business, and then, as they 
have so often since done, men blamed the central government for 
a state of things for which it was only partly responsible. Banks 
failed in every direction and prices went up enormously, flour 
and corn more than doubling in cost. The President called an 
extra session of Congress to consider the situation, but had little 
to propose besides insisting on the policy of the " Specie Cir- 
cular " and on divorcing the government from the banks. The 
latter policy, known as the Independent Treasury system or 
Sub-Treasury, was finally carried through in 1840. With a 
slight intermission, it has been the policy of the nation ever 

288 



§370] A PERIOD OF CONFUSION. 289 

since. Its main features are the receipt and disbursement of 
government funds at vaults built in a few of the chief cities. 

370. Van Buren's Failure. — The administration's policy did 
little to mend matters, and the people rightly or wrongly attrib- 
uted most of the financial troubles of the time to Jackson's 
meddling with the banks. They accordingly listened to the 
Whigs, who believed in a national bank in particular and in 
discrediting the Democrats in general. To make matters worse 
for Van Buren, the spoils system began to show its seamy side, 
and he was accused of all its evils, unjustly, on the whole. He 
was also charged with living in luxury while the poor were starv- 
ing, and in the midst of the panic was almost menaced by a mob 
in the White House grounds. Furthermore, he alienated many 
persons by not siding with the Canadian revolutionists of 1837, 
and by not encouraging the annexation of Texas, which had 
revolted from Mexico in 1836. Even the Seminole War,^ con- 
tinued for several years against the Indians of Florida, was 
charged against him ; and, in 1840, although he had on the whole 

1 This war, which originated in the attempt of the general government to 
transfer the Florida Indians beyond the Mississippi River, lasted seven years 
(1835-1842), and cost many lives and millions of dollars. It was easy to dis- 
perse the savages in open fight, but when they took to the swamps, soldiers 
were almost useless, and the best generals tried their skill in vain. Finally, 
after much damage had been done by the banditti, so that immigration 
into Florida was greatly checked, the policy of giving lands to settlers who 
would carry arms to defend themselves was tried successfully. The leading 
spirit of the Seminoles was Osceola, an able warrior, who was finally cap- 
tured while he was holding a conference under a flag of truce. It was asserted 
that he did not respect his own engagements, and that this was the only way 
to take him, but one does not like to dwell upon the occurrence. Shortly 
before, an Indian war, known as the Black Hawk War, from the name of the 
chief of the Sac and Fox tribes who conducted it, had been brought to a con- 
clusion after a considerable amount of fighting. This war, like that with the 
Seminoles, was due to the efforts of the government to remove across the 
Mississippi the tribes lingering in Illinois and Wisconsin. Some of the Indians 
went peaceably, but Black Hawk, who had previously come under the influ 
ence of Tecumseh, induced many warriors to resist. Finally, in the summei 
of 1832, the regular troops of the United States defeated them on the Wiscon- 
sin and the Bad Axe rivers, and Black Hawk and his two sons, with a few 
warriors, were taken to Fortress Monroe and there confined for a short period. 



290 



VAN BUREN, HARRISON, TYLER, 1837-1845. [§371 



governed well, he was overwhelmingly defeated by General Har- 
rison in a campaign conducted on sensational lines. 

371. Campaign of 1840. — Although Harrison was a Whig, 
the candidate for Vice President who was associated with 

him, John Tyler 
of Virginia, was 
chosen chiefly be- 
cause he had 
opposed Jackson. 
He was really a 
Jeffersonian Dem- 
ocrat, not a AVhig. 
Principles were 
little in demand, 
the voters being 
satisfied with spec- 
tacular demonstra- 
tions. In their 
torchlight proces- 
sions they carried 
around large log 
cabins with men 
in front drinking 
cider — visible in- 
signia of the fron- 
tiersmen, to which class Harrison was supposed to belong. 
They also shouted their campaign refrain of "Tippecanoe 
and Tyler too'' (§ 299), and they held monster meetings in 
the open air. No campaign in American history has been 
more marked by noisy, unreasoning enthusiasm than this. 




William Henry Harriso: 



THE EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE WHIGS. 

372. Tyler's Position. — General Harrison ^ was an old man, 

and proved unable to bear the strain of his campaign, the pres- 

1 Bom in Virginia, 1773; died, 1841. Graduated at Hampden Sidney Col- 
lege ; fought under Wayne, 1794 ; secretary of Northwest Territory in 1798 ; 



§ 373] THE EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE WHIGS. 291 

sure of office seekers, and the ceremonies attending his inaugura- 
tion. He died exactly one month after taking office, and left his 
party m great confusion. Vice President John Tyler, his suc- 
cessor, did not believe in the Whig policy of loose construction, 
and was a Democrat in all except a few particulars. He soon 
showed his colors by vetoing Clay's bill for a national bank, and 
then vetoing a second bill framed on suggestions of his own 
He was accused of bad faith, but was doubtless only in a false 
position and anxious to assert a policy of his own that might 
put him at the head of a party. His vetoes, however, made the 
Whigs his deadly enemies and caused all his Cabinet to resi-n 
except Webster. The latter, as Secretary of State, remained to 
settle with the British Minister, Lord Ashburton, in the treaty 
that bears the latter's name (1842), the disputed noi'theastern 
boundary and certain points connected with the Stj^pression 
of the African slave trade.^ 

373. The Lesson of Tyler's Career. — John Tyler ^ was the first 
Vice President to reach the White House through the death 
of his superior. His behavior in the higher office should have 
taught the people of the United States a lesson as to the neces- 
sity of choosing highly qualified candidates for the Vice 
Presidential office. The career of Andrew Johnson proves 
that they had not learned t his lesson in 1864. The old 

governor of Indiana Territory in 1800 ; won victory of Tippecanoe in 1811 ; was 
major general m the War of 1812, and extended his reputation by defeating 
Proctor and Tecumseh at the battle of the Thames; congressman," 1816-1819 
^^'^LoT/'^'T"' 1825-1828; Minister to the United States of Colombia! 

1 A l* "^^^^^^^"^ ^y ^^^ ^^^•^'^ for Presidency in 1830; elected in 1840 

A P Upshur of Virginia succeeded Webster as Secretary of State, but 
was tilled along with several other prominent men, by the bursting of a gun 
on the Princeton m 1844. s a guu 

2 Born in Virginia, 1790 ; died, 1862. Graduated at William and Mary College, 
1806; congressman, 1816-1821; governor of Virginia, 1825-1827; United States 
senator, 1827-1836; opposed the Democrats on several points, and thus won a 
place on the Whig ticket with Harrison in 1840; after Harrison's death, called 
an extra session of Congress, and at once showed that he was still in general 
^cord with the Democrats, who had voted against him; was nominated for 
President m 1844 by a small body of adherents, but did not run against Polk- 
retired m 1845 ; was president of the Peace Convention in 1861. 



292 



VAN BUREN, HARRISON, TYLER, 1837-1846. [§373 



system by which the candidate receiving the second highest 
number of electoral votes became Vice President had its draw- 
backs, but it at least gave the country such Vice Presidents as 
John Adams and Jefferson. Under the new system the office 

has been too often 
given to a can- 
didate possessing 
political influence 
or to a good man 
so old as to be 
likely to die be- 
fore the expira- 
tion of his term. 
It follows that 
Tyler is not so 
much to blame 
for his mistakes 
as the people who 
put him where 
he was sure to 
go astray. He 
was an honest 
and amiable man, 
who by no means 
lacked capacity. 
He helped Webster in the Ashburton Treaty. He behaved 
with discretion during what is known as "Dorr's Kebellion" 
in Ehode Island^ (1841-1842). But, on the whole, Tyler was 
lacking in discretion and was unable to take the lead in public 
matters. He did not believe in a national bank and was per- 
haps right in not doing so ; but if he had been wise, he would 




John Tyler. 



1 A clash that almost led to civil war came between the advocates of a new- 
constitution, who tried to make Thomas AV. Dorr governor, and the supporters 
of the old illiberal instrument which greatly restricted the franchise. Dorr 
was arrested and sentenced to imprisonment for life in 1844, biit was released 
three years later. 



§ 374] 



TEXAS AND OREGON. 



293 



have said so plainly and thus prevented the Whigs passing 
bills that he was sure to veto. He vetoed other measures be- 
sides the bank bills and perhaps again was in the right ; but 
the main result of his actions was to earn for him the distrust 
both of the Whigs and of the Democrats. His attempt to form 
a party of his own was a complete failure. 

TEXAS AND OEEGON. 

374. The Texas Question. — The congressional election at the 
middle of Tyler's term, while adverse to the Whigs, did not help 
him. The second half 
of his administration 
was therefore even 
more wanting in har- 
mony and effective- 
ness than the first. 
The chief question 
put forward was the 
admission of Texas, 
which the President, 
as a Southern man 
and a sympathizer 
with slavery, natur- 
ally favored. Al- 
though Mexico had 
not recognized her 
independence, Texas 
had now been a re- 
public ever since 
General Samuel 
Houston ^ had de- 
feated the Mexican 
leader, Santa Anna, at San Jacinto on April 21, 1836. The lead- 
ing Texans were Americans, however, and desired annexation, 

iBorn, 1793; died, 1863. Fought bravely in the Creek War, 1813-1814; 
cougressman from Tennessee, 1823-1827; governor of Tennessee, 1827-1829; 




General Samuel Houston. 



/ 



294 VAN BUREN, HARRISON, TYLER, 1837-1845. [§376 

but this would mean not only war with Mexico, but also a huge 
increase of territory for slavery. Accordingly Northern men 
shrank from allowing the annexation of the sparsely populated 
region. Anti-slavery sentiments were growing, and such able 
men as Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio were championing them 
in Congress. But the Southerners were alert also, especially 
Calhoun, who became. Tyler's Secretary of State toward the 
end of his term. Calhoun feared that England was anxious 
to secure Texas ; besides, he felt that slavery must spread 
or be crushed out. It was not hard to induce Tyler to join 
in negotiations with the Texans, and in April, 1844, a treaty 
of annexation, secretly prepared, was announced. It was de- 
feated in the Senate by a large vote, but was taken up as the 
chief issue of the next campaign. 

375. The Campaign of 1 844. — The Whigs put up Clay, and the 
Democrats chose James K. Polk ^ of Tennessee, since Van Buren 
would not advocate annexation. Polk, although he had been 
previously Speaker of the House, was not very well known and 
had aspired only to the Vice Presidency. He was therefore 
really the first " dark horse " to receive a presidential nomina- 
tion. Clay, on the other hand, was a veteran statesman, the 
i|atural nominee of his party. But Clay unfortunately wrote 
letters that made his position on the Texas question ambig- 
uous; he therefore lost the support of many anti-slavery 
men, who, as the " Liberty Party," put up a candidate of their 
own. Polk was accordingly elected over a competitor much 



migrated to Texas, and was president of Constitutional Convention, 1833 ; as 
commander in cliief secured the independence of Texas ; President of Texas, 
1836-1838, and 1841-1844; after securing the annexation of Texas to the 
United States, represented the state in Congress from 1845 to 1859; elected 
governor in 1859; resigned in 1861, refusing to espouse the Confederate cause. 
1 Bom in North Carolina, 1795; died, 1849. Graduated at North Carolina 
University; migrated to Tennessee; congressman, 1825-1829; Speaker of 
the House, 1835-1839; Governor of Tennessee, 1839-1841; was elected Presi- 
dent over Clay, 1844; favored the Mexican War; settled the Oregon contro- 
versy; approved the "Walker Tariff," and vetoed the river and harbor bills 
of 1846 and 1847. 



§376] TEXAS AND OREGON. 295 

his superior. But before the newly elected President took his 
seat, Tyler had secured the annexation of Texas by the passage 
of a joint resolution through Congress.^ 

376. The Oregon Question. — Along with the Texas question 
the Democrats had made the question of the occupation of 
Oregon a cardinal issue in their campaign. Their success led 
them to claim that the United States must have all the terri- 
tory lying south of 54° 40', " or fight." This demand was in 
every sense a rash one, and might easily have brought on war 
with Great Britain, but it. fortunately led to no evil results. 
In 184G a treaty with Great Britain fixed the American 
northern line at the 49° parallel, and only Mexico was left to 
contend against. 

References. — General Works : same as for Chapter XVIII. 

Special Works : same, in the main, as for Chapters XX. and XXI., with 
the addition of : J. T. Curtis, James Buchanan ; L. G. Tyler, Letters and 
Times of the Tylers; H. A. Wise, Seven Decades of the Union; B. Wise, 
Tlie Life of Henry A. Wise of Virginia; H. H. Bancroft, Oregon ("Pa- 
cific States," Vols. XXIV.-XXV.) ; William Barrows, Oregon ("Ameri- 
can Commonwealths") ; A. M. Williams, Sam Houston; H. Yoakum, 
History of Texas. 



1 Tyler and Calhoun had at first thought that the passage of a treaty which 
would require a two-thirds vote of the Senate, was the proper method of an- 
nexation. On the failure of this treaty they took up a suggestion made during 
the congressional debates and pressed the passage of a joint resolution, which 
required only a majority of both houses. Such a change was especially curi- 
ous on the part of strict constructionists. 



CHAPTER XXITI. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 1845-1849. 

THE OPENING OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 

377. The Issues Involved. — As a Mexican state, Texas had 
extended on the south and west to the river Nueces ; but her 
inhabitants and the United States insisted on holding to 
boundaries based on the Louisiana Purchase and on claiming 
the " country between the Nueces and the Rio Grande." The 
Mexicans resisted this claim ; and when Polk ordered General 
Taylor to cross the Nueces, and later to advance to the Rio 
Grande, they attacked and defeated a small body of the Amer- 
ican troops (April 24, 1846). Polk at once sent a message to 
Congress, in which he declared that war existed, '^ through the 
act of Mexico herself." This statement was, on the whole, un- 
warranted, although a technicaf defense was easily made for it. 
It was really a case of a strong nation's bullying a weak one ; 
and, as we have seen (§ 353), the bullying had begun under 
Jackson and had been steadily carried on. But Congress, and 
a considerable portion of the people, especially in the South, 
accepted Polk's proposition, and the war was effectively prose- 
cuted. Its results were probably beneficial, in the main, since 
the territory was sure to become American some day ; but its 
origin is not a pleasant topic for the patriotic American to 
dwell upon. Nor is it by any means certain that the Civil 
War was not in large part precipitated by that against Mexico. 
The latter contest gave the South a taste for fighting that was 
not altogether a warrant for the future calm of that section ; 
and the additional territory acquired by the Union opened a 
new and disastrous phase of the slavery question (§§ 388, 411). 

296 



IOWA 
'i TERRITORY 




TERRITORY CLAIMED 
BY TEXAS 

WHEN ADMITTED INTO THE UNION 
1845 



To face p. 296. 



§378] THE OPENING OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 



297 



378, Conduct of the Administration. — Senator Benton was 
probably right when he claimed, in his Thirty Years' Vieiv, 
that there never was a less warlike administration than that of 
Polk. Polk was thoroughly upright and pious, bilt was scarcely 
broad-minded. He took his seat with the intention of 
carrying out a programme the main feature of which was the 
acquisition of Califor- 
ma. This programme 
he carried out to the 
letter, partly because 
it was a popular one, 
partly because he had 
considerable adminis- 
trative skill. Owing 
in the main to the 
discretion of Great 
Britain, war was 
averted with that 
power (§ 376), and 
Polk could point to a 
very valuable addi- 
tion of territory in 
the extreme North- 
west, into which pop- 
ulation was already 
pouring. Tyler had 
forestalled him with 
regard to annexing Texas ; but Polk could at least see to it that 
Texas reached the Rio Grande, and that the United States thus 
recovered territory which some persons believed to have been 
imprudently abandoned by Monroe in his negotiations with 
Spain (§ 324). Yet to extend the bounds of Texas and, what 
was more important, to acquire Upper California, would neces- 
sitate a war with Mexico, and for this Polk and his well-chosen 
Cabinet were prepared. They wanted only a short war, how- 
ever, and trusted to diplomacy and money to secure them the 




James K. t'vLi<.. 



298 THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 1845-1849. [§379 

territory that would give the United States a clear sweep to 
the Pacific. Hence much of Polk's warlike attitude was 
hollow. His main purpose was to obtain money from Congress 
with which to' buy territory, and by diplomatic means to induce 
Mexico to sell. He actually restored to his native land the 
exiled Mexican general, Santa Anna, hoping that the latter 
would, in gratitude, make a speedy peace. But the sly adven- 
turer induced his countrymen to fight the harder ; and although 
California and New Mexico were taken by the Americans with- 
out a real struggle, peace with Mexico, and her acquiescence in 
the results of the war, could be obtained only after long and 
costly campaigns. Moreover, these campaigns entailed a polit- 
ical result discouraging to Polk and the Democrats. 

379. Ambitions of Scott and Taylor. — The leading soldier in 
the United States was Greneral Winfield Scott, the hero of 
Lundy's Lane (§ 309). Military success in a republic gener- 
ally brings civil honors; and Scott was a Whig, with his 
eyes already on the Presidency. A Democratic administration 
could not -bring itself to give Scott a chance to distinguish 
himself, and for some time he was detained at Washington ; 
but his subordinate, General Zachary Taylor,i who was at 
first given command (§ 377), was also Whig in his sympathies. 
Such being the case, various expedients were suggested ; it was 
even intended to give Senator Benton supreme command, he 
being a gr od Democrat and a colonel of the War of 1812. But 
all schemes failed. Scott was finally sent to the front, and 
Taylor (§ 389) captured the Whig nomination for the Presi- 
dency (1848). Such are some of the intrigues that the his- 
torian finds behind the Mexican War. It is little wonder that 

1 Born in Virginia, 1784 ; died, 1850. Appointed first lieutenant in the army, 
1808 ; fought in the War of 1812, in the Black Hawk War, and in the war against 
the Seminoles ; was ordered to the disputed territory on the outbreak of the 
Mexican War, where his numerous victories made him a national hero ; was 
nominated for President over such competitors as Clay and Webster, in 1848, 
and was elected by a large majority ; died before the Compromise of 1850 was 
adopted. 



§ 380] THE CONDUCT AND RESULTS OF THE WAR. 299 



the Whigs — including old statesmen like Webster, and new 
statesmen like Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, who was serving 
his only term as congressman — should have denounced the 
contest as wrong in itself and as prosecuted in the interests of 
the slaveholders and land grabbers of the country. It is little 
wonder, too, as we have seen, that the Mexican War does not 
live in popular imagination as a heroic struggle (§ 377). 

THE CONDUCT AND RESULTS OF THE WAR. 

380. Taylor's Victories. — Whatever we may think of the 
causes of the Mexican War and of the conduct of the American 
authorities, there can 
be but one opinion as 
to the valor with which 
officers and troops 
conducted themselves 
after hostilities had 
begun. Taylor received 
notice from the Mexi- 
can general. Arista, on 
April 24, 1846, that 
his occupation of the 
northern branch of the 
Eio Grande meant 
war. On the same 
day the first American 
blood was shed. It 
was avenged shortly; 
for, on May 8, Taylor 
met about six thou- 
sand Mexicans at Palo 
Alto, and defeated 
them severely with 
his own small force of 

about two thousand. The next day he won another complete 
victory at Resaca de la Palma, and drove the enemy across the 




General Zachary Taylor. 



300 THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 1845-1849. [§381 

Rio Grrande. The news of these victories aroused the country 
and made Taylor a popular hero. He was already much loved 
by his soldiers, who gave him the nickname of "Rough and 
Ready," because of his carelessness of dress and other details 
and his thorough capability as a commander. 

381. Taylor's Advance toward Mexico. — War was formally 
declared by the United States on May 13, Congress authorizing 
the President to call out fifty thousand volunteers and voting 
ten million dollars for expenses. On May 18, Taylor occupied 
Matamoras, halting there until September. He then advanced 
upon Monterey, other officers, military and naval, having mean- 
while been occupying New Mexico and Upper California. Mon- 
terey fell, after a short siege, on September 24. But Mexico 
would not yield, although Colonel Doniphan, after a long, hard 
march, had taken Chihuahua and gained control of the impor- 
tant surrounding region, and although victory had crowned 
every effort of the Americans. 

382. Capture of Vera Cruz. — As a speedy peace was much 
desired by the administration, it now seemed necessary to 
send General Scott \ to the front. It was determined that his 
forces should sail early in the spring to Vera Cruz, and from 
that place begin a march to the City of Mexico. He landed 
at Vera Cruz on March 9, 1847, and after a bombardment took 
the town twenty days later. 

383. Battle of Buena Vista. — Meanwhile Santa Anna, in full 
command once more, hearing in January that Scott had taken 
ten thousand troops from Taylor, and believing that Vera Cruz 
could hold out for some time, determined to make a swift 
march northward and crush Taylor. It was a daring and 

1 Born in Virginia, 1786 ; died, 1866. Graduated at William and Mary Col- 
lege, and entered the army, 1808 : distinguished himself in the War of 1812, in 
consequence of which he was promoted to be brigadier and brevet major 
general in 1814; became commander in chief of the United States Army in 
1841 ; distinguished himself by the brilliancy of his victories in the Mexican 
War; was defeated by Pierce for the Presidency in 1852; retired from the 
army, October, 1861. 



§ 384] THE CONDUCT AND RESULTS OF THE WAR. 301 

probably a good plan, but it failed. Taylor, then some dis- 
tance from Monterey, was not a whit daunted when, on Febru- 
ary 20, he discovered about twelve thousand Mexicans in front 
of his own five thousand troops. He retired and took up a 
good position near Buena Vista, refusing Santa Anna's demand 
for surrender three days later, and inflicting a severe defeat 
upon his enemy before the day closed (February 23, 1847). 
The American loss was about eight hundred, the Mexican over 
twice as many. The battle settled the fate of the territory that 
America craved, and, moreover, determined who should be the 
next President of the United States. Curiously enough, the 
future President of the Confederate States, who was Taylor's 
own son-in-law, also won great distinction at Buena Vista. 
Jefferson Davis fought with conspicuous bravery, showed 
much tactical ingenuity, and was severely wounded in this 
remarkable battle. 

384. Scott's Great March. — If Taylor's career had been bril- 
liant, Scott's was now to be more so. Unfortunately for the 
latter's Presidential aspirations, however, Taylor had already 
caught the attention of the public. Besides, Scott, who was 
strict with regard to discipline and fond of display, — qualities 
that earned him the nickname of " Fuss and Feathers," — was 
not the man to secure popularity. • Before his brilliant cam- 
paign was over, he had several unpleasant difliculties with 
subordinate officers. But, as a general, he showed himself to 
be fully Taylor's equal, perhaps his superior. Leaving Vera 
Cruz, he forced, on April 18, the mountain pass of Cerro Gordo, 
which had been fortified. It was defended by fifteen thousand 
Mexicans under Santa Anna, whose courage had not been les- 
sened by his defeat at Buena Vista. Here again the Mexican 
losses far exceeded the American. Three thousand prisoners 
were captured, along with a great store of arms and artillery, 
and three towns were taken. At one of these, Puebla, the army 
halted for a rest of two months. At the beginning of August 
the march on the capital was renewed, about eleven thousand 



302 THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 1845-1849. [§385 

men moving forward. By August 18, they were within ten 
miles of the city, where the enemy made a determined stand. 
The next day and the day after saw three battles, — Contreras, 
San Antonio, and Churubusco, — all^ fought with splendid 
courage and great success against much larger forces of Mexi- 
cans, who fought quite as desperately, but with less skill. 




General Winfield Scott. 

385. The Capture of Mexico. — The Mexicans being dispersed, 
Scott might have entered the capital, but Polk wished to 
render negotiations easy, and an armistice was granted in order 
that terms of peace might be discussed. The American envoy, 
N. P. Trist, was instructed to ask for New Mexico, the Cali- 
f ornias, and the region between the Nueces and the Rio Grande ; 



§387] THE CONDUCT AND RESULTS OF THE WAR. 303 

although he was authorized to drop the demand for Lower 
California if necessary, and also to offer money for the other 
territory. The Mexican commissioners would not agree to 
these proposals, and in their turn offered less than Polk desired. 
So the armistice was terminated. Then, on September 8, Scott 
won the brilliant victory of Molino del Eey ("Mill of the 
King"). Five days later, the heights of Chapultepec, as well 
as two of the city's gates, were stormed with great gallantry. 
On the next day (September 14, 1847) a triumphal entry was 
made into the Mexican capital, in the defense of which so 
many gallant men had perished. 

386. The Best Feature of the War.— The best feature of the 
Mexican War was not the splendid territorial booty obtained, 
nor the remarkable leadership displayed by Scott, Taylor, and 
their subordinates, but the superior morale of the American 
troops. As these were in the main volunteers, the conduct of 
the war was all the more a credit to the nation, especially to 
the Southern and Southwestern states, where the struggle had 
been popular. These brave volunteers wiped out whatever 
disgrace attached to the country from the shameful lack of 
efficiency shown by the troops of 1812. The war was also 
important for the training it furnished young officers who were 
destined to play important parts in the Civil War. " Stone- 
wall " Jackson, McClellan, Grant, Lee, and other generals here 
first showed the stuff that was in them. 

387. Results of the War. — The unequal contest was settled 
by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (February 2, 1848). Mexico 
had to agree to relinquish all her territory north of the Rio 
Grande and Gila rivers. In compensation for Upper California 
and New Mexico, the United States allowed her the sum of 
fifteen million dollars, and undertook to pay some of its 
own citizens who had claims against Mexico. The territory 
thus acquired soon threw the country into great political con- 
fusion; for certain Northern politicians were determined to 
prevent, if possible, any extension of slavery in the domain 



304 THE ADMINISTRATION OF POLK, 1845-1849. [§388 

obtained by purchase, even though it lay south of 36° 30' 
(§ 329). 

388. The Wilmot Proviso. — As early as 1846, Eepresentative 
David A. Wilmot of Pennsylvania had proposed an amend- 
ment to a bill pending, stipulating that no money should be 
appropriated to purchase territory unless slavery were pro- 
hibited therein ; and though this amendment, known as the 
Wilmot Proviso, had failed, the principle involved in it was 
made the chief feature of the campaign of 1848. 

^389. Election of 1848. — In this struggle five parties were 
engaged. Certain disaffected Democrats of New York, known 
as Barn-burners,^ a party known as the Free Soilers, and the 
old Liberty Party of the abolitionists, — all being opposed to 
the extension of slavery, — finally nominated Van Buren. The 
Democrats nominated Lewis Cass of Michigan, who advocated 
what was afterward famous as Popular or Squatter Sover- 
eignty, — that is, the right of the people of each territory to 
choose whether they would have slavery or not. The Whigs 
nominated General Zachary Taylor of Louisiana, and placed on 
the ticket with him Millard Fillmore of New York. Their 
principles were not pronounced ; but Taylor was a Southerner 
and carried a large part of his section with him, while Van 
Buren's vote lost New York to the Democrats. Thus Taylor 
and Fillmore were elected ; but the South soon regretted the 
fact, for the new President showed himself friendly to the 
anti-slavery men by urging the admission of California as a 
free state. 

References. — General Works : same as for Chapter XIX. 

Special Works : same as for Chapters XXII. and XXIII., with the 
addition of : H. Wilson, History of the Bise and Fall of the Slave Power 
in America, Vol. II., chaps, ii.-iii. ; H. H. Bancroft, Pacific States, Vol. 
VIII.; Winfield Scott, Memoirs; U. S. Grant, Personal Memoirs, Vol.1., 
chaps, iii.-xiii. 

1 An uncomplimentary name given them by their opponents on account of 
their supposed revolutionary opinions on political matters. 



PART V. 

THE EYE OF THE CIVIL WAR, 1850-1861. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 

1849-1853. 

THE QUESTION OF CALIFORNIA. 

390. General Conditions. — The period of controversy upon 
which we are about to enter, was caused by the opposing inter- 
ests and feelings of the North and South on the subject of 
slavery. In the early history of the country, the balance of 
power had been kept even by the alternate admission of free 
and slave states. But the admission of Texas, and still more, 
the results of the Mexican War, enlivened the hopes of the 
South, while the Wilmot Proviso (§ 388) showed that the North 
was fully aware of the great interests involved in the annexa- 
tion of any new territory capable of supporting slavery. 

391. Claims of the South. — The people of the South, espe- 
cially those of South Carolina and Mississippi, which had perhaps 
become the most influential states in political matters, asserted 
that the Fugitive Slave Law, provided for by the Constitution 
and enacted into a statute by Congress in 1793, had not been 
fairly carried out by the people of the North. Southerners also 
charged the North with a growing tendency to misrepresent, 

305 



306 TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. [§392 

interfere with, and overthrow the institution of slavery, which 
had been so carefully protected by the Constitution. They 
saw that the North was growing much more rapidly than the 
South, and that the time was not far away when the South might 
be outvoted in Congress, with the result that, by a change of the 
Constitution, slavery would perhaps be swept entirely away. 
The circulation of anti-slavery newspapers, especially William 
Lloyd G-arrison's Liberator, continued to give great offense to 
the South, and caused laws to be passed by the Southern states 
prohibiting the distribution of such journals. The feelings 
thus aroused were further excited by repeated efforts to secure 
the abolition" of slavery in the District of Columbia. 

392. Claims of the North. — In the North, on the other hand, 
the feeling was constantly growing that slavery was a moral 
wrong and a national disgrace. While the people generally 
disavowed the right to interfere with the institution where 
it already existed, they were determined to resist legislation 
which would introduce it into any of the new territories. They 
also claimed the right to the free expression of their opinion 
and to the free publication of their views. It was evident that 
only a definite occasion was needed to bring the sections to a 
rupture which might precipitate a civil war. This occasion 
soon came. 

393. California opens a New Question. — In spite of the grow- 
ing estrangement of the sections, even the admission of Texas 
furnished no definite ground for a positive clash. But the 
acquisition of California introduced a new element into the 
political situation. Part of the territory was south of the Mis- 
souri Compromise line of 36° 30', and part was north of it. The 
inhabitants demanded admission to the Union as a state, and 
the question at once arose whether California should be ad- 
mitted as a free or a slave state. The Californians asked to be 
admitted as a free and undivided state. Their demands were 
all the more weighty because of the newly acquired importance 
of California in the eyes of the world. 



394] 



THE QUESTION OF CALIFORNIA. 



307 



y/ 



Vy, -'^ ., 



394. California and the Discovery of Gold. — California was a 
beautiful region which offered many advantages besides that of 
rounding out American territory on the Pacific. Its climate 
was delightful; its soil fertile and capable of varied produc- 
tions; its forests were valuable. But a greater source of 
wealth was soon discovered. In January, 1848, an American 
mechanic named Marshall, in the employ of a Swiss named 
Sutter, found gold in a mill-race near the Sacramento Kiver. 
The secret was not 
kept, and soon every 
industry in the 
region was aban- 
doned and thou- 
sands of men were 
washing sand and 
digging gold out of 
the cliffs. The news 
reached Washington 
late in 1848, and the 
next year saw a rush 
for California, the 
like of which had 
never been known 
before. Some adventurers made the long journey overland in 
caravans formed of vehicles of every sort. Others tried the 
dangerous voyage around Cape Horn. Others went by ship to 
Panama, crossed the Isthmus, and took their chances of getting 
a vessel on the Pacific side. Arrived in California, these 
"Forty-niners," as they have since been called, plunged into 
the wild, exciting life described so well by Bret Harte. Soon 
a population large enough to demand statehood was assembled, 
and California began to play its great part in national affairs.^ 




feuiiERs Mill, CvLn^^oRNiA, where gold was 
first discovered. — From au old print. 



1 Meanwhile, New Mexico attracted little attention, except so far as part 
of her territory was claimed by Texas. This claim, in the support of which 
much sectional spirit was shown, but in which President Taylor displayed 
great firmness and devotion to the Union, was finally compromised 



In 



308 



TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. 



[§395 



THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. 

395. Doctrines of Clay, Webster, and Calhoun. — There was 
naturally much excitement over the demand of the Califor- 
nians, and declarations of a purpose to secede were often heard 
in Southern conventions. It was for the purpose of bringing 
the North and the South nearer together, and preventing such 

a catastrophe, that Henry 
Clay, the author of the 
Second Missouri Compro- 
mise, now ' came forward 
with the famous Compromise 
of 1850. Before introducing 
it, he had an interview with 
Daniel Webster and secured 
the promise of the latter's 
support. The debate on the 
subject was one of the most 
memorable in the history of 
Congress. Clay, in one of 
the greatest of his speeches, 
described the dangers of the 
situation and pointed out 
that national disaster could 
be averted only by a reason- 
Calhoun, nearing his grave, 
and too feeble even to read his speech, was brought into 
the Senate in a chair to hear his speech read by a colleague. 
Reiterating his doctrine of the constitutional right of secession, 
he maintained that a continuance of the present conditions was 
impossible. But the greatest interest was concentrated upon 
Webster. He was universally regarded as the foremost states- 
man in the North. Though he had often deplored the exist- 




Henry Clay (1847). 
able yielding on both sides. 



December, 1853, by what is kuown as the Gadsden Purchase, about 45-000 
square miles were acquired from Mexico, and the southern boundary ol the 
United States was rounded off. 



§396] 



THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. 



309 



ence of slavery, and always opposed its extension, his views on 
the matter of the Compromise now presented were not gener- 
ally known, and the declaration of his position was awaited 
with intense anxiety. His speech on Clay's measure, since com- 
monly referred to as the " Seventh of March Speech," cast the 
great weight of his powerful influence in favor of the Com- 
promise. His act was much criticised in the North, and he 
was freely accused of seeking favor with the Southerners in 
order to secure their help in the approaching Presidential elec- 
tion, when he expected 

to be a candidate. But "^'-^ 

Webster had always * 

been a stanch advo- 
cate of the Union, and 
there was nothing in 
his present course that 
was inconsistent with 
the positions he had 
^miformly held. The 
feeling against him, 
however, became, in 
many quarters of the 
North, intensely bit- 
ter. 

396. Presidential 
Policy changed by 
Death of Taylor. — Be- 
fore the final passage 
of the Compromise 
measures, President 
Taylor died, July 9, 1850, and was succeeded by the Vice Presi^ 
dent, Millard Fillmore. Taylor, although a Southerner, had been 
very largely influenced by William H. Seward,^ a senator from 

1 Born in New York, 1801; died, 1872. Graduated at Union College, 1820; 
began practice as a lawyer at Auburn; was sent to state Senate, 1830; was 
defeated for governor in 1834, but was successful, 1839-1843 ; entered the 




William H. Seward. 
[By courtesy of G. P. Putnam's Sons.] 



310 



TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. 



[§396 



New York, who had led with great ability the opposition to 
the Compromise. Taylor did not have a strong Cabinet, and 

was untrained as a 
statesman, but he 
showed, in his short 
administration, great 
common sense and 
firmness, and, had he 
lived, might have pre- 
vailed on Congress to 
adopt a policy toward 
California less tortu- 
ous than that involved 
in Clay's Compromise. 
Fillmore,^ who suc- 
ceeded to the Presi- 
dency, although a good 
man, was not a strong 
one, and had not been 
on friendly terms with 
his fellow New Yorker, 
Seward. In making 
up his Cabinet, he 
made Webster Secretary of State in place of Clayton, of Dela- 
ware, and leaned upon the former for advice. The policy of 




Millard Fillmore, 



United States Senate, 1849 ; became prominent as an anti-slavery leader ; deliv- 
ered famous speeches on " Higher Law," and on " Irrepressible Conflict," 1858 ; 
was Lincoln's chief rival for the Republican nomination in 1860 ; Secretary of 
State under Lincoln and Johnson, 1861-1869; was wounded by conspirators at 
the time of Lincoln's assassination; opposed Reconstruction by Congress; 
secured the cession of Alaska, 1867. 

1 Born in New York, 1800; died, 1874. Worked on a farm and as an ap- 
prentice ; studied law ; admitted to the bar in Erie County, 1823 ; sent to legis- 
lature, 1828; removed to Buffalo in 1830, and won reputation as a lawyer; in 
Congress, 1832-1834, 1836-1842 ; largely instrumental in framing and passing 
tariff of 1842; defeated for governor of New York, 1844; comptroller of State 
of New York, 1847-1849; elected Vice President, 1848; became President, 
July 10, 1850 ; failed of re-nomination and retired from politics, 1852. 



I 



§398] THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. 311 

the administration was thus so completely changed that the 
weight of its influence was at once thrown in favor of the 
adoption and rigid enforcement of the Compromise legislation. 

397. The Compromise of 1850.— The resolutions introduced 
by Clay were much amended in the course of their considera- 
tion, but in final form, as adopted in September, 1850, they 
covered the following provisions : 

1. California was to be admitted as a free state. 

2. New Mexico and Utah were to be organized as territories 
without any restriction or condition in regard to slavery. 

3. The slave trade was to be abolished within the District of 
Columbia. 

4. A Fugitive Slave Law, stringent enough to satisfy the 
South, was to be passed. 

5. Texas was to receive the price she demanded for the land 
ceded to New Mexico (§ 394, note). 

398. New Fugitive Slave Law. — That part of the Compromise 

which provided for a Fugitive Slave Law was so stringent in 
its provisions that it defeated its own end, by arousing so vig- 
orous an opposition in the North that it could not be enforced. 
It had been made retroactive, in order that slaves who had 
taken refuge in the North before the passage of the act might 
be seized by United States marshals, and, without trial by 
jury, forcibly taken to their old masters. This feature of the 
law had an instantaneous effect on public opinion. It soon 
came to be seen that the people would not permit men and 
women who, as they said, had become free by living in a free 
state, to be taken back into slavery. The law was frustrated 
in many ways, the f ramers having overlooked one special weak- 
ness in it. Though fugitives were not to be entitled to trial 
^y i^^Jj tlie right of such a trial was not taken from the res- 
cuers. Many a fugitive was seized from the United States 
marshals, and the rescuers, when tried, were acquitted by jury.^ 

1 One of the most famous cases of resistance to the law occurred in Boston 
in May, 1854. A negro named Anthony Burns was arrested as a fugitive 



312 TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. [§399 

New laws, known as Personal Safety Acts, designed to protect 
fugitives and frustrate the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, 
were passed by the New England states and by New York, 
Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa. 
These were specially referred to as a cause of complaint in the 
South Carolina Act of Secession. For these various reasons, 
the number of slaves actually returned was very small, and 
both sections were dissatisfied with the result. 

399. **The Underground Railroad." — There was also organ- 
ized a system to assist fugitives to escape to Canada, where 
they could not be arrested. Stations were established, generally 
at private houses, where runaway slaves could be concealed in 
the daytime and helped forward to the next station in the 
night. The founder of this system was Levi Coffin, a Quaker 
living near Philadelphia, who for several years helped into 
freedom as many as one hundred slaves a year. This system, 
known as the "Underground Railroad," gradually extended 
from the East as far west as the Missouri river. Thus, while 
the Fugitive Slave Law greatly inflamed the North, the ways in 
which it was frustrated greatly inflamed the South. 

400. New Leaders. — Soon after the passage of this obnoxious 
law, Calhoun, Clay, and Webster died. They were succeeded 
in influence by younger men, of more strenuous beliefs and 
methods. Of these William H. Seward of New York, Charles 
Sumner of Massachusetts, and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio were 
prominent representatives of the anti-slavery element, while 
Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, 
William L. Yancey of Alabama, and Alexander H. Stephens 
of Georgia were the most influential leaders on the other side. 

slave. Before his final examination by the United States Commissioner took 
place, a mass meeting to protest against his surrender to the person claiming 
him as a slave was held in Faneuil Hall. A premature attempt was made to 
rescue him and several persons were wounded. Finally, when the Commis- 
sioner ordered his surrender, many houses were draped in black and a riot 
was with difficulty averted. Burns eventually became a Baptist clergyman 
in Canada. 



§402] INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 313 

INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 

401. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. — Although the Compro- 
mise of 1850 overshadows every other event of the period 
covered by this chapter, it should not absorb the student's 
entire attention. Early in General Taylor's administration, 
certain international affairs of importance became pressing. 
In 1826, the matter of a ship canal across Nicaragua or 
Panama had been advocated by Henry Clay. " The benefits 
of such a canal," Clay wrote, "ought not to be exclusively 
appropriated to any one nation, but should be extended to 
all parts of the globe." In the course of the following twenty 
years, Jackson and Polk often reverted to the subject in the 
same general spirit. When John M. Clayton of Delaware 
entered upon his duties as Taylor's Secretary of State, he 
found that the question demanded immediate consideration, 
for the reason that two capitalists, one American and one 
British, were contemplating the construction of such a canal 
across Nicaragua. The result was that on April 19, 1850, 
what is known as the "Clayton-Bulwer Treaty" was signed in 
Washington by Secretary Clayton and Sir Henry Lytton Bul- 
wer, the British Minister. The treaty provided that the two 
powers should guarantee the neutrality and security of the 
canal when completed, and they invited all friendly states to 
enter into similar stipulations with them, " for the benefit of 
mankind, on equal terms to all." This treaty was afterward 
to be the subject of not a little embarrassment (§ 680). 

402. Railways and Steamships. — The passage of the Compro- 
mise of 1850 seemed to promise peace with regard to slavery ; 
but the aid given by the South to attempts to conquer Cuba, 
especially those of Narciso Lopez,^ proved to thoughtful minds 
that sectional strife had been allayed, not completely suppressed. 
Yet even then American industry and enterprise were forging 
links of union against which sectional strife could not long 

1 In 1849, 1850, and 1851. In the last attempt, Lopez was taken and executed. 



314 TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. [§403 

prevail. Before 1852, over ten thousand miles of railway track 
had been laid in the United States, mainly in New England, 
the Middle states, and the Northwest. The New York and 
Erie road became a rival of the famous Erie Canal, and its 
completion in the spring of 1851 was the occasion of a Eailway 
Jubilee, which was attended by Fillmore and his Cabinet. 
Later in the year, a similar celebration was held in Boston. 
On the ocean, also, speedier transportation was obtained. 
The British Cunard Line and the American Collins Line 
ran races for Europe, and travel was considerably stimulated. 
On the inland waters navigation increased rapidly ; but, owing 
to a lack of proper inspection, many steamers took fire and 
great loss of life ensued. The spread of the telegraph over the 
country also brought distant points into contact in a way that 
would have been deemed incredible a generation before. 

403. Kossuth's Visit. — The great growth in population, the ac- 
quisition of vast territories, the surprising industrial and com- 
mercial development, were not only uniting the people of 
America, but were stimulating their emotional nature. The 
quiet, staid country of two generations before no longer existed. 
Popular furores became possible and a love of the spectacular 
was developed. Barnum, the showman, laid the foundations 
of his fortune. Newspapers rivaled one another in securing 
news quickly. International yacht races were begun. Dis- 
tinguished men went on lecture tours through the country. 
Great authors and actors came from abroad to receive American 
hospitality and applause. There were women's rights conven- 
tions and agitations in behalf of temperance.^ But all these 
elements of excitement were thrown into the shade by the 
visit of Louis Kossuth, the great Hungarian orator who had 
vainly attempted to secure the independence of his native land 
and was now an exile. Invited by Congress, Kossuth late in 
1851 reached the United States, on the man-of-war Mississippi. 
He was received with an enthusiasm unequaled in our his- 

1 The " Maine Liquor Law " went into effect in 1851. 



§ 404] INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 315 

tory, save on the occasion of Lafayette's visit. Keceptions 
were given him in all the chief cities, and he astonished his 
hearers by the ease and power with which he spoke English. 
But he made the mistake of trying to persuade the people that 
the policy of non-interference in European affairs, established 
by Washington, was an erroneous one. A few politicians, for 
party purposes, seconded his proposal that the United States 
should intervene in behalf of Hungary. But the nation at 
large held aloof from him; the novelty of his visit wore off; 
and the great orator returned to Europe a disappointed man. 

404. The Campaign of 1852. — The next excitement was 
caused by the Presidential campaign. The Democratic con- 
vention held at Baltimore, — the most convenient convention 
city in those days, — after much balloting, set aside the chief 
candidates, Cass of Michigan, Douglas of Illinois, Buchanan 
of Pennsylvania, and Marcy of New York, and chose General 
Franklin Pierce ^ of New Hampshire, a man who hitherto had 
attracted little attention. He had served in the Mexican War, 
and was upright in character ; but he possessed a mind little 
capable of guiding the country in the great crisis that was ap- 
proaching. His friendship with Jefferson Davis and other 
Southern leaders foretold his alliance with the advocates 
of slavery ; but as people thought the slavery question settled 
by the Compromise of 1850, this did not interfere with his 
chances at the polls. William E. King of Alabama was nomi- 
nated for Vice President, and the Democrats went into the cam- 
paign with great hopes of success. On the other hand, the 
Whigs were divided and depressed. After a hard struggle, 
Fillmore — who had made many enemies by signing the Fugi- 

1 Born in New Hampshire, 1804; died, 1869. Graduated at Bowdoin College, 
where he studied with Hawthorne and Longfellow; became a lawyer and 
member of the Legislature; congressman, 1833-1837; United States senator, 
1837-1842 ; declined a Cabinet offer from President Polk ; volunteered in the 
Mexican War, and as brigadier general showed bravery and skill ; was presi- 
dent of the state Constitutional Convention in 1850; was nominated for 
President of the United States on the forty-ninth ballot, and elected in 1852; 
was defeated for renomination in 1856. 



316 



TAYLOR AND FILLMORE, 1849-1853. 



[§404 



tive Slave Law — and Daniel Webster had to yield the nomina- 
tion to General Winfield Scott, who was far from popular. 

Shortly afterward, 
the deaths of Clay 
and Webster (who 
was bitterly disap- 
pointed and hostile 
to Scott) robbed 
the party of its 
real leaders ; im- 
portant Southern 
Whigs held aloof 
from Scott ; the 
Free Soil party put 
up candidates of 
its own; and the 
hero of the march 
to Mexico was 
badly beaten by a 
younger and in- 
ferior man. Pierce 
had two hundred 
and fifty-four elec- 
toral votes to Scott's forty-two. The ambiguous attitude of the 
Whigs toward the slavery question had hopelessly split the 
party asunder. Scott's personal unpopularity also partly ac- 
counts for the overwhelming character of the defeat suffered 
by the Whigs ; and doubtless there was a general desire to 
give the Compromise a fair chance under the Democrats, who 
heartily favored it. 




Franklin Pierce. 



References. — See end of Chapter XXVI. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 1853-1857. 

THE CONTUSION OF PARTIES. 

405. Character of Pierce's Administration. — The passage of the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill and the war in Kansas are the most 
important features of 
Pierce's administra- 
tion (§§ 411-414). 
The new President, 
being amiable and 
weak, yielded to the 
counsels of Jeiferson 
Davis and Caleb 
Gushing^ of his Cabi- 
net, and took a strong 
pro-slavery position, 
with the result that 
he speedily lost his 
popularity, save in 
the South. At first, 
however, he pleased 
most of his fellow- 
citizens, especially on 

1 . 1 • Caleb Cushing. 

such occasions as his 

visit to the World's Fair at New York in 1853, where he made 

iBorn in Massachusetts, 1800; died, 1879. Graduated at Harvard, 1817; 
studied law, served in the legislature, and traveled in Europe ; congressman, 
1834-1843 ; ceased to he a Whig and supported Tyler, soon affiliating himself 
with the Democrats ; served in Mexican War and became brigadier general ; 
appointed Judge of Massachusetts Supreme Court but soon resigned to become 
Attorney -General under Pierce ; held other offices of importance, among them 

317 




318 THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 1853-1857. [§406 

a glowing speech. But although Pierce himself is almost for- 
gotten, his administration is of great importance to the student, 
since its leading events and measures were most instrumental 
in bringing on the Civil War. 

406. The Know-Nothings. — Pierce's administration was dis- 
tinguished by the rise of a new, short-lived party, which for 
a time caused apprehension in the older organizations, and 
had much to do with the overthrow of the Whigs. This was 
the American party, which became prominent in 1852. Its 
members were popularly known as " Know-Nothings," because, 
being bound by oath to reveal nothing concerning their organ- 
ization, they always answered inquiries in this negative fashion. 
It had "lodges," which sent delegates to secret nominating 
conventions, and its strength could not be gauged before an 
election. Its chief object was to prevent foreigners from being 
too easily and speedily naturalized and to elect native-born 
Americans to office. Similar organizations had existed before 
and have been developed since ; but the American people have 
never long tolerated illiberal and secret parties. The Know- 
Nothings carried some state elections and put candidates in 
the field for the campaign of 1856, but they soon after disap- 
peared from the political stage. The party furnished a refuge 
to many Whigs, particularly from the South, for it was neutral 
on the slavery question. Its growth was accelerated by 
the bad influence on local politics, especially in New York 
City, exerted by the crowds of ignorant foreigners who sought 
our shores after the Revolution of 1848 and the great Irish 
famine. Nothing could have been more disgraceful than the 
corrupt municipal government of New York City about this 
time, and many citizens feared that the rest of the country 
would be contaminated. 

407. Attempts to Secure Cuba. — Attempts to seize territory 
to the south in the interests of slavery, continued during 

the mission to Spain (1874-77) ; wrote several books and was a man of un- 
questioned ability, although his change of politics and Southern sympathies 
brought upon him much criticism. 



§409] THE CONFUSION OF PARTIES. 319 

Pierce's administration. In 1853, a bold adventurer named 
William Walker gathered rash followers and made an attack 
on Lower California, which completely failed. The next 
year, leading Southerners like General Quitman, an adopted 
citizen of Mississippi and a distinguished soldier in the 
Mexican War, tried to secure Cuba by forcing the United 
States into a war with. Spain on account of the confiscation of 
an American steamer, The Black Warrior. This attempt was 
merged in the intrigues that produced the Ostend Manifesto. 

408. The Ostend Manifesto. — On the 16th of August, 1854, 
William L. Marcy, Pierce's Secretary of State, wrote to Pierre 
Soule, the American minister at Madrid, that "much advantage 
might accrue from an interchange of views between himself, 
Buchanan, and Mason" (the Ministers to Great Britain and 
France) "in regard to the acquisition of Cuba." Accordingly, 
these three Ministers met at Ostend, Belgium, and after a con- 
ference of a few days, promulgated the paper known as the 
" Ostend Manifesto " (October 18, 1854). They declared, first, 
that Cuba should belong to the United States; second, that 
the government might well offer for the island the sum of one 
hundred and twenty million dollars; and third, that if Spain 
would not accept this sum, the matter of conquest ought to be 
considered. The manifesto was generally well received in the 
South, but in the North it was characterized as "the manifesto 
of brigands." 

409. Filibustering. — Soon Central America attracted the fili- 
busters, as these adventurous invaders of peaceable states were 
called. In 1854 a little place named Greytown, on the Mos- 
quito coast, was bombarded by an American ship for no very 
good reason. The next year. Walker interfered in a revolution 
in Nicaragua, and for a while got control of the state by making 
a creature of his, named Kivas, president. The new government 
was recognized by Pierce, but was shortly after overthrown.^ 

1 Walker made another attempt in 1857, but was arrested at Greytown and 
brought to the United States for trial. President Buchanan being himself 



320 THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 1853-1867. [§410 

410. Perry's Expedition. — Although the disgraceful actions 
of the filibusters and the war in Kausas seem to mark Pierce's 
administration as a thoroughly discreditable one, it was not 
without bright features. In 1854 a commercial treaty with 
Japan was secured as the result of a naval expedition which 
had been sent out in 1852 under Commodore Matthew C. Perry. 
This treaty, which was promulgated in 1855, is memorable as 
opening a place for Japan among the great nations of the world. 



KANSAS-NEBRASKA LEGISLATION. 

411. Disappointment of the South: Kansas-Nebraska Bill. — 

The South was not only unable to secure Cuba and other slave 
territory; but could not help seeing that the advantage it 
had anticipated from the Fugitive Slave Law could never be 
realized. Some new measure was necessary, or all the benefits 
of the Compromise would go to the North. Such a measure 
presented itself in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, put forward by 
Senator Douglas of Illinois. This bill was framed on the 
untenable theory that the Missouri Compromise had been over- 
thrown by the Compromise of 1850, and that the provision 
that slavery could not exist north of 36° 30' was no longer 
binding. In accordance with this theory, the author of the 
bill proposed that the Missouri Compromise should be declared 
'* inoperative and void as being inconsistent with the principle 
of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the states and 
territories.'' It was also proposed that all the lands of the 
Louisiana Purchase north of 36° 30' should be organized as 
territories and in due time should be admitted as states, either 
free or slave, as the voters of each territory might determine. 
The great question was thus to be settled, not by United States 
law, but by what came to be called "Popular Sovereignty." 

desirous of acquisitions of territory to tlie south, and the pro-slavery leaders 
openly favoring Walker, the latter was not punished. In 1860 he made 
another descent on the Central American coast. This time he was captured, 
tried, and shot. 



I 



§ 414] KANSAS-NEBRASKA LEGISLATION. 321 

412. Indignation of the North. — The bill aroused the greatest 
political agitation the country had ever known, for the oppo- 
nents of the measure took the ground that it turned over to 
possible slavery a vast tract that had forever been dedicated to 
freedom. They said it was an outrageous violation of contract 
to take away half of the Missouri Compromise, when the 
advocates of slavery had enjoyed the advantage of the other 
half, as they had in the admission of Missouri as a slave state 
above the line of 36° 30'. The bill was opposed with the utmost 
vigor by Seward, Sumner, and other anti-slavery leaders, but it 
was passed and became a law. May 30, 1854. 

413. Occupation of Kansas. — ^ow began a race for the set- 
tlement of the new territory, as the only possible way in 
which freedom could be protected. As Kansas bordered on 
Missouri, it was evident that here was to be the battle ground. 
Slave owners from Missouri rushed in to take possession of the 
soil, but the people of the North were not slow to see the 
danger. An Emigrant Aid Society was quickly organized in 
Massachusetts, by Eli Thayer, to encourage and fit out emi- 
grants to the new territory. Though the slaveholders were 
first in the field, people from the North soon followed in ever 
increasing numbers. Party spirit ran so high that collisions 
were inevitable. There was universal disorder and some 
bloodshed. Guerrilla bands of both parties wandered over the 
country and fought wherever they met. On the 21st of May, 
1856, the town of Lawrence, the headquarters of the anti- 
slavery party, was attacked by marauders from Missouri, popu- 
larly known as " Border Ruffians," and several of the most 
important buildings were sacked and burned. Three days 
later, a deliberately planned massacre of slave owners was 
perpetrated in retaliation, at Pottawatomie, by an anti-slavery 
band led by John Brown. 

414. Advantages of the North in the Contest. — The anti- 
slavery cause was helped by the unusual severity of the winter 
of 1855-1856, which made it evident that slavery could not 



322 THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 1853-1857. [§415 



prosper in Kansas. The largest slaveholder in the territory 
was obliged, with his own hands, to cut and haul wood to keep 

his negroes warm, and 
even then one of them 
froze to death in his 
bed. Meanwhile, the 
Free State men in- 
creased rapidly in 
numbers. 



415. Assault upon 
Sumner. — While the 
Kansas question was 
raising to a white 
heat all sections of 
the country, an event 
occurred to intensify 
the excitement. In 
the course of the long 
debate in Congress on 
the Kansas troubles, 
Cha^rles Sumner,^ on 
the 19th and 20th of 
May, 1856, delivered 
his celebrated speech, 
" The Crime against 
Kansas." It was the 




Charles Sumner. 



1 Born in Boston, 1811; died, 1874. Graduated at Harvard, 1830; studied 
law ; traveled in Europe and became noted as an anti-slavery orator, 1830-1850 ; 
helped organize the Free Soil Party in 1848 ; was elected United States senator 
in 1851 ; became the foremost anti-slavery advocate in the Senate, attracting 
universal attention by his speeches, " Freedom National ; Slavery Sectional," 
and "The Crime against Kansas"; assaulted by Preston S. Brooks of South 
Carolina (May 22, 1856) ; was twice reelected to the Senate ; broke with Grant 
and Republican senators after delivering a violent speech against President 
Grant, and was removed from chainiianship of Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
1871 ; supported Greeley, in 1872 ; gave his last efforts to securing civil rights 
for colored citizens of the South. 



\ 



§416] THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 323 

most terrible philippic ever uttered in the Senate, and it exasper- 
ated the men of the South beyond measure. Particularly severe 
was Sumner's attack on Senator Butler, of South Carolina. 
Two days after the delivery of this speech, Sumner was writ- 
ing a letter at his desk, after the Senate had adjourned, when 
he was approached by Preston S. Brooks, from South Carolina, 
a nephew of Butler and a member of the House of Representa- 
tives. Brooks struck Sumner repeated blows on the head with 
a cane and felled him to the floor. The injuries Sumner re- 
ceived affected his spine and were so serious that it was 
more than three years before he could be restored to a fair 
amount of vigor. While, in the South, a few persons depre- 
cated the assault. Brooks was welcomed by the masses as a 
hero. In the North the attack was universally condemned, 
and stirred the deepest indignation. An effort was made in 
the House of Eepresentatives to expel Brooks, but only one 
Southerner voted for his expulsion, and the motion failed to 
receive the necessary two thirds majority. A severe vote of 
censure, however, was passed by a large majority ; whereupon 
Brooks resigned his place, and appealed to his constituents for 
indorsement and reelection. In the election that followed, 
only six votes were cast against him. The speech, the assault, 
and the indorsement of Brooks inflamed every part of the 
country. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

416. Origin of the Republican Party. — It was during the 
excitement that followed the assault on Sumner that politicians 
prepared for the coming Presidential election of 1856. The 
overwhelming defeat of the Whigs at the election in 1852 
seemed at the time to give the Democrats a long lease of power. 
In reality, they soon found themselves confronted by political 
foes more determined than the Whigs. The old Whig partf 
had been shattered by differences on the question of slavery. 
Evidently there was call for a new party on the great ques- 
tions now at issue, and the Republican party was the result. 



324 THE ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE, 1853-1857. [§417 

At a political meeting held at Eipon, Wisconsin, in May, 1854, 
it was resolved that another party should be formed and that 
it should be called ^^ Eepublican." It is generally admitted 
that the first formal adoption of the name, which was probably 
due to a suggestion of Horace Greeley, and the publication of 
an elaborate platform were the work of a convention held at 
Jackson, Michigan, on the 6th of July following. The new 
party designation was immediately adopted by state conven- 
tions in Maine, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa. 
So extremely vigorous was the organization of the Republi- 
cans, that, in the fall of 1854, they elected enough members 
to control the House of Representatives and chose as Speaker, 
Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. The first National 
Convention of the party was held at Pittsburgh on February 
22, 1856; but it was not until June 17, at Philadelphia, that 
a platform was adopted and candidates for the Presidency and 
Vice Presidency were chosen. The platform declared that 
" the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over 
the Territories of the United States for their government, and 
that in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the 
imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those 
twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." Upon the 
stand thus taken, the Republicans soon secured political su- 
premacy in the North and West. 

417. The Campaign of 1856. — The Republicans nominated 
John C. Fremont^ of California, a famous explorer of the 
West, for President, and William L. Dayton of New Jersey 
for Vice President. The Democrats, shelving the now un- 

1 Born in Georgia, 1818; died, 1890. Was educated in Cliarleston, S.C. ; 
served a short term in the navy, tlien joined the United States Topographical 
Engineers, and explored a part of the Rocky Mountains in 1842; explored, 
with great energy and skill, Utah, the basin of the Columbia, and the passes 
of the Sierra Nevada, 1843-1844 ; conducted other explorations from the Santa 
Fe to Sacramento and in Southern California, from 1846 to 1854, and gained 
for himself the title of " Pathfinder " ; was nominated and defeated for Presi- 
dent in 1856; commanded in Missouri in 1861, and in Virginia in 1862, without 
great success. 



§417] 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 



325 



popular Pierce, nominated James Buchanan,^ — a weak char- 
acter, far past the prime of life, but a man who had held high 
positions and was likely to carry the important state of Penn- 
sylvania. John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky was chosen as 
Buchanan's running mate. 
Buchanan won at the 
polls, securing one hun- 
dred and seventy-four 
electoral votes to Fre- 
mont's one hundred aTid 
fourteen. But the Re- 
publicans had made a 
better fight than any new 
party had ever done be- 
fore and had carried most 
of the Northern and some 
of the Western states. 
It was evident that the 
country was being divided 
sectionally in politics, — 

the North and West being destined to become more and more 
anti-slavery, or Republican, the South to be overwhelmingly 
pro-slavery, or Democratic. Many persons, especially in the 
South, argued that this state of things would warrant a dissolu- 
tion of the Union, since the North and West combined might 
be strong enough to interfere with slavery in the states. 




John C. Fremont. 



References. — See end of Chapter XXVI. 



1 Born in Pennsylvania, 1791 ; died, 1868. Graduated from Dickinson Col- 
lege in 1809 ; studied law ; congressman from Pennsylvania, 1821-1831 ; Minis- 
ter to Russia, 1831-1833; member of the United States Senate, 1833-1845; 
Secretary of State, 1845-1849 ; candidate for President, 1852 ; Minister to Eng- 
land, 1853-1856; President of the United States, 1857-1861, during which time 
his temporizing policy was severely criticised. 






CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. 
THE SUPREME COURT AND SLAVERY. 

418. Dred Scott Decision. — Two days after Buchanan's in- 
auguration, the Supreme Court rendered a decision that had a 
tremendous influence on public opinion with regard to the 
question of slavery. A colored man, Dred Scott by name, was 
held as a slave in Missouri, but having been taken by his 
master into Illinois and Minnesota, he brought suit in a United 
States court to establish his freedom. The question finally 
reached the Supreme Court, where a decision was rendered 
March 6, 1857. The court held : — 

1. That negroes had not been regarded as citizens by the 

framers of the Constitution, and that, therefore, they could 
not bring suit in a United States court. 

2. That the Constitution recognizes the right of property in 

slaves, and recognizes no difference between such property 
and any other, and that therefore Congress could not limit 
the right of property in slaves, even in the territories. 

3. That the Missouri Compromise, limiting the right of prop- 

erty in slaves, was unconstitutional, and therefore null 
and void ; and that, therefore, slave owners could carry 
their slaves into any part of the territories, and hold them 
as such without regard to the line established by the 
Missouri Compromise. 

The opinion was rendered by Chief Justice Taney ,i and was 
assented to by a majority of the court. Justices McLean and 

1 Born in Maryland, 1777; died, 1864. Graduated from Dickinson College; 
studied law and settled in Baltimore ; was a Federalist and later a Jackson 

326 



§419] THE SUPREME COURT AND SLAVERY. 327 

Curtis, however, dissented, and Curtis presented an elaborate 
dissenting opinion. The importance of the decision lay in the 
fact that it was an authori- 
tative approval by the Su- 
preme Court of views 
advanced by Calhoun, and 
generally indorsed by the 
South. 

419. The Dissenting 
Opinion. — The North, nat- 
urally, accepted the views 
of the dissenting opinion, 
which held: — 

1. That free negroes had 

been citizens before 
the adoption of the 
Constitution. 

2. That the Constitution 

had not limited the 

rights of such negroes as citizens. 

3. That as many as seven Acts had been passed by Congress 

limiting slavery in the territories, and that these Acts had 
been assented to by Presidents who had been in the Con- 
stitutional Convention. 

4. That the constitutionality of these Acts had never been 

questioned. 

5. That the validity of the Missouri Compromise was not 

before the court, and that the dissenting Justices did 
" not hold any opinion of this court, or any court, binding 
when expressed on a question not legitimately before 
it.'' 




Roger B. Taney. 



Democrat; was Attorney-General of the United States, 1831-1833; appointed 
Secretary of the Treasury by Jackson, he removed the government deposits 
from the bank, but was not confirmed by the Senate; Chief Justice of the 
United States from 1836 until his death. 



328 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§420 

420. Influence of the Decision. — The far-reaclimg effects of 
this decision were at once apparent. The Republican party 
had been organized on the fundamental avowal that it was the 
duty of Congress to keep slavery out of the territories (§ 416). 
But if Congress had no constitutional right to interfere with 
slavery in the territories, the Eepublican party could have no 
right to exist. The decision also shattered Douglas's doctrine 
of Popular Sovereignty ; for, if Congress had no right to ex- 
clude slavery, it could not confer such a right upon the terri- 
torial legislature. The South asked, " What are you going to 
do about it ? " The North virtually replied that it adopted the 
view of Justice Curtis and rejected the decision as of no bind- 
ing force. Many persons in the North accepted a doctrine that 
had some time before been promulgated by Mr. Seward, — that 
there is a " higher law " of right and morality than that of the 
Constitution. 

421. Abolition Orators. — Public feeling during these years 
was much intensified in the North by the political speeches 
delivered by accomplished orators in various parts of the coun- 
try. The most prominent of these speakers was Wendell 
Phillips of Boston, who gave his life chiefly to anti-slavery 
agitation and exerted a vast influence. His work was supple- 
mented effectively by the speeches of Theodore Parker, George 
William Curtis, Theodore Tilton, Anna Dickinson, and others. 

422. Two Important Books. — In the course of this agitation, 
public opinion was greatly affected by the appearance of two 
very important books on the subject of slavery. Mrs. Harriet 
Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom^s Cabin appeared in 1852. Its 
object was to represent the horrors of slavery, and it proved to 
be one of the most influential novels ever published. Though 
it was intended to represent slavery in the strongest pos- 
sible light, the picture was somewhat relieved for the peo- 
ple of the South by the fact that the worst characters in the 
book were " renegades " from the North. Over three hundred 
thousand copies were sold within a year of its publication, and 



423] 



KANSAS AND UTAH. 



329 



in the course of five years it had powerfully inflamed the feel- 
ings of all the Northern people. In 1857, appeared H. K. 
Helper's Impending Crisis of the South. It was written by a 
representative of the "poor white" class of North Carolina, 
whose purpose was to ar- 
raign slavery from the 
point of view of the South- 
ern free white laborer. 
The author described 
Southern society, and 
showed how slavery had 
reduced the poorer white 
people to a condition of 
abject misery. The bool^ 
did much to arouse the 
fears of the Southern slave 
owners. 

KANSAS AND UTAH. 

423. Buchanan's Weak- 
ness. — Meanwhile, Presi- 
dent Buchanan had been 
showing in many ways that 
he did not realize the grav- 
ity of the situation. He 
was an old man and inclined 

to rely on Democratic leaders of strong pro-slavery proclivities. 
Thus, although himself a Northerner, he had little support from 
his own section. His Cabinet contained four Southerners, 
while the Secretary of State, General Cass, was a sympathizer 
with the Southern attitude toward the slavery question. 

1 Born, 1811 ; died, 1896. Was daughter of Rev. Lymau Beeeher, and sister 
of Henry Ward Beeeher; married Professor Calvin E. Stowe in 1836; resided 
in Cincinnati, where she had opportunities of acquiring considerable knowl- 
edge of Southern life ; was stirred by the Fugitive Slave Law to write Uncle 
Tom's Cabin ; wrote many other novels and was until her death an important 
literary figure. 




Harriet Beecher Stowe. i 



330 



ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§424 



Eventually this Cabinet was broken up and a stronger one 
obtained (§ 441), but not before many of the departments, 
especially those of War and of the Treasury, were reduced to 
a state of great disorganization. Indeed, so badly were the 
finances of the nation managed, that treasury notes had to be 
issued in order that national insolvency might be avoided. 
Yet more than once President Buchanan proposed to Con- 
gress that Cuba should be purchased, and recommended other 
rash legislation, which, if carried out, would probably have led 
to a war with Mexico and the states of Central America. 



424. Affairs in Kansas. — One of Buchanan's most important 
appointments was that of Eobert J. Walker of Mississippi, 

who had been Secre- 
; tary of the Treasury 
under Polk, as gov- 
ernor of Kansas. 
Walker understood 
that he was to cease 
trying to force slav- 
ery upon the Kansas 
settlers, but was 
rather to attempt to 
make the territory a 
state favorable to the 
Democrats. On this 
understanding he suc- 
ceeded in inducing 
the friends of freedom 
to vote for members 
of the territorial legis- 
lature, with the result 
that they obtained a 
clear majority in that 
body. But the slavery advocates, at a convention held at 
Lecompton, adopted a constitution favoring slavery, with a 




James Buchanan. 



§426] KANSAS AND UTAH. 331 

proviso that the article relating to the institution was the only 
one that should be submitted to the people for ratification. 
Fearing some trick, the Free State people stayed away from 
the polls, and the Lecompton constitution was easily carried 
by a partisan vote. Walker then went to Washington in order 
to protest against conduct which, it was believed, was connived 
at by the administration. He found that Buchanan and his 
advisers were hearty advocates of the Lecompton constitution, 
whereupon he resigned his governorship. 

425. Failure of the Lecompton Scheme. — Meanwhile, the Free 
State legislature of Kansas had submitted the whole Lecompton 
constitution to the people, and it had been rejected by over 
eleven thousand majority. Yet Buchanan, in a special message 
to Congress, urged the admission of Kansas as a state under 
the obnoxious instrument. A long and fierce debate was the 
result. Senator Douglas, to his credit, standing out against the 
majority of his party. The pro-slavery Democrats were obsti- 
nate, in spite of many warnings, and pushed matters to a vote. 
The administration's measure for making Kansas a slave state 
passed the Senate, but failed in the House. Later a discredit- 
able bill attempting to bribe Kansas to come in under the pro- 
slavery constitution passed Congress; but the Kansas people 
refused by a large majority to enter the Union hampered by 
slavery, even if they could thereby acquire a large grant of 
public lands. The bill which offered Kansas this bribe was 
popularly known as " Lecompton Junior." After it was 
rejected by the Kansans, affairs in the region became com- 
paratively quiet. The territory was not finally admitted as a 
state until 1861. 

426. The Mormons. — Buchanan was more successful in his 
dealings with the Mormons of Utah. This religious sect was 
founded in 1830 by their Prophet, Joseph Smith, and was 
forced to move steadily westward from the State of Kew York. 
They settled first in Ohio, then in Illinois, where in 1840 they 
founded the town of Nauvoo. These Latter-Day Saints, as 



332 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§ 427 

they were called, soon had troubles, without great fault of 
their own, with the authorities of Illinois, in the course of 
which Smith was arrested. Shortly after he was shot by a 
mob (June 21, 1844). Brigham Young was chosen leader of 
the new church in the Prophet's place, and the next year the 
Mormons left Illinois. After many vicissitudes, a settlement 
was made in Utah, and Salt Lake City was founded in 1848. 
The next year. Young was elected governor of Deseret, as 
the territory was first named. In 1850 Congress established 
the Territory of Utah, and, in 1851, Young became its authorized 
governor. In 1852 he proclaimed polygamy to be a tenet of 
the Mormon church. This and other causes led to difficulties 
with judges and other officers of the United States, who in 
consequence left Utah. 

427. Buchanan's Management of the Mormon Difficulty. — 

Affairs soon reached such a pass as to require the removal of 
Brigham Young from his position as territorial governor, the 
Mormon desperadoes, under the name of Danites, or " destroying 
angels," having inaugurated a small reign of terror. Buchanan 
supported the newly appointed governor, Alfred Cumming, 
with forces under General Albert Sidney Johnston, who was 
much harassed, however, by the destruction of his supply 
trains. Congress hesitated to give the President all the troops 
needed, for fear he might use them in Kansas ; but he managed 
the affair well, notwithstanding, and with augmented forces 
and judicious pardons secured comparative tranquillity in Utah 
before the summer of 1858. But Congress still refused to give 
so strange a sect the right either to form a state or to elect 
their own officers.^ 

THE GREAT DEBATES. 

428. Lincoln and Douglas. — The people of the settled por- 
tions of the country were more interested in a picturesque 
political campaign than in the pacification of a far-off ter- 

1 Minnesota was admitted as a free state in 1858, and Oregon in 1869. 



§428] 



THE GREAT DEBATES. 



333 



ritory. The term of Senator Douglas was to expire in 
1859, and he appealed to public opinion in Illinois for re- 
election. TheKepub- 
licans put forward 
Abraham Lincoln as 
their representative 
to oppose him. The 
men were unlike in 
almost every respect. 
Douglas^ in early 
life had come from 
Vermont to Illinois, 
where he had risen 
to distinction as a 
lawyer and a debater. 
In public speech he 
was keen, ingenious, 
and powerful, and 
his leadership of the 
movement in behalf 
of Popular Sover- 
eignty had given him 
a national reputa- 
tion. Lincoln,^ on the other hand, had been born to the most 
abject poverty in Kentucky, and in early life had moved with 




Stephen A. Douglas. 



1 Born in Vermont, 1813 ; died, 1861. After suffering many hardships in his 
youth, removed to Illiuois, and began to practice law in 1834 ; was attorney- 
general of the state, 1838; secretary of state for Illinois, 1840; judge of the 
Supreme Court, 1841 ; was in the United States House of Representatives, 1843- 
1847 ; in United States Senate, 1847-1861 ; was the advocate of " Popular Sov- 
ereignty " in the territories, and gained the appellation of " Little Giant" by 
the fervor and power of his advocacy ; held joint debates with Lincoln in 1858 ; 
was an unsuccessful candidate for a Presidential nomination in 1852 and 1856, 
and for the Presidency in 1860. 

2 Born in Kentucky, February 12, 1809; died in Washington, April 15, 1865. 
Moved to Indiana with his parents in 1816; to Illinois in 1830; served as 
private and captain in Black Hawk War in 1832 ; failed as a storekeeper in 
New Salem, Illinois; studied law and was sent to the legislature, 1834-1842; 



334 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§ 428 

his parents to Indian^, and then to Illinois. In his boyhood 
he had lived in a log hut, and had picked up almost the whole 
of his education by reading and study at odd moments. At 
length he studied law, and, though never a learned lawyer, he 
early showed remarkable power in discovering the turning 
point of a case, and presenting it with such clearness and 
force that he was very successful. By a careful study of a 
few of the best writers, he made himself a master of accurate 




A Typical Pioneer's Cabin. Built by Lincoln's father wlieu he 
moved to Illinois. 



and powerful English speech. He also became very skillful 
as a judge of human nature and in the art of persuading an 
audience. To these great qualities he added the still greater 
one of an honesty and integrity of thought and character so 
pronounced and transparent that he was generally respected 
and loved. At the time of this senatorial contest, Lincoln was 
forty-nine years of age ; Douglas was forty-five. 

was Whig congressman from Springfield district, 1847-1849; came forward as 
a debater and political speaker between 1850 and 1858 ; made himself known 
to the entire nation by his debates with Douglas in 1858, by his Cooper Insti- 
tute speech of February, 1860, and by other speeches; was nominated by 
Republicans and elected President, 1860; issued Emancipation Proclamation,. 
January 1, 1863; reelected President, 1864; shot by John Wilkes Booth, 
April 14, 1865. 



§430] THE GREAT DEBATES. 335 

429. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates. — In the spring of 1858, 
Lincoln challenged Douglas to a series of public debates on the 
great questions of the day. They arranged for seven meetings 
in different parts of Illinois, and those meetings are memorable 
for the thoroughness with which questions then agitating the 
nation were discussed. Lincoln at the outset announced the 
Republican doctrine that slavery was entitled to the protection 
of Congress where it existed, but that it could and ought to be 
prevented from going into the territories where it did not 
already exist. Douglas, throughout the discussion, held that 
the Dred Scott Decision was binding, and tried to reconcile 
it with the notion of Popular Sovereignty. Lincoln very 
shrewdly saw the impossibility of reconciling these two views, 
and used his advantage with great skill and vigor. 

430. The Freeport Doctrine.— The turning point in the debates 
was at Freeport, where Lincoln put to Douglas this question : 
" Can the people of a United States territory, in any legal way, 
against the will of any citizen of the United States, exclude 
slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a state consti- 
tution ? '^ The Republican committee managing the campaign, 
urged Lincoln not to ask Douglas the question. They said, 
"If Douglas answers 'yes,' he will surely be elected, because 
the people of Illinois believe in Squatter Sovereignty." Lin- 
coln's reply was in substance : " Very well, if he answers ' no,' 
he cannot be elected senator in Illinois. If he answers ' yes,' 
as from his Squatter Sovereignty doctrine he will be obliged to 
do, he will offend the South in such a way that he cannot be 
elected President in 1860. I am looking for the larger game." 
Lincoln insisted upon asking the question, and his prediction 
proved true. Douglas answered "yes," and tried to reconcile 
Squatter Sovereignty with the Dred Scott Decision, in what 
came to be known as the " Freeport Doctrine " ; but Lincoln 
pointed out with great power that such a reconciliation was 
absolutely impossible. Though Douglas was reelected to the 
Senate, as the Republican committee predicted he would be if the 



336 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§431 

question were asked, the rift in the Democratic party soon made 
it apparent that its Northern and Southern sections could not 
unite on any one candidate for President. Lincoln had accom- 
plished his object, though he had lost the senatorship. 

431. Other Speeches of Lincoln and Douglas. — In 1859, Douglas 
spoke and wrote much, in order to define his position on the 
relations of the Federal power and the power of the individ- 
ual states. In all his utterances he often referred to the 
positions held by Lincoln, and, especially in the South, he 
tried to recover what he had lost in the discussion of what 
was known as the "Treeport Doctrine." Lincoln delivered, 
at Columbus and Cincinnati, speeches which pointed out 
with merciless logic the impossibility of Douglas's contention. 
These speeches tersely reproduced the arguments he had 
used in Illinois, and in print they had an enormous circu- 
lation. Lincoln's prominence, moreover, was greatly increased 
by a masterly speech on February 27, 1860, at the Cooper 
Institute, in New York City. Taking as his subject, " The 
Crisis," he analyzed the situation, and presented it with a 
logical force and clearness which placed the speech in the 
highest rank of argumentative orations. This speech, and 
those he immediately afterward made in New England, caused 
Lincoln to be better known throughout the East ; he was already 
very popular in the West. 

JOHN BROWN AND PUBLIC OPINION. 

432. John Brown's Raid. — In the later months of 1859 the 
country in all its parts was greatly moved by a fanatical at- 
tempt to induce the slaves of Virginia to revolt and insist upon 
freedom. John Brown,^ who, as we have seen, played a con- 

1 Born in Connecticut, 1800; died, 1859. Early moved to Ohio and became 
an earnest and uncompromising abolitionist ; went to Kansas in 1855 and took 
an active part in the troubles that ensued ; led in the " Pottawatomie Massa- 
cre " of 1856 ; returned to the East and matured plans for an invasion of the 
South in 1859; made the attack on Harper's Ferry, October 16; executed, 
December 2, 1859. 



§432] JOHN BROWN AND PUBLIC OPINION. 337 

spicuous part in the Kansas difficulties, held the views of the 
abolitionists with all the stem severity of a seventeenth cen- 
tury Puritan. He believed that slavery was the « sum of all 
abominations/' and that he must devote himself to its over- 
throw. In July, 1859, he rented two houses on the Maryland 
side of the Potomac, about four miles from Harper's Ferry. 
Here arms were collected, 
and on the 16th of October '^ 
Brown mustered eighteen 
men, five of whom were 
negroes, for his intended 
attack. They cut the tele- 
graph wires, and seized 
the watchman on the 
bridge; then, crossing to 
the Virginia side. Brown 
and two followers broke 
into the United States 
armory, and, binding the 
watchman, remained on 
guard. Before midnight 
he was master of Harper's 

Ferry. But the inevitable * '" '^^'^ ' '• 

result followed. The ne- •^''"'' ^^^'^''• 

groes refused to revolt, and soon the raiders were surrounded 
by an overwhelming force. They fought desperately, and did 
not surrender until, of the nineteen, ten had been killed. Four 
escaped and five were taken prisoners. Brown himself, after 
receiving several wounds in the head and body, was cut down 
and captured. Notwithstanding his wounds, he was brought 
to trial eight days after his arrest and, after a fair examination, 
was condemned to be hanged on the 2d of December. He died 
in the unwavering belief that he had contributed to a great 
cause. Almost the whole nation was thrown into an uproar. 
Republicans generally disavowed and condemned the act, but 
the people of the South had their fears multiplied. 




338 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§433 

433. Resolutions of Jefferson Davis. — On February 2, 1860, 
Jefferson Davis, who had already come to be recognized as the 
ablest leader of the Southern Democrats, submitted to the 
Senate a series of resolutions designed to formulate the South- 
ern party doctrine. The most significant and important of 
these resolutions was the fourth, which declared that " neither 
Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature, whether by direct leg- 
islation or by legislation of an indirect and unfriendly charac- 
ter, possesses power to annul or impair the constitutional right 
of any citizen of the United States to take his slave property 
into the common territories, and there hold and enjoy the same 
while the territorial condition remains." This resolution was 
no doubt intended not only to formulate a doctrine for the 
guidance of the South, but also to inflict a fatal stab upon 
Douglas, for the Illinois Senator had taken the ground, in the 
"Freeport Doctrine," that notwithstanding the Dred Scott 
Decision, the people of a territory could make slavery impos- 
sible by what he called " unfriendly legislation." 

434. Movements of Public Opinion in the South. — While these 
discussions were going on in the North, public opinion was also 
taking form in the South. In various conventions, notably 
the one held at Nashville in 1850, much had been done to 
foster disunion sentiments. Secession seemed on the point 
of immediate accomplishment, and would very probably have 
taken place, but for the opposition of some of the leading 
Whigs of the South and the adoption of the Compromise of 
1850. Although the crisis in that year was tided over, the 
South did not cease to proclaim that if ever a President should 
be elected by a sectional vote secession would inevitably fol- 
low. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, and some of the 
other leading Whigs attempted to oppose the movement as im- 
politic and unlikely to succeed, but they were swept away by 
an irresistible tide of public opinion, led by the more strenuous 
of the politicians. This movement increased in violence from 
1850 to 1860. The fact that the reopening of the foreign slave 



§435] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 339 

trade was boldly advocated in various trade conventions, shows 
plainly how far the extreme pro-slavery men were willing to go. 

THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 

435." Democratic Nominating Conventions. — The first outbreak 
of the coming storm occurred in the Democratic National Con- 
vention of 1860. This was held in Charleston, South Carolina, 
and lasted from April 23 to April 30. The delegates of the 
South were marshaled by William L. Yancey of Alabama; 
those of the North by Senator George H. Pugh of Ohio. The 
main contest was over the majority and minority reports of 
the Committee on Platform. While the Southern delegates 
demanded a declaration in accordance with Davis's resolution 
that neither Congress nor any territorial government had the 
right to legislate in regard to slavery in atiy territory, the 
delegates of the North planted themselves firmly on the " Free- 
port Doctrine " of Popular Sovereignty. The storm raged with 
the utmost fury, in the midst of which Yancey declared that 
if the Popular Sovereignty doctrine were adopted, the South- 
ern delegation would withdraw from the Convention. The 
followers of Douglas secured a majority, whereupon Yancey 
and his followers made good their threat, and marched out. 
This was the beginning of practical secession. Though the 
remaining delegates were a majority, they were not two-thirds 
of the Convention, and, therefore, no nomination under the rule 
of Democratic conventions could be made. The seceding fac- 
tion adjourned to meet at Eichmond, June 11, the others at 
Baltimore, June 18. An attempt was made to unite them at 
Baltimore, but both sides were firm, and the effort was fruitless. 
The consequence was that the Democrats finally made three 
nominations. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was the 
candidate of the Southern wing ; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illi- 
nois, of the Northern; and John Bell, of Tennessee, of the 
Conservatives, who vainly hoped still to bring the factions 
together. Thus the predictions of Lincoln were abundantly 
fulfilled. 



340 



ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§436 



436. The Republican Nominating Convention. — The Eepubli- 
can Convention met on the 16th of May, in Chicago. Seward 
was the most prominent candidate, but the names of Chase ^ of 
Ohio, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Dayton of New Jersey, and 

Bates of Missouri 
were all presented by 
the delegates of their 
respective states. Lin- 
coln's name showed 
great strength, as he 
was supported not only 
by Illinois, but also by 
many votes from Indi- 
ana, Kentucky, Ohio, 
and New England. 
The platform adopted 
was in strict accord- 
ance with all Lincoln's 
private and public ut- 
terances. It advocated 
no interference with 
slavery where it ex- 
isted, no extension of 
slavery into the terri- 
tories, and no reopening of the slave trade. On the first bal- 
lot, Seward had one hundred and seventy-three and one-half 
votes, and Lincoln followed with one hundred and two. On 
the second, Seward had one hundred and eighty-four and a 




Salmon P. Chase. 



1 Born in New Hampshire, 1808; died, 1873. Graduated at Dartmouth, 
1826; moved to Cincinnati and practiced law; became a great supporter and 
advocate of the anti-slavery movement ; was elected by Democrats and Free 
Soilers to the United States Senate, 1849; governor of Ohio, 1856-1860; was 
candidate for nomination for the Presidency, 1860; became Secretary of the 
Treasury and performed services of great merit, 1861-1864 ; was not in perfect 
accord with Lincoln's administration, and his name was urged by his friends 
for the Presidency in 1864; was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court in 1864, and served till his death. 



§ 438] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 841 

half, and Lincoln one hundred and eighty-one. The excite- 
ment was tremendous. The number necessary for a choice 
was two hundred and thirty-three. On the third ballot, Lin- 
coln had two hundred and thirty-one and a half, while Seward 
had fallen back to one hundred and eighty. There was no re- 
sisting the tide. Before the figures were removed, a delegate 
from Ohio sprang upon his chair, and reported a change of four 
votes from Chase to Lincoln. In an instant, one of the tellers 
shouted, " Lincoln ! " whereupon it seemed as if the ten thou- 
sand persons present had become insane with enthusiasm. A 
cannon on the roof of the hall announced the result to the city 
in accordance with a preconcerted understanding. The chair- 
man of the New York delegation, William M. Evarts, then 
moved that the nomination be made unanimous. This har- 
monious result was welcomed by Eepublicans in all parts of 
the country. 

437. The Presidential Canvass. — The campaign was con- 
ducted with a vigor and an enthusiasm that had not been 
known since 1840. Lincoln made no speeches and wrote no 
letters for publication, but made himself accessible at Spring- 
field to all callers who might care to meet him. But such a 
course was not followed by the Democrats. No progress was 
made toward reunion. On the contrary, the Breckinridge, or 
Southern wing, waged unrelenting war on Douglas, both in 
discussion and in the promise of distribution of patronage. 
Douglas was not slow to retaliate. He entered at once on an 
extensive campaigning tour and made speeches in many states, 
both North and South. 

438. The Position of Douglas. — The most important utter- 
ance of all the campaign was one made by Douglas at Norfolk, 
Virginia. He was asked in writing whether he was in favor 
of maintaining the Union by force. He declared, without a 
moment's hesitation : " I answer emphatically that it is the 
duty of the President of the United States, and all others in 
authority under him, to enforce the laws, and I, as in duty 



342 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§ 439 

bound by my oath, of fidelity to the Constitution, would do 
all in my power to aid the Government of the United States 
in maintaining the laws against all resistance to them, come 
from what quarter it might. In other words, I think the Presi- 
dent, whoever he may be, should treat all attempts to break up 
the Union, by resistance to the laws, as Old Hickory treated 
the nullifiers in 1832/* The South made the fatal mistake of 
supposing that this view was not held by a large majority of the 
Democrats of the North. In reality, it was this view, so frankly 
expressed by Douglas, that finally united an overwhelming 
majority of the Northern Democrats in supporting, with more 
or less heartiness, the Republicans in the great war that was 
at hand. 

439. Result of the Election. — In the election, Lincoln re- 
ceived one hundred and eighty electoral votes ; Breckinridge, 
seventy-two ; Bell, thirty-nine ; and Douglas, twelve. Lincoln 
received the vote of every free state except New Jersey, whose 
vote was divided, four electors voting for Lincoln, and three 
for Douglas. Douglas, in addition to the three votes from 
New Jersey, received nine from Missouri ; those of the other 
Southern states were divided between Breckinridge and Bell. 

SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. 

440. Secession of South Carolina and Other States. — At the 

time of the election, the legislature of South Carolina was in 
session. As soon as the result was known, that body called a 
State Convention to meet and consider the situation. The 
Convention met, and on the 20th of December, repealed the 
Act ratifying the Constitution, and declared that the union 
between South Carolina and the other states was dissolved. 
Before Lincoln's inauguration, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, Texas, and Florida had followed the example of 
South Carolina. They seized all the military posts of the 
United States within their territory, a procedure that had been 
made easy by the strange doctrine of Buchanan that, although 



§ 442] SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. 343 

a state had no right to secede, the United States had no 
right to prevent it from seceding and carrying United States 
property with it. 

441. Opposition to the Seceders. — The first step in opposition 
to the seceders was taken by Major Robert Anderson of Ken- 
tucky, who abandoned the untenable Fort Moultrie of which he 
was in charge, and posted himself in Fort Sumter, which, being 
on an island, could be more easily held for the Union if succor 
were speedily provided by the authorities in Washington. 
The latter were vacillating, however, or else were in open 
sympathy with the secessionists. The President was at least 
strong enough to resist the demand of the South Carolina 
Commissioners that Anderson should be ordered to evacuate 
Fort Sumter, and he also refused to receive further communi- 
cations from the commissioners. Finally, too, he surrounded 
himself with a loyal Cabinet, through resignations which were 
voluntary, but should have been demanded. Chief among his 
new advisers were Jeremiah S. Black of Pennsylvania, Sec- 
retary of State ; Edwin M. Stanton of Pennsylvania, Attorney- 
General ; Joseph Holt of Kentucky, Secretary of War ; and 
John A. Dix^ of New York, Secretary of the Treasury. 

442. The Star of the West. — The reorganized Cabinet insisted 
on reen forcing Anderson at Fort Sumter, but the attempt was 
made only with a merchant steamer, the Star of the West, which 
turned back at the fire of the Carolinian batteries (January 
9, 1861). This rather weak step served the Southerners with 
matter for indignation and for charges that the North was 
bent on war. It also led to the discovery that Jacob Thomp- 
son of Mississippi, the Secretary of the Interior, had warned 
the South Carolinians of the intended reenforcement. Thorn p- 

1 General Dix is still remembered for his famous order to his subordinates : 
"If any man attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the 
spot." With the spirit of this order, General Winfield Scott, who, old as he was, 
had been laboring for months to get Buchanan into an attitude of aggressive 
resistance, heartily concurred. 



344 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§443 

son at ouce resigned, and Buchanan arranged a sort of armis- 
tice with the Southerners still in Congress, by which he was 
to be allowed to finish his administration in peace, it being 
understood that the forts should be neither reenforced nor 
captured. 



443. Last Attempts at Compromise. — In the course of 1860 and 
the early part of 1861, several attempts were made to reach 
a compromise. The most famous of these was the one intro- 
duced by Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky, December 18, 1860. 
He proposed a constitutional amendment in which the main 
clauses should prohibit slavery north of 36° 30', but protect it, 
as other property is protected, in all territory south of that line, 
and should arrange for admitting states north or south of that 
line, with or without slavery, as their constitutions might 
provide. While the Compromise was before a committee of 
thirteen, of which Seward was the most prominent Kepublican 
and Jefferson Davis the most prominent Democrat, Seward 
was offered by Lincoln the Secretaryship of State. Lincoln 
wrote, "On the territorial question, I am inflexible." In 

further explanation he said 
that the adoption of the 
Compromise would only 
postpone the difficulties 
that then confronted the 
nation. In the committee, 
the Republicans voted 
against the Compromise, 
and Davis of Mississippi, 
and Toombs of Georgia, 
voted with them. The Re- 
publicans were responsible 
for its defeat. On January 
3, 1861, Crittenden proposed that the whole subject of his 
Compromise be submitted to a direct vote of the people. 
Douglas powerfully supported the proposition ; but Davis, in 




Confederate Capitol, Montgomery 
Alabama. 



§444] 



SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. 



345 



an elaborate speech in behalf of the South, made it apparent 
that compromise was now impossible. Other minor attempts 
met with similar failure. 

444. Southern Confederacy Formed. — Soon after the Ordi- 
nances of Secession were passed by the several Southern 
states, their repre- 
sentatives, with only 
two exceptions, with- 
drew, one by one, from 
Congress. The Seces- 
sion Conventions ap- 
pointed delegates in 
number equal to their 
former senators and rep- 
resentatives at Wash- 
ington, and the mem- 
bers so appointed met 
at Montgomery, Ala- 
bama, February 4, 1861, 
to form a Southern 
Confederacy. Presi- 
dent Buchanan offered 
no opposition to this 
movement. The body 
was soon organized by 
the choice of Howell 

Cobb, of Georgia, as chairman. A provisional government for 
one year, under the name, "The Confederate States of Amer- 
ica," was adopted February 8, and the following day Jeffer- 
son Davis 1 was chosen President ofJheJJonfederacj^^ 

West Point, 1828 ; served in BlacK Hawk War ; resigned, and became a planter 
in Mississippi; congressman, 1845-1846; distinguished himself ^-^^^f^^^^^ 
War ; United States senator, 1847-1851 and 1857-1861 ; unsuccessful cand date 
for governorship of Mississippi, 1851; Secretary of ^ar under Pierce 1853- 
1857 ; resigned his seat in the Senate in January, 1861 ; ^^^^^^^l^^^^^^^^^ 
of the Confederacy, February 9. 1861; was confined as prisoner at Fortress 




Jefferson Davis. 



346 



ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§ 445 



Alexander H. Stephens/ of Georgia, Vice President. The 
Constitution, as elaborated and completed, was adopted on 
the lltli of March. Stephens, as Vice President, was for- 
mally inaugurated on the 10th of February, and Davis, as 
President, on the 18th. Thus the Confederate government was 
fully installed two weeks before the inauguration of Lincoln. 

445. Stephens and Lincoln on the Causes of the War. — Soon 
after the inaugural ceremonies in the South, the newly chosen 

Vice President, in a speech 
i at Savannah, explained the 
:-,i grounds of secession. After 
'i referring to Thomas Jeffer- 
son, he said : " The prevail- 
ing ideas entertained by 
him and most of the lead- 
ing statesmen of the time 
of the formation of the old 
Constitution, were that the 
enslavement of the African 
was in violation of the laws 
of nature ; that it was 
wrong in principle, socially, 
morally, and politically. . . . 
Our government is founded, 
upon exactly the opposite 
idea ; its foundations are 
laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro 
is not equal to the white man ; that slavery — subordination to 




Alexander H. Stephens. 



Monroe, 1865-1867 ; was indicted for treason in 1866 ; was released on bail in 
the following year, and was never put on trial. 

1 Born in Georgia, 1812; died, 1883. Graduated at University of Georgia, 
1832; prominent lawyer, speaker and Whig member of Congress from 1843 to 
1859 ; strongly supported Douglas and opposed secession in 1860 ; sided with his 
state and became Vice President of the Confederacy, 1861-1865 ; often differed 
from Davis ; sought to bring about peace in 1864 ; was imprisoned in 1865, but 
was soon released; was congressman from Georgia, 1875-1882; elected gov- 
ernor of Georgia, 1882; wrote the important War between the States. 



§ 446] SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. 347 

the superior race — is his natural and normal condition. This, 
our new government, is the first, in the history of the world' 
based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral 
truth." 1 For the purpose of reducing the causes of the war 
to a nutshell, this utterance may be placed in contrast with 
the summary of the Northern views by Lincoln: "Slavery 
is wrong and must not be extended. No state can in any 
way get out of the Union without the consent of the others. 
It is the duty of the President and of the other public func- 
tionaries to run the machine as it is." At about the same 
time, in answer to an inquiry, Lincoln wrote to Stephens: 
" You think slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while 
we think it is wrong, and ought to be restricted. That, I sup- 
pose, is the rub. It certainly is the only substantial difference 
between us." 

446. Misunderstandings and Mistakes. — While the South 
believed, as had so often been claimed by Calhoun and Davis, 
that it had a right to secede and that the North had no right 
to oppose secession with force, each side was deceived in regard 
to the strength and real purpose of the other. The South 
made the mistake of believing that the Douglas Democrats 
would not unite with the Kepublicans, and the North greatly 
underestimated the determination and the readiness for war 
on the part of the South. Neither side seems to have more 
than half believed that the other side would fight. As the 
South was far more ready than the North, it was certain that, 
in case of war, the South would gain the first victories. But 
as the North had far greater resources, it was also certain 
that, with equal skill and determination, the North would 
in the end be successful. Each side held that its own 
strength would prevent the other side from entering upon 
war. Seward was so optimistic as to believe that as soon as 
the North showed its determination, the South would yield, 
and war would be ^^over in ninety days." If each side had 

1 Cleveland, Life of Alexander H. Stephens, pp. 721-723. 



348 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§447 

thoroughly understood the other, probably no war would have 
occurred. But, not understanding each other, " one side," as 
Lincoln once said, "would make war rather than let the 
nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let 
it perish." 

THE COUNTRY IN 1860-1801. 

447. The Sections on the Eve of the Civil War. — If the South 
had been in a condition to reason calmly, the laying of the 

Atlantic cable, through 
the efforts of Cyrus W. 
Field,^ might have con- 
vinced its leaders that 
it was useless to uphold 
past ideals of govern- 
ment and a belated 
institution like slavery 
in the face of advancing 
civilization. The same 
lesson might have been 
taught them by the im- 
mense growth of the 
North and West since 
1830. The increase in 
area, due to the settle- 
ment of the Oregon 
dispute and to the terri- 
tory acquired from Mex- 
ico by war and purcnase, 
., „. „ had helped freedom 

f'YRTTS AA . Field. ^ 

rather thaA slavery. Of 
the 31,443,321 inhabitants of the whole country in 1860, only 
a little over 12,250,000 resided in the slaveholding states, in- 

1 Born in Massachusetts, 1819; died, 1892. Engaged in business in New 
York till 1853, when he retired ; conceived the idea of a trans-Atlantic sub- 
marine cable, and succeeded in forming the New York, Newfoundland, and 
London Telegraph Company; established communication in 1858, but the 





To follow p. 3^8. 




,N sprili^fi^iaj® p Toy fc 

jSS^Jeffers 






&-^^''?' 






\ (Tatleliuah X p. 7 r>IO E O E D oAFiTE*>- ^._,J— -=fepr^^ea»'^5^ 



Xar Little 
j ^ Rock 



IfSliilohc 






^ 






CO 

•2 f> 









\Q>A 



anab 



^ 



UlS^ITED STATES 
in 1861 

The heavy line shows the limit of 
territory held by Confederates, 

\ 
froul 




Cj 



§448] THE COUNTRY IN 1860-1861. 349 

eluding Missouri and Delaware, and of these twelve millions 
slightly over a third w^ere negroes, who were in the main slaves. 
Over 3,500,000 persons lived in border states which did not join 
the Confederacy; so that when the crisis came, only about 
8,700,000 whites in the South were to be matched against the 
19,000,000 whites of the North and West. The advantage on 
the side of freedom was not really so great as these figures would 
make it; for the Southerners could leave their slaves at work 
and could flock to the front, while the Northern people had to 
keep their farms and factories going as well as fight. But 
when all allowances are made, the balance in favor of freedom 
was very great. The contrast between the sections is ren- 
dered all the more striking when we observe the great urban 
growth in the North and West. New York City in 1860 had 
about eight hundred thousand inhabitants ; the South con- 
tained only two fairly large cities, — New Orleans and Balti- 
more. The foreign immigrants, nearly five million of whom 
had entered the country since 1830, when immigration prac- 
tically began, saw even more clearly than many Americans 
the differences between the sections, and settled mainly in the 
North and West. 

448. Wealth of the Country. — We have seen that in Jackson's 
day the character of the average American became more ener- 
getic, and that the country entered upon an era of commercial 
expansion which even the panic of 1837 could not permanently 
check. The growth of manufacturing and of railroads had 
been enormous, chiefly in the North and West. In 1860 one 
billion dollars were invested in manufacturing, six billion five 
hundred million in farming. In the latter form of wealth the 
South, of course, had its share, since its cotton crops were very 
valuable. But the cotton was shipped in northern vessels and 
was exchanged for products not manufactured in the South. 

cable proved worthless in a few weeks ; later established the Atlantic Cable. 
Company, which laid cables in 1865 and 1866, the latter of which was com- 
pletely successful ; was greatly honored for this achievement both in America 
and Europe. 



350 ADMINISTRATION OF BUCHANAN, 1857-1861. [§449 

In the matter of railroads, a great gain had been made since 
1850, twenty of the thirty thousand miles operated in 1860 
having been laid within the decade. 

449. Inventions. — It is almost needless to say that American 
inventiveness kept pace with the country's growth in popula- 
tion and wealth. Between 1830 and 1860, Cyrus H. McCor- 
mick (1809-1884) invented his reaper, which revolutionized 
farming; S. F. B. Morse (1791-1872) made the telegraph an 
effective means of communication; Charles Goodyear (1800- 
1860) succeeded in vulcanizing india rubber ; and Elias Howe 
(1819-1867) patented his sewing machine. The same epoch 
was marked by the growth of express companies, the first use 
of postage stamps, the perfection of the daguerreotyping pro- 
cess, the use of anaesthetics, and the employment of steam fire 
engines. When we remember further that this was the era of 
such great scientists as Asa Gray (1810-1888) the botanist, J. 
D. Dana (1813-1895) the mineralogist, Joseph Henry (1797- 
1878) the physicist, and Louis Agassiz (1807-1873) the natu- 
ralist, as well as of the great historians, William H. Prescott 
(1796-1859), George Bancroft (1800-1891), and John Lothrop 
Motley (1814-1877), and of Emerson, Hawthorne, Longfellow, 
and other writers already mentioned, we can perceive that 
the intellectual growth of the nation had kept pace with 
its material ripvelopment. Yet, with the exception of Commo- 
dore Matthew F. Maury (1806-1873), — who won fame for his 
work in physical geography, especially of the sea, — and of 
Edgar Allan Poe, nearly every one of these scientists and 
authors was a Northern man. From all points of view, there- 
fore, the odds were against the South at the beginning of the 
great struggle. 



References. — Rhodes's History of the iTnited States from t?ie Coin- 
promise of 1850 is the most thorough, impartial, and authoritative of all 
general works on the subject ; the first two volumes are devoted to the 
years from 1850 to 1860, and by means of the full table of contents and 
the index, the student may obtain a fair presentation of the causes of 



PART VI. 

THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION, 

1861-1869. 



CHAPTER XXVH. 

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 

OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 

450. From the Election to the Inauguration. — While the 
South, during the months between the election and the inaugu- 
ration of Lincoln, was setting up its new government and 
preparing for war, the North could do nothing. President 
Buchanan, as we have already seen, scarcely lifted a finger to 
prevent the secession of the Southern states. There is even 
reason for thinking that he encouraged it,^ although in the 
main he was loyal. Howell Cobb of Georgia, Buchanan's Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, John B. Ployd of Virginia, Secretary 
of War, as well as Secretary Thompson, actively and openly 
sympathized with the Southern leaders and gave them constant 
advice and assistance. Floyd even received Thomas F. Drayton, 

1 Senator Clingman relates an interview witli Secretary Thompson, in 
which the Secretary described his mission (while still the Secretary of the 
Interior) to North Carolina to induce that state to join the other states in 
seceding. Thompson described, according to this authority, an interview 
with Buchanan, held just before he set out on this mission, and used the 
following language: " I told Mr. Buchanan all you said, and he told me he 
wished me to go, and hoped I might succeed." The whole passage is given 
in Clingman's Writings and Speeches, pp. 526, 527, and in Nicolay and Hay's 
Life of Lincoln, Vol. II., p. 325. 

353 



354 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§451 

the agent of South Carolina, and negotiated with him for the 
sale of arms ; and W. H. Trescott, the Assistant Secretary of 
State, was in constant correspondence with Governor Gist, of 
South Carolina, in regard to all plans for secession.^ This 
activity at the South gave great alarm to the North. Lincoln 
remained at Springfield until it was time to start for Washing- 
ton for the inauguration, but he was beset with demands for 
an explanation of the policy which he would pursue. Though 
he wrote numerous private letters, he positively refused to give 
out a word for publication. His letters, since published, show 
that he never wavered from his purpose to defend the property 
of the United States government in the South. In the course 
of his journey to Washington, he made several speeches that 
showed remarkable firmness, united with a deep sense of 
responsibility. Hearing in Philadelphia, from two independ- 
ent sources, of a plot to assassinate him in Baltimore, he 
reluctantly yielded to the urgent advice of his friends, and 
secretly boarded a special train in order to elude possible 
assassins by passing through Baltimore in the night. 

451. Selection of the Cabinet, and the Inauguration. — Lincoln 
had the matter of choosing a Cabinet long under consideration, 
but its membership was not fully settled till the day before his 
inauguration. His chief rivals for the Presidency were given 
leading positions. The Secretary of State was W. H. Seward 
of New York ; Salmon P. Chase of Ohio became Secretary of 
the Treasury ; Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, Secretary of 
War; Gideon P. Welles of Connecticut, Secretary of the 
Navy. In his inaugural address, the President spoke with a 
pathetic sense of his responsibility, but with great clearness 
of conviction as to the nature of his duty. He declared that 
he had " no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the 
institution of slavery in the states" where it existed, and that 
there would be "no bloodshed or violence unless" it were 

1 See Letters from the Confederate Archives, given in Nicolay and Hay's 
Life of Lincoln, Vol. II., pp. 316-327. 



§452] 



OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 



355 



" forced upon the national authority." His purpose he defined 
by saying, " The power confided to me will be used to hold, 
occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the 
government and to collect the duties and imposts." Appeal- 
ing to his dissatisfied fellow countrymen, he said, " You have 
no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while 
I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and 
defend it." 




Fort Sumter. 



452. The Fall of Sumter. — One after another, the military 
posts in the South were taken possession of by the local 
authorities. At Charleston, the Federal garrisons of two of the 
other forts withdrew to Fort Sumter, in order to defend it. 
But, even thus reenforced, it was short of ammunition and 
provisions. Buchanan, in January, had ordered relief sent; 
but as we have seen (§ 442), the Star of the West was fired upon, 
and turned back to New York. Lincoln, in accordance with 
his firm but conciliatory policy, sent word to Governor Pickens, 
of South Carolina, that he had made provision to send supplies 
to Fort Sumter. The Governor decided at once to take the fort 
before the supplies could arrive, and, under his orders, General 
Beauregard opened fire upon it about four o'clock on the morn- 
ing of the 12th of April. Two days later, the commander of 




356 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§453 

the fort, Major Anderson, having exhausted food and ammuni- 
tion, was obliged to take down his flag and withdraw from his 

post. No lives were lost 
on either side. This ac- 
tion of the South was a 
strategic blunder, for it 
enabled the North to en- 
ter upon the war with an 
enthusiasm which could 
otherwise hardly have 
been secured. 

\ 453. First Call for 

Palmetto Flag (Confederate). -^ rni, n • 

^ Troops. — The nring upon 

Sumter sent a thrill of patriotic determination throughout the 
North. On the 15th of April, Lincoln issued a proclamation, 
declaring that a combination against the Union had been formed, 
and calling for an enlistment of seventy-five thousand men for 
three months, "in order to suppress said combination and to 
cause the laws to be duly executed." He also called upon all 
loyal citizens to aid and facilitate " this effort to maintain 
the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National 
Union." The response was immediate and overwhelming. 
Douglas, then upon his dying bed, dictated a letter, declaring 
that the only course left for patriotic men was to sustain the 
Union " against all assailants." The course of Douglas unques- 
tionably did much to unite all parties in the North. In every 
city and town mass meetings were instantly held and com- 
panies and regiments were formed. Senator Chandler tele- 
graphed : " Michigan will send you fifty thousand men, if you 
desire." Indiana, whose quota was five thousand, telegraphed 
that ten thousand were ready. So it was from every quarter 
of the North. Men came in such numbers that instead of 
seventy-five thousand, the War Department accepted more 
than ninety-one thousand. In the South, the people were 
likewise fired with enthusiasm and drawn nearer together. 



§454] MILITARY AND FINANCIAL STRENGTH. 357 

There was, at first, an opposition to secession in Virginia, but 
reluctance to allow troops to pass over her soil and the de- 
mand that she should furnish her quota against the South, 
turned the scale. Four of the border states, as they were then 
called, — North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Arkansas, 
— now passed Ordinances of Secession. Shortly after Vir- 
ginia seceded, April 17, the capital of the Confederacy was 
transferred from Montgomery to Eichmond. 



MILITARY AND FINANCIAL STRENGTH OF THE 
COMBATANTS. 

454. Comparative Numerical Strength. — As we have seen 
(§ 447), the population of the seceded states was a little less 
than nine millions, of whom about five and one-half millions 
were whites; while the population of the other states was 
about twenty-two millions. At the beginning of the war a 
large proportion of the white adult males in the South was 
brought into action through public opinion, and a little later, a 
rigid conscription law, including all able-bodied men between 
fifteen and fifty, was rigorously enforced. Old men, women, 
boys, and slaves were left at home to furnish the necessary sup- 
plies. Thus the South put forth almost its entire strength early 
in the war, and the capture of territory and prisoners continually 
lessened its resources ; while the very opposite was the case 
with the North. While the war was going on, the productive 
industries of the Union states never flagged, and the population 
continued to increase so that it was possible to have a larger 
army at the end of the war than at the beginning. However, 
all figures comparing the armies and the numbers present in 
individual battles are somewhat misleading, from the fact that 
in the Southern army teamsters and laborers on the supply 
trains were generally slaves, not enumerated. Slaves were also 
employed in the trenches. In the Northern armies, on the 
other hand, these forms of service were generally rendered 
by enlisted men. 



358 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§455 

455. Comparative Industries. — The South was essentially an 
agricultural region, depending for its income chiefly upon its 
exports of cotton and tobacco. If a blockade could be strin- 
gently enforced, this source of revenue must necessarily be cut 
off. But that was not all. The supplies which the South had 
been in the habit of importing could not now be procured 
except at enormous prices and in very small quantities. A 
few facts will show the significance of this condition. In 
1860, the exports of cotton amounted in value to about two 
hundred millions of dollars, but before the end of the war, 
the annual income from that source was not more than four 
million dollars. The inducement to run the blockade may be 
inferred from the fact that the best cotton could be bought in 
Charleston at four or five cents a pound, while in Liverpool, 
where the American supply had been cut off, the price per 
pound was no less than two dollars and a half. Prospect of 
profit led to the most daring risks. Insurance on blockade 
running vessels rose nearly a thousand per cent, and the wages 
of sea captains plying between Nassau and Southern ports 
increased from thirty to one thousand pounds sterling per 
month. As we shall hereafter see, prices rose enormously in 
the South, and the suffering on the part of many became 
almost intolerable. This condition of affairs might have been 
prevented, if the South before the war had given itself to 
the development of varied industries. But, with all the able- 
bodied men in the field, the sudden establishment of indus- 
trial activity was plainly out of the question. In the North, 
on the other hand, the conditions were very different. At the, 
beginning of the war, a high protective tariff was established, 
partly to provide an increased revenue, and partly to encourage 
the rapid spread of home industries. The consequence was 
great industrial activity throughout the entire period of the 
war. As the Northern ports were all open, intercourse with 
foreign markets was easy, and the rise of prices was not so 
great anywhere as to cause considerable inconvenience. In 
fact, the North grew steadily in wealth during the war. 



§ 457] MILITARY AND FINANCIAL STRENGTH. 359 

456. Financial Methods in the North. — The cost of a great war 
is always so enormous that all the resources of taxation and 
credit must be resorted to. The necessities of the North were 
peculiarly stringent in 1861, owing to the fact that during 
Buchanan's administration the Treasury was nearly bankrupt 
(§ 423). As soon as the war began, the financial pressure was 
felt throughout the country, and before the end of 1861, the 
banks everywhere were obliged to suspend specie payment. A 
few months later. Congress authorized an issue of $150,000,000 
of paper currency, and made it legal tender for the payment of 
all debts. In 1863, the amount of such notes was increased to 
$450,000,000 ; and from the color of the ink used, they came 
to be known as " greenbacks." As they were not redeemable in 
gold at any specific time, the price of gold began to rise as soon 
as the first issue was made, and increased as the war progressed, 
until, in 1864, the premium on gold reached its highest point, — 
two hundred and eighty -five per cent. Of course, this premium 
was not an increase in the value of gold, but a decrease in the 
value of paper currency. As the current money became cheap, 
the prices of commodities naturally rose. It has been ascer- 
tained that the average increase in the prices of real estate, rents, 
and goods was about ninety per cent, while the increase in the' 
price of labor was only about sixty per cent. Thus it is evident 
that the men of means profited most, or suffered least, by the infla- 
tion, while the laborer suffered most. Another source of income 
was the issue of government bonds at a high rate of interest. 
These amounted before the end of the war to $2,850,000,000. 
As during the first years of the contest the success of the 
North, and consequently the ability of the government to pay, 
appeared uncertain, it was difficult to sell the bonds except at 
a considerable discount. 

457. National Banks. — An ingenious method of disposing of 
a large part of the bonds was devised. A law was enacted in 
February, 1863, authorizing any five persons to organize a 
National Bank on easy conditions. Except in very small places, 



360 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§ 45^ 

such a bank was required to have a capital of at least one 
hundred thousand dollars and to deposit, with the Treasury at 
Washington, bonds to the amount of one-third of its capital. 
The government would then issue notes to the bank to the 
amount of ninety per cent of such deposit, such notes to be 
used by the bank for the purposes of circulating currency, and 
to be redeemable by the government in greenbacks. The re- 
sponse was at first slow ; but in 1864 a new impulse was given 
to the movement by an act levying a tax of ten per cent on 
the circulation of state banks — a law designed to compel state 
banks to become national. By these measures, a safe and 
abundant currency was provided. In addition to these devices, 
a high internal revenue was levied, an income tax was provided, 
and tariff duties, as the war went on, were greatly increased. 

458. Finances in the South. — No such fertile devices were 
possible in the South. Bonds were issued, but, as there was 
little or no capital seeking investment, no market at home 
could be found, and foreign capitalists would not run great 
risks till the issue of the war could be predicted with some 
confidence. The government then issued notes payable six 
months after the close of the war. With the diminishing pros- 
pects of the South, these notes rapidly declined in value, till 
they became practically worthless. Then the Confederate Con- 
gress authorized the army to seize provisions and supplies 
wherever they could find them, and to offer in payment bonds 
or notes at prices to be fixed every ninety days. Under this 
financial regime, prices rose enormously, and the consequent 
suffering of those who did not occupy their own estates or were 
not in the army or the service of the government, was well-nigh 
indescribable. 

DESCRIPTION OF THE SEAT OF WAR. 

459. General Features of the War. — Without some knowl- 
edge of the physical characteristics of the country, it will not 
be easy to understand why the war progressed so slowly as it 



§460] THE SEAT OF WAR. 361 

did in the East and so rapidly in the West. As the South had 
broken away from the Union, and the North was trying to 
bring the seceded states back under national authority, the 
Xorth was, necessarily, the attacking party, while the South 
had merely to act on the defensive. Though two important 
efforts were made by the South to transfer the field of opera- 
tions to the North, these were both unsuccessful, and therefore 
the war, in all its larger features, was fought in the South. 
This fact makes it necessary to look for a moment at the 
physiographic features of the field of action. 

460. Physical Features in the East. — - The Alleghany Moun- 
tains and the Mississippi Kiver divided the Confederacy into 
three somewhat distinct parts. The eastern portion, which lies 
between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic, is characterized by a 
succession of rivers that rise in the mountains and flow in a 
southeasterly direction nearly parallel with the Potomac and 
James. To advance through Virginia to Eichmond, it was 
possible for the Union forces to go by water to the mouth of 
the James and then ascend along the river, or to cross 
the Eappahannock, the Eapidan, the York, and the Chicka- 
hominy, besides a large number of smaller streams which 
were sometimes swollen to the volume of navigable rivers. 
Much of the intervening region, moreover, was swampy, 
and at times almost impassable. East of the Alleghanies, 
the subordinate range known as the Blue Eidge provides 
a fertile, intervening valley, through which the Shenan- 
doah flows northward into the Potomac at Harper's Ferry. 
This Valley of Virginia, however, near the northern end, is sub- 
divided by a low range of mountains in such a way as to en- 
able an army driven down one side to retreat up the other. 
Across the Blue Eidge at Manassas Gap, a railroad connects 
the Valley with the eastern portion of Virginia and makes it 
possible to transfer troops rapidly from one side to the other. 
At Manassas, this railroad crosses an important Southern line 
which runs from Washington to Eichmond and Lynchburg, 



362 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§461 

and to tlie far South. This crossing, therefore, was of the first 
strategic importance in the war, and was naturally the first 
point of collision. 

461. Physical Features of the West. — West of the Allegha- 
nies the water courses, in some respects, were of even more 
importance than in the East. The Cumberland Eiver, which 
rises in the mountains of the same name, flows southwest, and 
then, turning sharply to the north, empties into the Ohio some 
miles above Cairo. The Tennessee flows in the same general 
direction, but bends so far south as to reach Alabama and 
Mississippi, and then, turning northward and flowing through 
Tennessee and Kentucky in a course nearly parallel with the 
Mississippi, though in an opposite direction, discharges its 
waters into the Ohio. As railroads were few and other roads 
were poor, these navigable waters were of the utmost impor- 
tance to the side that should be able to command them. Both 
antagonists recognized this fact, and, therefore, the first contest 
in this region was for command of these rivers. Soon after the 
war began, the Unionists took Cairo, at the mouth of the Ohio, 
and the Confederates constructed Forts Henry and Donelson, on 
the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, at points not far from the 
Ohio, where the rivers were so near each other that either fort 
could easily reenforce the other. In this way each side hoped 
to gain command of the rivers for purposes of transportation. 
The Mississippi also was strongly fortified by the Confederates 
at Memphis, at Island Number 10, at Vicksburg, and at other 
points of less importance. West of the Mississippi, the physi- 
cal features of the country were of less military consequence. 

DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS. 

463. First Bloodshed. — Among those in the North who had 
foreseen the conflict, one of the foremost was Governor John A. 
Andrew, of Massachusetts. Inaugurated early in January, 1861, 
he had set about preparing for hostilities by organizing the 
state militia and by purchasing arms in Europe. Only four 



§463] DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS. 363 

days after the call for troops, therefore, the 6th Massachusetts 
Regiment was ready to move to Washington. While passing 
through Baltimore, the regiment was attacked by a mob and 
several men were killed. This was the first bloodshed of the war. 
The road through Baltimore was closed, and all trains with men 
and supplies were for several months obliged to pass around the 
city by way of Annapolis. But this was not the worst. The 
railroad from Annapolis to Washington was torn up and every 
telegraph line from Washington to the North was cut. Exit 
from the capital in any direc- 
tion was, for a time, made im- 
possible. With the news that 
Virginia had seceded, came the 
rumor that a large Southern 
force was on the march to take 
Washington. General Win- 
field Scott, then in command 
as general in chief of the 

United States armies, placed confederate Flag. 

barricades about all the pub- 
lic buildings, and distributed the few guns he had at the 
various approaches to the city. There were only twenty- 
five hundred troops at his disposal. But officers and men in 
the departments were brought into service, and many citizens 
enlisted. The women and children were ordered out of town. 
During all this terrible excitement and anxiety, a committee 
from Baltimore appeared before the President and protested 
that the soil of Maryland should not be " polluted " by troops 
designed to invade the South. Lincoln replied, "We must 
have troops, and, as they can neither crawl under Maryland 
nor fly over it, they must come across it." The alarming 
rumor proved to have no foundation. The South was not 
ready for an attack upon the capital. 

463. The Border States. — The great fears naturally felt with 
regard to the secession of other border states besides Virginia 




364 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§ 464 

were gradually relieved. This was caused partly by the wise 
management of Lincoln, partly by the unexpected enthusiasm 
throughout the North in responding to the call for troops, and 
partly by the firmness of the Union sympathizers in those states. 
Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri did not secede ; 
but while these states thus remained in the Union, the people 
were divided in their sympathies, some going into one army, and 
some into the other. Though Tennessee seceded and joined the 
Confederacy, many of her people, especially in the Cumberland 
Mountains, were stanch supporters of the Union throughout the 
war. On the other hand, in southern Indiana and Illinois there 
were many sympathizers with the South, and nothing but the 
ability and the energy of the governors of those states and the 
intense loyalty of the Unionists kept up the full quota of their 
troops. In Virginia, while the people in the eastern part of the 
state were generally Secessionists, a majority of those west of 
the mountains were adherents of the Union. When, therefore, 
Virginia withdrew, the people of the western portion voted to 
break away from the rest of the state, and on December 31, 
1862, Congress, with apparently more regard to necessity than 
to the Constitution, admitted the region to the Union as West 
Virginia. 

464. Foreign Recognition. — On May 13, 1861, Great Britain 
issued a " Proclamation of Neutrality," which, in effect, recog- 
nized the Confederates as belligerents, and this example was 
soon imitated by the other European states. Thus the Con- 
federates obtained the right to have war vessels, and to take 
refuge for repairs and needed supplies in foreign harbors. 
The consular agents of the United States reported that Southern 
agents were buying arms wherever they could be obtained in 
Europe. 

465. Equipment and Further Preparation. — In the beginning 
of the war, though enlistments were rapid, preparations for 
an advance were necessarily slow. The Southern ports were de- 
clared blockaded, but the North had not enough ships on hand 



§466] MILITARY MOVEMENTS OF 1861. 365 

with which to make the blockade effective. Coasting vessels 
of all kinds were rapidly brought into the service, supplies had 
to be collected, and troops had to be equipped and drilled. 
The Confederates were more rapidly organized, because their 
preparations for war had been much more advanced when the 
war began, although they, too, were short of arms and powder. 
Before the North was ready to move, the Confederacy had formed 
a strong line across Virginia from Harper's Ferry to Norfolk. 
It had also placed strong fortifications along the Mississippi 
Kiver, the Mexican border, and about the Atlantic ports. A 
little later the construction of Forts Henry and Donelson, on 
the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, protected the northern 
frontiers. Thus the Confederacy was nearly surrounded with 
a line of defenses. Early in May, when the Northern troops 
reached the line of action, skirmishing began, but no important 
engagement occurred before July. On the 4th of July, Con- 
gress met in special session. Lincoln, in his message, after re- 
viewing the situation, said : " This issue embraces more than 
the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole fam- 
ily of man the question whether a constitutional republic or 
democracy — a government of the people by the same people — 
can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own 
domestic foes." Congress at once authorized the President, at 
his discretion, to call out five hundred thousand volunteers, 
and gave him all the powers necessary to carry on the war. 

MILITARY MOVEMENTS OF 1861. 

466. Movements in West Virginia. — Early in the summer of 
1861, General George B. McClellan advanced from Ohio into 
western Virginia, and in less than a month succeeded in driving 
the Confederates out of that mountainous region. A little later, 
General Eobert E. Lee, in command of an insufficient Confed- 
erate force, and in an inclement season, attempted to recover 
the ground lost, but he was successfully resisted by General 
Kosecrans, and the district remained in the hands of the Union. 



366 



THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[§467 



467. The Battle of Bull Run, or Manassas. — Largely in con- 
sequence of McClellan's successes in West Virginia, there was 
a great popular outcry in the North for an advance. " On to 
Eichmond! " was the watchword of many of the influential news- 
papers. General Scott at length reluctantly consented to a for- 
ward movement. About thirty -five miles south of Washington, 

the railroad from the 
Shenandoah Valley, pass- 
ing through the mountains, 
crosses the road which 
runs from Richmond to 
Washington. The point, 
therefore, was one of such 
strategic importance that 
it enabled the army hold- 
ing it to move rapidly to 
the East or West, as well 
as to the North or South. 
It was here, at Manassas 
Junction, that the Confed- 
erate force was concen- 
trated under Gen. P. G. T. 
Beauregard.^ The Union 
army, under General Mc- 
Dowell, on July 21, crossed Bull Eun, a small stream near 
Manassas, and advanced to an attack. At the beginning of 
the battle, McDowell had some success; but, in the after- 
noon, the Union army, made up chiefly of raw recruits, was 
thrown into a panic, owing to a reenforcement of the Con- 

1 Born in Louisiana, 1818; died, 1893. Graduated at West Point, 1838; 
United States Engineer till 1861 ; resigned and entered the army of the Con- 
federate States ; opened fire on Ft. Sumter, April 12, 1861 ; was in command 
at Bull Run, July 21, 1861; succeeded Gen. A. S. Johnston atShiloh; defended 
Charleston from September, 1862, to April, 1864; was transferred to Lee at 
Petersburg, May, 1864; tried, in September, 1864, to arrest the march of Sher- 
man; surrendered with Johnston, April, 1865; was later connected v/ith the 
Louisiana State Lottery. 




General Beauregard. 



§ 469] MILITARY MOVEMENTS OF 1861. 367 

federates, and fled in great disorder towards Washington. 
About eighteen thousand men were engaged on each side. 
The Confederates lost about two thousand, while the loss 
of the Unionists was nearly three thousand.^ Both armies 
were temporarily disorganized by the battle. On the following 
day, McClellan was called from West Virginia and put in com- 
mand of all the forces from the mountains to the sea. In 
November, General Scott was compelled by age to give up his 
post, and McClellan succeeded him as general in chief of all 
the Union forces. Neither army was yet in condition to make 
an advance. 

468. Ball's Bluff. — The Confederates, however, strengthened 
their line in the vicinity of Harper's 'Ferry, and in October a 
Union force of about two thousand men was defeated at 
Ball's Bluff, and its commander, the brilliant Colonel Baker of 
Oregon, was killed. Before the end of the season the Union 
army was increased by additional enlistments to nearly two 
hundred thousand men, and the autumn and winter months 
were passed in fortifying the lines, drilling the recruits, and 
bringing together supplies. 

469. Lincoln's Strategic Plans. — Lincoln said at the very 
beginning of the war that four things were essential to ulti- 
mate success, and all his plans were directed accordingly. 
First, the army must defend Washington, and, if possible, 
press on and take Richmond. Second, the border states must, 
at all hazards, be prevented from seceding. Third, the Missis- 
sippi Eiver must be opened, in order to give the West com- 
munication with the sea and to cut off the Confederates from 
western supplies. And fourth, the blockade must be made as 
effective as possible, to prevent European supplies from reach- 
ing the South. 

1 The official returns show that the Union officers and men on the field 
numbered 17,676 ; the Confederate, 18,053. The Union loss was 2,896 ; the Con- 
federate loss, 1,982. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. I., pp. 
195-196. 



368 



THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[§470 



470. The Contest in Missouri. — In the West special efforts 
were made by the Union forces to hold Missouri. Sentiment in 
the state was divided. General John C. Fremont (§ 417) was 
early appointed to the command of the Western Department. 
He entered upon his duties July 25, with headquarters at St. 
Louis; but great frauds were soon developed in his depart- 
ment, and he was unable to furnish the necessary supplies to 
the army. His department was further discredited by an un- 
authorized order free- 
ing the slaves, which 
President Lincoln 
promptly rescinded. 
But notwithstanding 
the confusion at head- 
quarters, General Na- 
thaniel Lyon,^ one of 
the most promising of 
Union officers, con- 
ducted affairs in the 
field with great energy 
and skill. He pushed 
the Confederates out 
of the northern and 
central parts of the 
state; but near the 
southern line, they 
received reenforce- 
ments from Arkansas 
and Texas, and ad- 
vanced under General Price. The forces met, August 10, at 
Wilson's Creek, near Springfield. Price had 10,175 men, 

1 Born in Connecticut, 1818; died, 1861. Served with distinction in the 
Mexican War ; supported Free Soil party in Kansas, 1857 ; was placed in com- 
mand of the United States arsenal at St. Louis, 1861; succeeded General 
Harney in command of the Department; defeated Confederates at Boons- 
ville and at Dug Spring ; was defeated by greatly superior force at Wilson's 
Creek, and killed in the battle, August 10, 1861. 




General Nathaniel Lyon. 



§472] INTERNATIONAL DIFFICULTIES. 369 

with fifteen guns, while Lyon had 5400, with sixteen guns. 
Lyon's left was commanded by General Franz Sigel,^ who passed 
around the right flank of the enemy and attacked in the 
rear. Lyon, at the head of the main army, led the advance 
with great gallantry, swinging his hat as he went. After being 
twice wounded, he still pressed on, but soon fell from a third 
wound, which proved mortal. Sigel's force was cut off and 
routed. Lyon's main army held its ground, but, in the night, 
the Union force was obliged to retire to Springfield. The 
Unionists lost about twelve hundred, the Confederates about 
a thousand.^ A major part of the Union force now retreated 
to Raleigh, where they remained for the winter. Meanwhile, 
early in September, the " Irish Brigade," under Colonel J. A. 
Mulligan, distinguished itself at Lexington, with about 2780 
men, against General Price, with a besieging army of about 
18,000 men and sixteen cannon. Though Mulligan and his 
followers were obliged finally to surrender, it was not till 
after three days of most desperate fighting. 

471. Halleck succeeds Fremont. — In October, Missouri was 
visited by the Secretary of War and the Adjutant General, for 
the purpose of investigating the condition of affairs, of which 
many complaints had reached Washington. Everything was 
found to be in dire confusion, owing to the inability of Fre- 
mont to administer successfully so large a field. General 
Fremont was consequently superseded by General Henry W. 
Halleck, who, before the end of the year, without fighting a 
battle, gained possession of the entire state. 

INTERNATIONAL DIFFICULTIES. 

472. The Trent Affair. — Toward the close of the year 1861, 
an event occurred which nearly involved the Union in a war 
with Great Britain. In November, Captain Wilkes, a United 

1 Bom in Baden, 1824. General Sigel died in New York in 1902, and at the 
time of his death his services for the Union were highly eulogized. 

2 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. I., p. 306. 



370 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CIVIL WAR. [§478 

States officer, in command of the San Jacinto, boarded a British 
mail steamer, The Tre:nt, and took from her James M. Mason 
of Virginia and John Slidell of Louisiana, who were bound for 
Europe as Confederate commissioners. The right to stop and 
search the vessels of neutrals in time of war had long been 
maintained by Great Britain. The " Right of Search," as we 
have seen, had been one of the causes of the War of 1812. 
Though often protested against, it had been generally main- 
tained, but at the close of the Crimean War the Great Powers 
of Europe agreed, at the Peace of Paris, in 1856, to abandon it. 
To this agreement the United States, not being a member of 
the Congress, had not been a party, and was, therefore, not 
bound by it. The British government, however, insisted 
that the European agreement should be binding upon the 
-United States, and immediately demanded the surrender of 
Mason and Slidell. Troops and vessels of v/ar were at once 
sent over to Canada, and great excitement was the result. 
The officials of the United States replied that, although not a 
party to the agreement of 1856, their government had always 
been opposed to the "Right of Search," and in accordance 
with its own principles would give up the prisoners. 

473. Feeling engendered by the Trent Affair. — The incident 
left an angry feeling in the North toward Great Britain, for it 
was universally felt that the British government had shown 
an unmistakable partiality for the South. This feeling was 
further aggravated by the habitual attitude of that important 
newspaper, the London Times. Its offensive editorial utter- 
ances, which were generally thought to be inspired by Lord 
Palmerston, the Prime Minister, were the source of a vast 
amount of ill feeling for more than a generation. 

474. Results of the First Year. — The outcome of the first 
year in the field was favorable to the Confederates. The 
Union side had lost Fort Sumter, Big Bethel, Bull Run, 
Ball's Bluff, Carthage, Wilson's Creek, and Belmont. With 
the exception of some small successes in West Virginia, there 



§474] INTERNATIONAL DIFFICULTIES. 371 

had been disasters in every quarter. To a superficial observer, 
therefore, success seemed to favor the South, and the attitude 
of England was easily accounted for. But there were other 
considerations to be taken into account. The tactful diplo- 
macy of Lincoln and the irresistible energy of the Union 
sentiment had saved the states of Delaware, Maryland, Ken- 
tucky, Missouri, and a part of Virginia from secession, and 
these results ought, perhaps, to be regarded as more than 
equivalent to the Confederate successes in the field. Not less 
important were the Union successes in closing the Confederate 
ports. The blockade was growing to be so complete as to pre- 
vent the exportation of cotton and tobacco, and thus to cut off 
the most important source of Confederate income. Meanwhile, 
there was great commercial activity between the Union states 
and Europe, and the government was easily and amply sup- 
plied with men and money. 



For References, see end of Chapter XXV. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 

THE WAR IN THE WEST. 

475. Secretary Edwin M. Stanton. — The first very important 
event of the year 1862 was the substitution of Edwin M. 
Stanton ^ for Simon Cameron, as Secretary of War, January 13. 
Cameron, who had been a candidate for the Presidential nom- 
ination, had been taken into the Cabinet under the policy 
already referred to (§ 451), but the duties soon proved too 
severe for his energy and his years. He was appointed Min- 
ister to Eussia ; and the vacant position was given to Stanton, 
who, as a War Democrat, had shown his ability and his spirit as 
Attorney-General in Buchanan's reorganized Cabinet. Stanton 
at once put new life into the War Department. He was, at 
times, exceedingly disagreeable in his methods, but he was the 
terror of evil doers ; and to the end of the war his marvelous 
energy and remarkable administrative ability made themselves 
felt in every branch of the service. It is doubtful if there has 
been any greater Minister of War in modern times. 

476. Military Organization in the West. — Activities in the field 
began with very vigorous movements in the West. The Con- 
federates, under General Albert Sidney Johnston (§ 478), had 
established a strong line in southern Kentucky, extending from 

1 Born in Ohio, 1814; died, 1869. Built up an important business as a law- 
yer in Pennsylvania and Ohio before the war ; became Attorney-General in 
Buchanan's Cabinet in 1860; succeeded Cameron in Lincoln's Cabinet, 1862; 
ruled his Department with great vigor ; had noteworthy controversies with 
McClellan and Sherman; strenuously opposed Johnson's reconstruction policy; 
was nominated by Grant for Justice of the Supreme Court, but died before 
taking his seat. 

372 



§476] 



THE WAR IN THE WEST. 



373 



Columbus to Mill Spring. They had also constructed, as 
already described (§ 461), two strong forts in Tennessee, just 
south of the Kentucky 
line, — Fort Henry on 
the Tennessee Kiver, 
and Fort Donelson on , 
the Cumberland. The 
organization of the 
Northern army in the 
West introduced a 
change in the spring 
of 1862. The Depart- 
ment of the Missis- 



sippi, 



which included 




Missouri, Arkansas, 
and so much of Ken- 
tucky as was west of 
the Cumberland River, 
under Major General 
H. W. Halleck, and the 
Department of the 
Ohio, which included 
the eastern parts of Kentucky and Tennessee, under Major Gen- 
eral Don Carlos Buell, were consolidated on the 11th of March, 
1862, into one department, and placed under Halleck, who thus 
received command of all the forces throughout the West, con- 
sisting of somewhat more than one hundred thousand men. 
Ulysses S. Grant,^ who began his distinguished career in this 



Edwin M. Stanton. 



1 Bom in Ohio, 1822; died, 1885. Graduated at West Point, 1843; fought 
gallantly in the Mexican War; resigned in 1854, and engaged in business 
with indifferent success till 1861 ; was appointed colonel, and given command 
at Cairo in 1861; took Fort Donelson, thus gaining the first brilliant victory 
for the Union arms, February, 1862; defeated Confederates at Pittsburg 
Landing, April, 1862 ; took Corinth and surrounding region in the summer of 
1862; opened the Mississippi River by capture of Vicksburg, July 4, 1863; 
was placed in command of Western armies, September, 1863; took Chatta- 
nooga in November, 1863; succeeded Halleck in command of all the armies in 



374 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862 [§477 

war as colonel, had been advanced to brigadier general in con- 
sequence of a prompt and successful seizure of Cairo, and 
was now, though under the direction of Halleck, in command 
of the middle branch of the army, while Buell commanded the 
eastern section. 

477. First Advances. — The first advance in Kentucky was 
made by one of BuelPs divisions under General George H. 
Thomas, who, on the 19th of January, defeated a force of 
about equal numbers under General Zollicoffer at Mill Spring 
and drove it back into Tennessee. Rear Admiral A. H. Foote, 
with a fleet of gunboats, in February advanced up the Tennessee 
Eiver, and, after a severe engagement, took Fort Henry, with the 
commanding general and a part of the garrison as prisoners. 
Grant, who arrived with his army at about the same time, 
marched rapidly across the country and surrounded Fort Don- 
elson, on the Cumberland. After making rapid preparations 
for a siege, he carried the outer works of the fort by storm, and 
then refused to accept any terms but " unconditional surrender." 
He took some fifteen thousand prisoners (February 16), includ- 
ing two generals, and about twenty thousand stand of arms. 
This was the first great victory for the North, and the skill 
and vigor shown attracted the attention of the whole country. 
The Confederate line was in consequence so broken that the 
troops of the Confederacy were obliged to draw back into 
southern Tennessee. The Union forces soon occupied Nash- 
ville, and President Lincoln appointed Andrew Johnson, a 
prominent Tennessee Unionist, as military governor. Grant 
advanced to Nashville without waiting for orders, or even 
reporting the nature of his movement to Halleck. The conse- 
quence was a formal complaint of Halleck to McClellan, who 



the spring of 1864 ; fought a series of great battles against Lee, in Virginia ; 
took Petersburg and Richmond and compelled surrender of Lee's army, April 
9, 1865; wasunanimously nominated for President in 1868; served two terms; 
traveled around the world and was everywhere received with the greatest 
honor; wrote his Personal Memoirs with remarkable skill when suffering 
intensely from the disease which caused his death. 




General Ulysses S. Grant. 



376 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§477 



had now taken the place of Scott as commanding general of 
all the armies of the United States. McClellan, in reply, 
authorized Halleck to " arrest Grant and put C. F. Smith in 
command." Halleck, however, realizing the immense popu- 
larity which the " unconditional surrender " order and the suc- 
cess of Grant had given the latter in the North, decided not 
to exercise this authority, but ordered Grant back to Fort 




Operations in the West, 1862. 



Henry, and placed C. F. Smith in charge of the expedition 
up the Tennessee. Grant was offended, and twice asked; to 
be relieved of further duty in that department. But when 
at length Grant's reports were received, they were so com- 
pletely satisfactory that Halleck telegraphed, expressing his 
confidence, and Grant was satisfied. Grant's aversion to send- 
ing detailed reports of all his movements was such that the 
Department at Washington sent to his headquarters a special 
agent, Charles A. Dana, assistant editor of the New York 
Tribune (afterward editor of the Sun), whose duty it was to 



§478] 



THE WAR IN THE WEST. 



377 



send a daily telegraphic report. Thereafter the government 
was kept fully informed of Grant's movements. 



478. Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing. — Grant's army, now 
reenforced to about forty thousand men, crossed back to the 
Tennessee Kiver, and ad- 
vanced southward as far as 
Pittsburg Landing, near the 
border of Mississippi. This 
point and Corinth, not far 
below it, were of great 
strategic importance, be- 
cause of the facility with 
which troops aud freight 
could here be exchanged 
between the Mississippi 
and Tennessee rivers, and 
because they commanded 
the Memphis and Charles- 
ton Eailroad, which was one 
of the Confederacy's chief 
means of transportation 
from the Mississippi Kiver 
to the Atlantic. To seize 

and hold these points was to prevent the transfer of troops and 
supplies. Buell's army was hurried forward to join Grant, but 
the general in command of the Confederate force, Albert Sidney 
Johnston,! hastened to strike the army of Grant before Buell 
could arrive. Grant's advance extended a little west of Pitts- 




General Albert Sidney Johnston. 



1 Born in Kentucky, 1803 ; died, 1862. Graduated at West Point, 1826 ; served 
in Black Hawk War, in Texas before annexation, and in tlie Mexican War; 
was paymaster and colonel in the United States army ; in charge of the 
Department of the Pacific when the Civil War broke out; resigned, and was 
appointed general m the Confederate service and intrusted with the command 
in the West; concentrated his forces at Cormth, and planned a surprise for 
Grant at Shiloh ; fought a desperate battle, but lost his life near the close of 
the first day's conflict, while leading a charge. 



378 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§479 

burg Landing, where the attack was first made. Early on 
the morning of April 6, the Confederates, led by Johnston in 
person, attacked with great vigor and drove the Union force 
back upon the river. Sherman, who commanded this part of 
the army, still held to the old notion that intrenchment in the 
field made men cowardly, and, consequently, his force came 
near being utterly routed. The progress of the Confederates, 
however, was stubbornly resisted, not only by the troops, but 
by the gunboats, which threw shells over the Union army into 
the Confederate ranks. In the afternoon of the first day the 
Confederates met with an irreparable loss in the death of 
their very able leader, Johnston, who was killed on the field. 
General Beauregard succeeded to the command. In the even- 
ing Buell arrived with strong reenforcements, and at the dawn 
of day on the 7th, Grant advanced to the attack. The Con- 
federates made a stout resistance, but were finally driven back 
and forced to retreat to Corinth. The Unionists lost between 
thirteen and fourteen thousand, and the Confederates between 
ten and eleven thousand.^ The general notion prevailed in the 
North that this greatest battle that had as yet been fought in 
America, was saved only by the arrival of Buell. Grant's confi- 
dence in the outcome, even after the first day's repulse, amounted 
to a calmness that was interpreted by many as stolid indifference.^ 

479. Capture of Corinth and Memphis. — After the defeat 
of the Confederates at Pittsburg Landing, or, as it is more fre- 
quently called in the South, at Shiloh, the Union force pressed 

1 The Union army present for duty, according to the official records, num- 
bered 44,805 ; the Confederate army, 40,335. The Union loss was 13,647 ; the 
Confederate, 10,609. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. I., pp. 538- 
539. 

2 The impression made by newspaper correspondents on the country was 
very unfavorable, and there was a loud and general demand for the removal 
of Grant. The feeling took possession of a large majority of Congress and of 
the President's most ardent supporters. Delegates waited on Lincoln and 
urged a change of commanders. Finally, A. K. McClure, a prominent editor 
of Philadelphia, called on the President at eleven o'clock at night, and for two 
hours urged Grant's removal. After a long silence, Lincoln drew himself 
up in his chair, and simply said, " I can't spare this man, he fights." 



§481] 



THE WAR IN THE WEST. 



379 



on and took possession of Corinth. In March, a fleet of gun- 
boats, supported by an army under Major General John Pope, 
after surmounting many and great difficulties, succeeded in 
opening the Mississippi River from Cairo to Memphis. In June, 
Memphis was taken, after one of the most remarkable naval 
engagements of the war. The river was soon afterward opened 
as far south as Vicksburg. The lower Mississippi had been 
opened by the taking of New Orleans in April (§ 488). 

480. The Battle of Pea Ridge. — While Grant had been push- 
ing south in Kentucky and Tennessee, General S. E. Curtis had 
also been successful in the farther West. The Confederates, 
under General Van Dorn, organized in the beginning of the 
year a force of about sixteen thousand, including thirty-five 
hundred Indians, for the purpose of recovering Missouri. 
General Curtis, supported by 
General Sigel, advanced across 
the Arkansas line with ten 
thousand five hundred Union 
troops. The forces met at Pea 
Ridge (March 6). The Con- 
federates were defeated; and 
after that time no very impor- 
tant battle occurred west of the 
Mississippi River. 

481. Bragg's Raid into Ken- 
tucky. — After the losses of 
Shiloh and Corinth, General 
Beauregard's impaired health 
caused him to be superseded by 
General Braxton Bragg,^ a ca- 
pable commander, who now determined to break through the 
Union lines, and, if possible, recover Tennessee and Kentucky for 
the Confederacy. Advancing to the eastern part of Tennessee, 

1 Bom in North Carolina, 1817 ; died, 1876. Graduated at West Point, 1837 ; 
distinguished himself in Mexican War; resigned at close of the war; offered his 




General Braxton Bragg. 



380 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§482 



early in September, he turned suddenly north in the hope of 
marching across Kentucky and taking Louisville; but Buell 
advanced along a shorter line and reached Louisville before the 
Confederates, thus saving the principal city of the state. After 
much maneuvering, an indecisive battle was fought at Perry- 
ville, October 8 ; but the Confederates were checked. They 
were obliged to abandon their attempt to secure a permanent 

foothold and had to 
content themselves 
with carrying south 
long trains of sup- 
plies. Though Buell's 
pursuit was not vigor- 
ous, he drove Bragg 
out of Kentucky. At 
the end of the raid, 
the Confederates set 
up defenses at Chat- 




General W. S. Rosecrans. 



tanooga, while the 
headquarters of the 
Union army were at 
Nashville. 

482. Battle of Mur- 
freesborough, or Stone 
River. — After secur- 
ing his stores at Chat- 
tanooga, Bragg moved 

northwestward and erected strong works at Murf reesborough . 

Major General William S. Eosecrans,^ who had now superseded 

services to the Confederate cause in 1861; succeeded Beauregard in the West; 
invaded Kentucky in 1862, but was driven out by Buell ; was repulsed by 
Rosecrans at Stone River, but won the great battle at Chickamauga ; was 
defeated by Grant at Chattanooga in 1863, and superseded in his command 
by General Joseph E. Johnston. 

1 Bom in Ohio, 1819; died, 1898. Graduated at West Point, 1842; colonel of 
Ohio Volunteers in 1861 ; served successfully in West Virginia in 1861 ; succeeded 
McClellan in command of the Department of the Ohio; succeeded Buell in 



§484] THE WORK OF THE NAVY. 381 

Buell, advanced from Nashville with the purpose of dislodging 
his opponent. The armies met in a great battle on Stone River, 
a shallow stream which flowed between the armies, near Mur- 
freesborough. During the first day, December 31, the Union- 
ists were driven back, but during the second and third days, 
they recovered their ground. On the night of January 2, 
1863, the Confederates were obliged to with&raw from the 
field, but the Unionists were too much crippled to follow. 
The battle was a costly one to both sides, the Union loss 
having been about thirteen thousand, and the Confederate 
about ten thousand. Both armies soon went into winter 
quarters. The battle left the control of central Tennessee 
in the hands of the Unionists. 

483. Results in the West. — The results of the campaigns in 
the West were highly encouraging to the North. The Union 
forces had kept possession of Missouri and had got control of 
the larger part of Tennessee and of the Mississippi River as far 
south as Vicksburg. The Confederates still had the advantage 
of being strongly intrenched at Chattanooga, the point in east- 
ern Tennessee through which the railroads pass from Virginia 
to the Southwestern states. The armies had fought with equal 
bravery, but the balance of success was on the side of the 
North. 

THE WORK OF THE NAVY. 

484. Ironclads. — In the East, the war was prosecuted, dur- 
ing 1862, partly by the navy and partly by the army. Before 
the outbreak of hostilities, ironclad vessels had played prac- 
tically no part in naval warfare anywhere in the world. 
Experiments in protecting vessels with iron had, indeed, been 
made by the British and the French, but without much success. 

command of the Army of the Cumberland ; fought successfully the great bat- 
tle of Stone River ; was defeated by Bragg at Chickamauga ; was superseded 
and put on waiting orders in the West ; resigned in 1867 ; Minister to Mexico, 
1868-1869 ; congressman from California, 1881-1885 ; Register of United States 
Treasury, 1885-1893. 



382 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§485 

In tlie latter part of 1861, however, an event occurred which 
effected a complete revolution in the construction of war ships. 
The Confederates had secured at Norfolk the abandoned and 
partly destroyed frigate Merrimac. They decided to cut off 
the top of the vessel and build upon it a sort of Mansard 
roof so heavily plated with iron and so sloping that it could 
throw off the heaviest cannon shot. They also fitted up the 
ship with an iron prow, or beak, put in powerful engines, 
and filled the space within the roof with heavy guns. At 



Confederate Ram. 

about the same time, Brigadier General A. W. Ellet, an engi- 
neer in the Union army, devised and built in the West a fleet 
of steam rams of similar construction, which did great execu- 
tion at the battle of Memphis. 

485. First Success of the Merrimac. — On the 8th of March, 
1862, the Merrimac sailed out from Norfolk into Hampton 
Eoads. She there met a Union fleet, consisting of five of the 
largest ships and a number of smaller vessels. The battle was 
one-sided, and was soon over. The Merrimac with its prow sank 
the Cumberland and then drove the other vessels ashore and 
set several of them on fire. The whole fleet would have been 
destroyed had not darkness come on. The guns of the wooden 
ships made no impression whatever on the Merrimac. At 
night this destructive Confederate boat withdrew to Norfolk, 
intending to finish its work the next morning. 



486] 



THE WORK OF THE NAVY. 



383 



486. The Merrimac and the Monitor. — Fortunately for the 
North, when the Merrimac came out on the second day, she was 
confronted by a craft still stranger in appearance than her- 




self. In the course of the winter, John Ericsson,^ a great 
Swedish engineer, then in New York, had constructed a gun- 
boat which he called the Monitor. It consisted of the hull of 



1 Born in Sweden, 1803; died, 1889. Became a mechanical engineer; came 
to America in 1839; invented the screw propeller, and in 1843 applied his 
self-acting gun-lock to a gun on the Princeton ; invented the turreted ship, 
the Monitor, the principle of which soon displaced wooden ships from all 
the navies in existence; made a large number of other important inven- 
tions. 



384 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§487 



a vessel with a top as low and flat as a raft. Rising only a few 
inches above the water, it was made enormously strong, in or- 
der that it might carry very powerful engines, as well as its 
very heavy armor of iron. On its deck was a low, broad iron 
tower, thick enough to resist the heaviest shot, and large 

enough to hold two of the 
most powerful guns. This 
tower, which was said to re- 
semble a cheese box on a raft, 
was revolved by machinery 
within the hull of the vessel. 
, Though the tonnage of the 
\ Monitor was only nine hun- 
'; dred, while that of the Merri- 
j' mac, owing to her heavy guns, 
j was thirty-five hundred, the 
' advantage was decidedly 
with the Monitor. When 
the two vessels came to- 
gether, they fought for four 
hours with the utmost des- 
peration. Then the Merri- 
mac withdrew to Norfolk 
and soon after was destroyed 
by the Confederates themselves. The terror that had been felt 
in all the seaboard cities at the end of the first day's victories 
of the Merrimac was thus relieved, and a new era in naval 
construction began.^ 

487. Capture of Confederate Ports. — Elsewhere on the coast, 
several important events took place. Commodore Goldsborough 
and Major General A. E. Burn side captured Eoanoke Island in 
February, and, a little later. Fort Pulaski on the Savannah 
Eiver. Several places in Florida also fell into Union hands. 

1 In twenty years there was hardly a wooden ship of war afloat. The 
Monitor, however, did not prove to be a good sea-going vessel, and sank in 
December, 1862. 




John Ericsson. 



488] 



THE WORK OF THE NAVY. 



385 



By these captures, the blockade was made much easier and 
more effective. 



The e^reat event 



the 



488. Capture of New Orleans 
extreme South was 
the capture of New 
Orleans. This city 
was of much im- 
portance to the Con- 
federacy, for it not 
only controlled the 
mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi Kiver, but 
also protected the 
passage from Texas 
to the Eastern 
states. A naval ex- 
pedition designed 
to attempt the cap- 
ture of the place 
was fitted out un- 
der Commodore D. 
G. Farragut,^ with 
auxiliary military 
forces under Ma- 
jor General B. F. 
Butler. The ex- 
pedition set out Admiral D. G. Farragut. 
from Hampton Roads in February. The troops, some fifteen 
thousand in number, landed at Ship Island, and remained 

1 Born in Tennessee, 1801 ; died, 1870. Entered the United States navy at 
a very early age ; was in the War of 1812 ; had little opportunity to dis- 
play his ability till the Civil War, when he adhered to the Union, and was at 
once assigned an important command ; established his permanent fame by the 
passage of the forts and the capture of New Orleans, April 24, 1862 : added to 
his distinction by the great battle of Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864 ; was ap- 
pointed vice-admiral in 1864, and admiral in 1866, both of which offices were 
created for him by Congress. 




386 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§489 

there until the fleet opened the river. The city was pro- 
tected by Fort Jackson and Fort St. Philip, with very 
heavy guns, on opposite sides of the river. From one side to 
the other, six massive chains were stretched ; and connected 
with these was a huge raft of logs, extending from shore to 
shore and completely closing the passage. Above the raft 
was a fleet of thirteen Confederate gunboats and an ironclad 
floating battery. There were also several fire rafts, designed 
to burn the Union ships in case they forced a passage. Farra- 
gut bombarded the forts for a week without much effect, and 
then determined to force his way through the obstructions. 
One dark night several of the gunboats ran up to the raft 
and succeeded in cutting the chains so as to open a passage. 
A very desperate combat ensued. Farragut pushed forward 
with fourteen vessels, protected with chains and sand bags 
against the enemy's fire. The movement of the ships was 
made plain by bonfires lighted along the shore. The cannon- 
ading from the works and the opposing ships was terrific ; but 
the Confederate fleet was finally destroyed and Farragut found 
himself above the forts. The city was now at his mercy, and 
it surrendered on April 25. 

489. General Butler in New Orleans. — General Benjamin F. 
Butler took command of New Orleans as military governor, and 
Farragut's fleet passed on and soon opened the river to the 
vicinity of Vicksburg. The war governor with great difiiculty 
wrought order out of chaos by a policy that was m\ich criti- 
cised for its severity. One of the citizens defiantly pulled 
down the American flag, whereupon the general, after the 
offender had been duly convicted of the act, ordered him to be 
hanged. In other ways, he made it evident that the authority 
of the United States was not to be trifled with ; but some of 
his orders naturally gave much offense to the people of the 
South. His services to the city from the point of view of 
sanitation are, however, generally acknowledged to have been 
very noteworthy. 



490] 



THE WAR IN THE EAST. 



387 



THE WAR IN THE EAST. 

490. McClellan and the Army of the Potomac. — In the East, 
the campaigns of 1862 were far less successful for the Union 
than were those in the West. McClellan/ whose successes in 
West Virginia had 
brought him rapidly 
forward, succeeded 
Scott, in November, 
1861, as general in 
chief of all the armies. 
While, during the win- 
ter, he was successfully 
organizing the forces 
of the East, his direc- 
tion of the Western 
armies was confusing 
and unsatisfactory. Eor 
this reason, and also 
because of his attitude 
toward the President, 
which seemed to be 
characterized by insub- 
ordination, his authority was limited to the Army of the 
Potomac. The number of parallel rivers and the swampy 
nature of much of the ground between Washington and 
Eichmond as already described (§ 460), gave excellent 




General George B. McClellan. 



1 Bom in Philadelphia, 1826 ; died, 1885. Graduated at West Pomt at the 
head of his class, 1846 ; served in the Mexican War, and was sent to Europe 
as expert to study military methods; published Armies of Europe; was 
appointed major general and commanded successfully in West Virginia; 
appointed commander of the Army of the Potomac in 1861 ; succeeded Scott 
as commanding general, but March 11, 1862, was again limited in command 
to the Army of the Potomac ; rendered invaluable service in organizing and 
drilling the army, but excess of caution subjected him to severe criticism ; 
commanded in the Antietam campaign ; was placed on waiting orders, Novem- 
ber 7, 1862; resigned, 1864; was Democratic candidate for President in 1864; 
was governor of New Jersey, 1878-1881. 



388 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§491 

opportunities for defensive warfare, but made an offensive 
campaign, especially in the vicinity of Richmond, exceedingly 
difficult. The Federal government was in favor of a direct 
advance, such as was afterwards made by Grant ; but McClel- 
lan strongly recommended a transfer of his army to the Penin- 
sula between the York and the James rivers, and an advance 
upon Richmond from the southeast. Lincoln very reluctantly 
yielded to this plan, which had the disadvantage of separating 
McClellan from the forces that were to protect Washington. 

491. Unfortunate Division of Forces. — Unfortunately, also, 
this arrangement resulted in the Union's having in the field 
in the East four separate armies, under independent com- 
manders : that under McClellan in the Peninsula ; that under 
McDowell for the immediate protection of Washington ; that 
under Banks in the Shenandoah Valley, to prevent the Confed- 
erates from crossing the Potomac ; and that under Fremont in 
the passes leading to West Virginia. By reason of the ease 
with which the Confederates could move on interior lines from 
one point to another, it was possible to strike either of the 
Union armies with a large Confederate force before a Federal 
combination could be formed. Hence, though the Confederates 
were really much inferior in numbers, they were generally able, 
in the battles that ensued, to attack with a superior force. The 
Confederates had the further advantage of being in their own 
country, where every movement of the Federals was easily 
ascertained. In the early spring, the Union force numbered 
about two hundred thousand, while the Confederates had 
scarcely one hundred thousand; but the latter, by the con- 
scription act of April 15, increased their forces considerably. 

492. McClellan*s Peninsula Campaign. — McClellan, with an 
army one hundred thousand strong, reached the lower Penin- 
sula, between the York and the James, early in March. Here 
he found himself confronted by General Joseph E. Johnston^ 

1 Born in Virginia, 1807 ; died, 1891. Graduated at West Point, 1829 ; distin- 
guished himself in Indian wars and in War with Mexico ; appointed Con- 



492] 



THE WAE IN THE EAST. 



389 



at Yorktown, and later at Williamsburg. Johnston's force was 
less than a third of McClellan's, yet McClellan decided not to 
attack, but to employ an engineer's slow methods of siege. If 
a resolute attack had been made, Johnston would probably 
have been defeated, and 
McClellan would have been 
free to advance up the James. 
Johnston watched his adver- 
sary closely, well knowing 
that when McClellan's siege 
works were ready they could 
not be resisted. Meanwhile 
the Confederate force was 
constantly increasing, and 
a precious month was gained 
for drilling their new re- 
cruits. On May 3, three days 
before McClellan^ was to 
attack, the Confederates 
evacuated Yorktown. Mc- 
Clellan ordered Hooker to 
pursue. Overtaking Johnston at Williamsburg, Hooker was 
repulsed, after which Johnston retreated rapidly towards Kich- 
mond. McClellan followed with such slowness that fourteen 
days were consumed in marching less than fifty miles. During 
the whole of these two months, he enormously overestimated 
the force by which he was confronted and continually asked 
for reenforcements. On the 17th of May, Lincoln ordered 
McDowell to join McClellan, but the order was not carried out, 
for reasons that will now be given. 

federate major general in 1861; had charge of campaigns in Virginia till he 
was woimded in the battle of Fair Oaks, and was superseded by General 
Lee; was raised to full rank of general and sent to relieve Vicksburg, but 
failed; succeeded Bragg; was driven by Sherman from Chattanooga to 
Atlanta, where he was superseded by Hood ; was recalled to confront Sher- 
man m North Carolina ; surrendered to Sherman, April 26, 1865. He was 
one of the ablest strategists of the war. 




General Joseph E. Johxstox. 



390 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§493 



493. Stonewall Jackson's Movements. — The slowness of Mc- 
Clellan's advance up the Peninsula not only relieved the 
Confederate government of any fear for the safety of its capi- 
tal, Eichmond, but also showed that General Thomas J. Jack- 
son's corps could safely be spared for operations against the 
Federals in the North. In order to defeat the larger forces 
of McDowell, Banks, and Fremont, Jackson^ decided first to 

strike the central army of the 
Union troops, and then to destroy 
the two wings in turn before they 
could unite. Advancing with 
Napoleonic rapidity from Staun- 
ton, he fell upon Banks near 
Winchester, Virginia, and not 
only routed him. May 25, but 
drove him across the Potomac 
into Maryland. Then retracing 
his steps, he turned his face west- 
ward, and in a similar manner 
overwhelmed the army of Fre- 
mont at Cross Keys, June 8. 
^ Meanwhile, General Shields of 
McDowell's army, who, with a 
force about the size of Jackson's, had crossed the Blue 
Ridge in order to assist Fremont, found, on his arrival in 
the Valley, that Fremont's army had been broken up and 
practically dispersed. Jackson had no difficulty in defeating 
Shields, at Port Republic, as he had defeated the others. 




Stonewall Jackson. 



iBorn in Virginia, 1824; died, 1863. Graduated at West Point, 1846; 
fought in Mexican War ; taught in the Virginia Military Institute at Lexing- 
ton ; was appointed brigadier general in 1861 ; held his command with such 
firmness at Bull Run that the epithet " Stonewall " was given him, 1861 ; 
outgeneraled Fremont, Banks, and Pope, May and June, 1862 ; defeated the 
Union forces at Cedar Mountain, August 9; seized Harper's Ferry, Septem- 
ber 15 ; commanded left wing at Antietam, September 17 ; took important 
part at Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862 ; made the deciding move at Chan- 
peliorsville, where, by mistake, he was shot by one of his own men, May, 1863. 



§495] THE WAR IN THE EAST. 391 

Thus, in thirty-five days, Jackson's army had marched two 
hundred and forty-five miles, had fought three important 
battles, besides two minor ones, winning them all, and had 
practically destroyed three Union armies. He had also kept 
forty thousand men under McDowell from joining McClellan. 
Leaving a portion of his troops to keep up an appearance of 
activity, he now turned swiftly to the south with the major 
part of his force, and within a week was ready to cooperate 
with Lee against McClellan. His movements had been so 
rapid and mysterious that his departure was not detected at 
Washington, and McDowell was needlessly kept in his place 
for the defense of the capital. 

494. McClellan's Slow Advance. — While Jackson was caus- 
ing havoc near Washington, McClellan was slowly making his 
way toward Eichmond. On the 11th of May, he learned that 
the Confederates had evacuated Norfolk and destroyed the 
iron-clad Merrimac, thus leaving the James open for the Fed- 
eral fleet. The Monitor, with its attending vessels, came up 
the James River, and advanced as far as Drury's Bluff, almost 
within gunshot of Eichmond. Had McClellan pushed rapidly 
on, with the help of the fleet he could, in the opinion of many 
military critics, have taken the city. Eichmond was thrown 
into consternation. But McClellan's movements continued 
to be so incredibly slow that all fear was soon dispelled. In- 
stead of keeping along the James, as he should have done as 
soon as he learned of the movements of the Monitor, he 
divided his army, putting part of his forces north of the 
Chickahominy and part south of it. The bridges were greatly 
weakened by floods, and the two divisions of the army, thus 
separated, were in serious danger of not being able to cooper- 
ate in case they should be attacked. 

495. Confederate Attacks. — McClellan's headquarters were 
at Gaines's Mill on the north side. Johnston, on May 31, 
decided to attack the corps that confronted him at Fair Oaks, 
or Seven Pines, on the south. The beginning of the battle was 



392 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§496 

favorable to the Confederates, and the Federals were saved 
from complete rout only by the opportune arrival of Sumner's 
corps, which came over " swaying and tossing bridges " from 
the north. But the serious wounding of Johnston and the 
arrival of Sumner turned the tide, and at night the Unionists 
had the advantage.^ Johnston, on account of his wound, was 
obliged to retire from the command. In the morning, a new 
bridge constructed in the night enabled reenforcements to be 
transferred from the north side ; but McClellan, who arrived on 
the field only late in the day, instead of ordering an immediate 
pursuit, expressed himself as satisfied and recalled his army 
to the ground it had occupied before the battle. A Federal 
corps at one time was within four miles of Richmond, and 
it is probable that, if a prompt advance had taken place, 
like that of Grant on the second day at Shiloh (§ 478), the 
city would have fallen, for the fortifications which later made 
Richmond impregnable from this direction had not yet been 
constructed. 

496. General Robert E. Lee.^ — General Lee, who up to this 
time was Davis's chief of staff, now succeeded Johnston as 
general in command. He immediately gathered the reins into 
his hands, and quickly showed that genius for organization 
and action for which he soon became so celebrated. Directing 
Longstreet to be prepared for an attack at any moment on his 

1 The losses of the Federals were 5031 ; those of the Confederates, 6134. 
See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. II., p. 219. 

2 Born in Virginia, 1807; died, 1870. Graduated at West Point, 1829; 
distinguished himself as engineer in Mexican War; was commandant at 
West Point, 1852-1855; resigned when Virginia seceded, and was appointed 
general in the Confederate army, April, 1861; succeeded General Johnston, 
May 31, 1862; commanded against McClellan in the "Seven Days' Battles"; 
defeated Pope in the second battle at Bull Run ; fought the drawn battle of 
Antietam; gained great victories at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville ; 
was defeated at Gettysburg ; fought stubbornly against Grant's larger forces 
at the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, and Cold Harbor ; held out against assaults on 
Petersburg and Richmond till April, 1865 ; was obliged to surrender to Grant, 
April 9, 1865 ; became president of Washington and Lee University, Lexington. 
Virginia, where he remained till his death. 



I 



§497] 



THE WAR IN THE EAST. 



393 



right, he devoted the major part of his energies to the con- 
struction of works which should make his lines impregnable. 
Though McClellan's 
force was nearly twice 
that of Lee, the in- 
dustrious Confederates 
were not interfered 
with. At length, near 
the last of June, Lee 
completed arrange- 
ments for an offensive 
movement. As Jack- 
son had now finished 
his destructive work 
in the vicinity of 
Washington, Lee or- 
dered him to move 
rapidly to the south, 
so as to be ready for 
an attack on McClel- 
lan's flank and rear. 
The united forces of 
Lee and Jackson, 
amounting to fifty-five 
thousand, were now 

ready to fall upon the Federals north of the Chickahominy, 
just as McClellan, with the larger part of his force, was pre- 
paring to advance south of it. 

497. The First of the Seven Days' Battles. — The arrival of 
Jackson was half a day later than had been expected, and con- 
sequently the first Confederate attack was repulsed. But the 
next day, June 27, with Lee in command, the Confederates, 
fifty-five thousand strong, led by Jackson, Longstreet, D. H. 
Hill, and A. P. Hill, at Gaines's Mill assaulted the Federals, 
thirty-one thousand strong, under the command of General 




General R. E. Lee. 



394 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§498 

Fitz John Porter. A stubborn and magnificent resistance was 
made, but it was only partially successful. Porter, however, 
with the help of reenforcements from Sumner, was able to 
withdraw in good order to the south side of the river. While 
the battle on the north side of the Chickahominy was going on, 
there were only about twenty-five thousand Confederates on 
the south side, under Magruder, between Richmond and the 
seventy thousand under McClellan. Again, however, no at- 
tempt was made to take the capital. 

498. McClellan's Change of Base. — McClellan believed that 
he was confronted by about one hundred and eighty thousand 
men, and for safety determined to change his base of supplies 
and transfer his army to the James Eiver. In this move he 
completely deceived Lee, and, after destroying a large part of 
his stores, brought his army together in an orderly retreat. 
The Confederates pursued, and severe battles took place at 
Savage's Station, Prayser's Farm, and Glendale. The attacks 
of the Confederates were, however, repulsed. Finally, Lee, in 
opposition to the advice of his generals, determined on a des- 
perate assault upon Malvern Hill, where McClellan was very 
strongly posted. The Confederates were defeated with great 
slaughter, July 1.^ Then McClellan, who had won the ma- 
jority of the battles, but had lost the campaign, withdrew his 
army to Harrison's Landing on the James Eiver. 

PUBLIC FEELING IN THE NORTH AND GREAT BRITAIN. 

499. Influence of McClellan's Defeat. — McClellan's defeat 
greatly depressed the North and cheered the South ; but Lin- 
coln showed his spirit by issuing a circular letter to the gov- 
ernors of the loyal states, in which he declared that his purpose 
was to fight the war through to the restoration of the Union, 
and expressed the belief that the cause would best be promoted 
if a call for new troops were first suggested by the governors. 

iln the Seven Days' Battles, McClellan's loss was 15,849; Lee's, 20,135. 
See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. II., p. 315. 



§ 501] PUBLIC FEELING IN THE NORTH. 395 

The governors accordingly, on July 2, in a circular letter, asked 
the President to call for " men enough to speedily crush the 
rebellion." Lincoln called for three hundred thousand volun- 
teers, and so hearty was the response, that the number fur- 
ished was over four hundred and twenty-one thousand. 

500. Attitude of Congress. — Congress, also, showed that there 
could be no thought of abandoning the contest, but, on the con- 
trary, promptly authorized the President to take possession of 
all the railroads and telegraph lines whenever the public ser- 
vice should seem to require it. Faith in the future was further- 
more proved by the enactment of many laws of a far-reaching 
nature. Besides other important measures, Congress provided 
for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, established 
the Department of Agriculture, and voted the "Morrill Grant," 
which gave to each state as many times thirty thousand acres 
of land as it had members of Congress, for the support of 
colleges in which agriculture and the mechanical arts should 
be especially taught. The Morrill Act was the foundation 
of most of the agricultural colleges and many of the state 
universities in the country, and thus was of great educational 
importance. 

501. The Question of Slavery. — In the course of the summer 
there was a general demand on the part of radical Republicans 
that, either by act of Congress or by proclamation of the Presi- 
dent, slavery should be abolished. Lincoln held the opinion 
that slavery could not be interfered with by Congress, but only 
by an amendment of the Constitution or as a war measure by 
the President, as commander in chief of the army. Fremont had, 
as we have seen (§ 470), declared the slaves free in Missouri, 
and Hunter had done the same in South Carolina, Georgia, and 
Florida ; but the President had promptly annulled both these 
orders, with the declaration that he could not allow any general 
to free the slaves and throw the responsibility of the act upon 
the President. Lincoln's course provoked much opposition on 
the part of radical opponents of slavery, and their dissatisfaction 



396 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§502 

was strongly expressed, August 20, in an editorial of Horace 
Greeley's in the Tribune, entitled "The Prayer of Twenty Mil- 
lions." Lincoln's clear and pungent answer ^ served to satisfy 
public opinion, but there is now evidence that he was thinking 
seriously of the matter of emancipation. On the 13th of July, 
he had said to Seward and Welles that " something must be done 
in the line of a new policy," that he had " about come to the 
conclusion that it was a military necessity, absolutely essential 
for the salvation of the nation, that we must free the slaves, or 
be . . . ourselves subdued." Following this line of thought, on 
the 22d of August, he surprised all the members of his Cabinet, 
excepting Seward and Welles, by presenting a proclamation 
which he proposed to issue. The proposal met with general 
favor, but Seward questioned the expediency of issuing it at 
that juncture. In view of recent reverses, he thought it would 
be regarded as "our last shriek on the retreat." Seward's 
objection struck the President with force, and he put the 
proclamation aside to await a victory. 

502. Dangers from Great Britain. — The ill feeling of Great 
Britain, which showed itself at the beginning of the war, and 
was intensified by the Trent affair, in November, 1861, was 
still further increased by the reverses of McClellan. It was 
apparent that a majority of the British upper and middle 
classes favored the South, that leading statesmen regarded the 
defeat of the Union cause as inevitable, and that the most 
delicate tact of diplomacy would be needed to prevent a formal 
recognition of the Confederacy. In March, 1862, the Florida, 
a vessel built and equipped for service with the Confederates, 

1 " My paramount object in this struggle," replied Lincoln, " is to save the 
Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the 
Union without freeing any slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by 
freeing all its slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and 
leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and 
the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union, and what I 
forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. 
I shall do less whenever I believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I 
shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause." 



§ 503] THE WAR IN THE EAST CONTINUED. 397 

sailed from Liverpool. Though seized at Nassau, she was 
acquitted by what the British Chief Justice afterward called 
"a miscarriage of justice," and set free. In June attention 
was called to a far more serious matter. The American 
Minister at London, Charles Francis Adams, and Mr. Dudley, 
the American Consul at Liverpool, became aware that another 
war steamer, far more powerful than the Florida, was being 
fitted out for the Confederate service. Adams at once called 
the attention of Lord Russell, the British Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, to the fact, and asked that the ship be detained, unless 
it should be found, on investigation, that its purpose was not 
hostile to the United States. The British government was 
bound by international usage either to arrest the vessel or 
make the investigation requested. They undertook the latter 
course, but the process was so slow, and the work on the ship 
was so rapid, that just before an arrest was to be made, the 
vessel escaped and put to sea. This was the famous Ala- 
bama, which, with the Florida and the Georgia, very nearly 
cleared the ocean of American commerce. 

THE WAR IN THE EAST CONTINUED. 

503. Pope and Halleck. — Nearly a month before the end of 
McClellan's Peninsula campaign, the President summoned 
General John Pope from the West, where he had been suc- 
cessful as commander of the Army of the Mississippi. The 
remnants of the forces of McDowell, Banks, and Fremont 
were consolidated by Pope into a new organization, known 
as the Army of Virginia, and pushed forward to the Rapidan 
River. McClellan, on reaching Harrison's Landing (§ 498), 
had written the President that his "army had been saved," 
but that it was completely exhausted, and needed a rein- 
forcement of one hundred thousand men. This surprising 
statement, prompted by McClellan's standing belief that Lee's 
forces greatly outnumbered the Federal army, induced Lin- 
coln to visit the camp at once. After a long conference with 



398 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§503 



McClellan, Lincoln decided, on July 11, to appoint Major Gen- 
eral Henry W. Halleck^ general in chief of all the armies of the 
- — United States. Hal- 

leck had commended 
himself to the conn- 
try by successfully 
directing affairs in 
the West. Lee, antici- 
pating the course of 
Halleck, whom he had 
formerly known well, 
immediately detached 
Jackson from his 
army before Eich- 
mond, and sent him 
to confront Pope. 
Halleck visited Mc- 
Clellan on July 24, 
and, immediately af- 
terward, in order ulti- 
mately to reenforce 
Pope,^ ordered that 
the Army of the 
Potomac be withdrawn, and be transferred by way of Fortress 




Major General H. W. Halleck. 
[By courtesy of G. P. Putnam's Sons.] 



iBorn in New York, 1815; died, 1872. Graduated at West Point, 1839; 
published classic work on Elements of Military and Naval Science, 1846; 
was prominent in military and political affairs in California, 1846-1854 ; was 
appointed major general of the Department of Missouri, 1861; was ad- 
vanced to command of the Department of the Mississippi in 1862; was 
made general in chief of the army, which position he held till Grant ranked 
him as lieutenant general; commanded the Pacific Division, 1865-1869; 
Division of the South, 1869-1872. 

2 Born, 1823; died, 1892. Graduated at West Point, 1842; was in Mexican 
War; became an explorer, and on the opening of the Civil War received a 
command in Maryland ; captured a Confederate force at Blackwater in Decem- 
ber, 1861 ; took Memphis and Island No. 10 in 1862 ; was advanced to com- 
mand of the Army of Virginia ; after defeat at second battle of Bull Run and 
Chantilly, was relieved of command and sent against insurgent Indians in 
Minnesota; was department commander till 1886; major general in 1892. 



§ 504] THE WAR IN THE EAST CONTINUED. 



399 



Monroe to the Potomac near Fredericksburg. The McClellan 
campaign was thus admitted to have been a failure. Lee, now 
freed from danger in the vicinity of Richmond, hastened to 
reenf orce Jackson by sending 
to the Rapidan Longstreet's 
corps, which arrived on the 
15th of August. A little 
later, Lee followed and took 
command of the entire force. 
504. The Second Battle of 
Bull Run, or Manassas. — In 
the last week of August, Lee 
sent Jackson and Longstreet 
in succession around Pope's 
right flank, interposing their 
forces between him and 
Washington. Before any of 
McClellan's army, except Fitz 
John Porter's corps, had ar- 
rived, the forces of Lee and 
Pope fought the second battle 
of Manassas, or Bull Run, on 
the 29th and 30th of August. In view of the position of 
the forces, it is not strange that the Union army, numbering 
about sixty thousand men, was overwhelmingly defeated by the 
Confederate force of about fifty thousand. The Union loss was 
more than fourteen thousand, while that of the Confederates 
was less than ten thousand. The issue of the battle was, at the 
time, largely attributed to the delay of McClellan's force in 
returning from the James River, and especially to the failure 
of General Fitz John Porter's corps ^ to render the proper as- 
sistance, after it had arrived. 

1 General Porter's failure to support Pope was popularly supposed to be 
owing to his dissatisfaction with the recall of McClellan. He was tried by- 
court-martial and dismissed from the army. But the case was reviewed by 
direction of Congress, and he was acquitted in 1878, and in 1886 was restored 
to his army rank. 




General John Pope. 
[By courtesy of G. P. Putnam's Sons.] 



400 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [^505 

505. Battle of Antietam, or Sharpsburg. — Lee, instead of 
making a direct attack on Washington, decided to cross the 
Potomac for an invasion of Maryland and the North. His 
chief purpose, as he announced in a proclamation, was to arouse 
the Confederate sentiment in Maryland and unite the state 
with the Confederacy. Crossing the river near Harper's Ferry, 
he took Frederick City and pushed forward toward Penn- 
sylvania. But no signs of a sympathetic rising of the people 
encouraged him. He was surprised to find that even farmers 
whom he supposed to be Southern sympathizers would not 
sell their produce for Confederate money. As soon as Lee 
saw that he was not to get supplies in Maryland, he sent 
Stonewall Jackson back to take Harper's Perry and thus 
open communications for supplies with the rich Shenandoah 
Valley. The heights above Harper's Perry had been neglected 
by the Federals, and Jackson easily took the place, with twelve 
thousand five hundred prisoners. McClellan, who on the 2d 
of September, had arrived in Georgetown with the major part 
of his army, after a long conference with the President in 
Washington, was directed to resume command, not only of his 
own forces, but also of the Army of Virginia. By spasmodic 
promptness of movement, and encouraged by an accidental 
discovery of Lee's orders disclosing his whole plan of campaign, 
the Union commander was able to advance so rapidly as to 
throw his army in front of Lee. McClellan was jubilant, and 
had confident hope of destroying or capturing Lee's army. 
But his later movements were so dilatory that Jackson returned 
from Harper's Perry before the battle. The two armies first 
came in contact in the vicinity of South Mountain. The pre- 
liminary conflict was decidedly in McClellan's favor. Then 
occurred the desperate battle of Sharpsburg, or Antietam, on 
the 17th of September. The Union army was the larger of the 
two, but the number of the forces engaged cannot be confidently 
estimated. The tactics of McClellan on the field have been 
regarded by military critics as very faulty, while Lee is thought 
to have handled his troops with great skill. It was the most 



§ 506] THE WAR IN THE EAST CONTINUED. 401 

desperate and bloody single day's battle of the war. The final 
advantage was with the Federals, though the victory was not 
by any means decisive. The losses of McClellan were more 
than thirteen thousand, and Lee's more than eleven thousand.^ 
McClellan had lost another great opportunity; but Lee's ad- 
vance was checked. He was so weakened that he was com- 
pelled to withdraw to Virginia, and his movement as a whole 
was a failure. At this time, when a rapid pursuit might have 
broken up Lee's army, which, according to Longstreet, was so 
crippled that ten thousand fresh troops could have destroyed 
it, McClellan had about twenty thousand troops in reserve. The 
latter, mainly in consequence of his excessive caution and lack 
of promptitude, was soon superseded by General A. E. Burnside.- 

506. Burnside's Disastrous Campaign. — Burnside hastily 
brought together all the Union forces in north Virginia for the 
purpose of a direct advance on Eichmond. AVith an army 
which, early in December, numbered about one hundred and 
thirteen thousand men, he crossed the Rappahannock at Fred- 
ericksburg; but Lee and Jackson had reached the southern 
bank before him, and had posted their forces advantageously on 
the high grounds back of the town. Burnside, having arranged 
his army in three divisions, under Franklin, Hooker, and Sum- 
ner, crossed the river on December 13, and had the temerity 
to attempt to carry the works by storm. The result was 
disastrous. The Union army was pushed back in confusion 
upon the river, and might have been annihilated if Lee had 

1 McClellan reported that the force under his command numbered 87,164, 
but only about 60,000 were in the battle. Lee says that his own force engaged 
was "less than 40,000 men." The Union losses were 13,203; the Confed- 
erate, 11,172. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. II., pp. 601-603. 

2 Born in Indiana, 1824; died, 1881. Graduated at West Point, 1847; led 
a brigade at Bull Run; commanded an expedition to Roanoke Island, Febru- 
ary 8, 1862 ; commanded a corps of the Army of the Potomac at South Moun- 
tain and Antietam ; succeeded McClellan in November, 1862 ; was disastrously 
defeated at Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862 ; was superseded by Hooker in 
January, 1863 ; was sent to defend Knoxville, Tennessee ; was corps commander 
in Army of the Potomac till close of the war ; governor of Rhode Island, 
1867-1869; United States senator, 1875-1881. 



402 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. 



[§507 



used his advantage. As it was, Burnside safely withdrew his 
shattered forces to the north side of the river. The Union loss 

was over twelve thou- 
sand, while the Confed- 
erates lost considerably 
less than six thousand.' 
General Joseph E, 
Hooker soon superseded 
Burnside, and the Union 
army went into winter 
quarters. Lincoln was 
especially depressed by 
the result, as he had 
hoped for a victory 
which would counteract 
the hostility of Great 
Britain. The contrary 
effect was indicated by 
the London Times, which 
referred to the battle as 
"a memorable day to 
the historian of the De- 
cline and Fall of the American Eepublic." Throughout the 
North, the following days were days of darkness and gloom. 
Stocks declined, and troops volunteered more slowly than ever 
before. 




General A. E. Burnside. 



DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EFFECTS OF THE CAMPAIGNS 

OF 1862. 

507. Military Results of the Year. — Thus the events of the 
year, notwithstanding great losses on both sides, had not essen- 
tially changed the situation. While no territory of impor- 
tance had been lost, no considerable gain had been secured. 

i The Union force "available for line of battle " was 116,683; the Confed- 
erate, 78,315. The Union loss was 12,653 ; the Confederate, 5377. See Battles 
and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. 111., pp. 145-147. 



§ 609] DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EFFECTS. 403 

McClellan, McDowell, Banks, Fremont, Pope, and Burnside 
had all proved unable to cope successfully with their oppo- 
nents, and had all been relieved. Up to the end of 1862, 
the military successes of the Union troops had all been in 
the West and the great losses had all been in the East. The 
military history of the year had made it evident to President 
Lincoln and to Congress that every resource of the North 
must at once be brought to bear upon the conflict in order 
to insure success. The commander capable of holding his 
own against Lee had not yet appeared. It was to require 
another year to reveal him. Meanwhile, the necessities of 
the situation led to the emancipation of the slaves, the levy 
of new taxes, and the conscription of troops. 

508. Emancipation of Slaves. — In March, 1862, slavery had 
been abolished in the territories by Act of Congress, and in 
April, emancipation had taken place in the District of Colum- 
bia. In the same year, Lincoln had urged the governors of 
the border states to adopt a proposition for compensation to 
such of the border states as might abolish slavery. The 
failure of the Peninsula campaign and the campaign in the 
Shenandoah Valley, and the defeat at Manassas, convinced 
the President that emancipation was justifiable as a war meas- 
ure, and should be resorted to as soon as a victory could be se- 
cured. Accordingly, immediately after the battle of Antietam, 
he issued a proclamation, declaring that in such slaveholding 
states as should not have returned to their allegiance to the 
United States on January 1, 1863, all slaves would, on that 
day, be declared free. As none of the seceding states returned 
to its allegiance, the Proclamation of Emancipation was issued 
on the 1st of the following January, and thereafter, all 
negroes in these states were regarded by the Union army as 
free men. 

509. Influence of Emancipation on the War. — The effect of 
the Emancipation Proclamation was not quite what was antici- 
pated. Contrary to general expectation in the North, the 



404 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§510 

negroes showed remarkable faithfulness in remaining with 
their old masters. They were very generally employed in the 
South in caring for the plantations, and sometimes were used 
for work on fortifications. It was only in recovered territory 
that their relations were much changed. Before the end of 
the war, about one hundred thousand of them were enlisted 
in the Union army, and they fought with great bravery. As 
the South refused to recognize them as soldiers, they could 
not be exchanged when taken prisoners. The embarrassment 
which followed had much to do with the entire cessation of 
exchanges in the latter part of the war. In consequence of 
this cessation, prisons were overcrowded and the sufferings 
of prisoners increased. 

510. Effect of Emancipation upon Europe. — In Great Britain, 
public opinion was very slow to respond to the proclamation 
of freedom. The fact that their supply of cotton was cut 
off by the more complete blockade of the Southern ports 
caused great suffering on the part of the British manufactur- 
ing population. While the laboring classes were generally in 
sympathy with the North, the owners of the factories and the 
wealthy classes, led by Palmerston, the Prime Minister, and 
Russell, the Foreign Secretary, were in favor of the South. 
Many, not realizing that it was a war for national integrity, 
regarded it as a war for liberty on the part of the South, and 
for conquest on the part of the North. 

511. Change of British Policy. — About the middle of Octo- 
ber, 1862, the danger that Great Britain might recognize the 
Southern Confederacy was averted. On the 7th of October, at 
a banquet at Newcastle, Gladstone, then Chancellor of the 
Exchequer declared, "Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the 
South have made an army ; they are making, it appears, a 
navy ; and they have made, which is more important than 
either, a nation." , When the applause which followed this 
utterance had subsided, he continued, "We may anticipate, 
with certainty, the success of the Southern states so far as 



§512] DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EFFECTS. 405 

their separation from the North is concerned." This speech, 
of which these sentences were the keynote, created a great 
sensation, and was immediately interpreted as a purpose on 
the part of the government to recognize the Confederacy. 
The American Minister, seeing clearly that the drift was un- 
mistakably toward recognition, wrote to his government for 
instructions in such a dire contingency. Then President Lin- 
coln sent a masterly letter which changed the whole situation. 
His instructions to Mr. Adams in case the British Ministry 
should approach him, directly or indirectly, on any matter of 
our internal affairs, were as follows : " You will answer that 
you are forbidden to debate, to hear, or in any way receive, 
entertain, or transmit any communication of the kind. If the 
British government, either alone, or in combination with any 
other government, should acknowledge the insurgents, you 
will immediately suspend the exercise of your functions, and 
give notice of that suspension to Earl Bussell, and to this 
department." The letter also contained these resolute words : 
" We meet and confront the danger of a war with Great Britain. 
We have approached the contemplation of that crisis with a 
caution which great reluctance has inspired. But I trust that 
you will also have perceived that the crisis has not appalled 
us." Adams hesitated to present this letter to Earl Eussell, 
but made its contents known to BusselPs friend, William E. 
Forster, and gave his consent that Forster should in turn make 
them known to Eussell. It was probably at this juncture 
that the Queen, if the " credible report " is true, said to 
Eussell, " My lord, no step must be taken which will involve 
us in war with the United States." On October 23, Eussell 
informed Adams that the policy of neutrality was not to be 
changed 

512. Suspension of Habeas Corpus. — In the summer of 1862, 
the Northern opponents of the war took every advantage o^ 
the military disasters to denounce the course of the govern- 
ment, to discourage enlistments, to demand a cessation of hos- 



406 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1862. [§513 

tilities, and, in many ingenious ways, to thwart the success of 
the Union cause. After the disasters in the Peninsula and at 
Manassas, the clamors were so great and the difficulties of con- 
viction for treason so many that, on the 24th of September, 
President Lincoln issued an order suspending the writ of habeas 
corpus throughout the country. This act was of doubtful con- 
stitutionality, and shows, better than any other one thing, the 
almost desperate straits into which the government was driven. 
The suspension of the writ enabled the military authorities to 
seize and imprison without trial any persons who might be 
accused of treasonable acts, or even of disloyal speech. Large 
numbers were arrested and thrown into prison.^ 

513. The Elections in 1862. — The disasters in the field and 
the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus had a marked 
effect on the fall elections. In every one of the Northern 
states the Republican majority was greatly reduced, and in 
six of them ^ that had cast their votes for Lincoln in 1860, the 
Democrats were victorious. The House of Representatives 
barely escaped being Democratic. It was almost a vote of 
'* want of confidence " in the President. An analysis of the 
vote showed that many of the people regarded the Emanci- 
pation Proclamation as a surrender of Lincoln to the radical 
Republicans. It seems certain that more votes were lost than 
gained in consequence of the Proclamation. But the Presi- 
dent, though disappointed, never for a moment swerved from 
his purpose, as his message to Congress in December, 1862, 
plainly showed. 

References. — Grant, Memoirs^ Vol. L, 242-284. Rhodes, History, 
Vol. III., 404-639, for the period from the appointment of Lee to the cap- 
ture of New Orleans ; the same, Vol. IV., from the beginning of McClel- 

1 The records do not enable one to give the numbers so arrested. Alex- 
ander Johnston estimates the number as thirty-eight thousand. Rhodes, Vol. 
IV., p. 231, seems to think this number is an exaggeration, but inclines to the 
belief that the number may have been nearly twenty thousand. 

2 New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin. 



REFERENCES. 407 

lan's campaign at Yorktown till Lincoln's reelection, is at all points 
full, painstaking, and valuable. Schouler's History of the United States, 
Vol. VI., covers the whole period and is valuable on all points of the 
Civil War. Allan, Army of Northern Virginia; Battles and Leaders of 
the Civil War, Vol. I., 388-443, 611-^92, Vol. II., 135, 189-319 ; Dodge, 
Bird's-Eye View of Our Civil War, chaps, vi., x.-xiii. ; Dabney, Life of 
Stonewall Jackson ; Maclay, History of the United States Navy, Vol. II., 
282-324, for Monitor and 3Ierrimac, and 364-497, for the capture of New 
Orleans ; Old South Leaflets, III. No. 3, for contest of Monitor and 
Merrimac. The biographies of Lincoln by Tarbell and by Nicolay and 
Hay may be constantly consulted with profit. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. 
VICKSBURG. 

514. Situation in the West. — At the opening of the year 
1863, it was evident that in tlie West the most important 
military operations would center about Vicksburg, on the Mis- 
sissippi River, and Chattanooga, in eastern Tennessee. Vicks- 
burg was a strongly fortified city, and until it should bQ taken 
the Mississippi River could not be controlled by the Union 
forces. The importance of the place lay not only in the fact 
that it prevented the Federals from making use of the river, 
but also in the fact that it furnished the Confederates with 
easy passage for troops and supplies from Texas and Mexico. 
In strategic importance, it was scarcely inferior to Richmond 
itself ; for it now held the only remaining railroad which ex- 
tended from the far West into the Eastern states of the Con- 
federacy. Chattanooga was also important, since it was so 
situated as to control, not only Eastern Tennessee, but also the 
most easy and natural passage from Virginia to the Southwest. 
Soon after Halleck was placed in command at Washington, 
in July, 1862, Grant was left in charge of the territory about 
Vicksburg, and Rosecrans about Chattanooga. 

515. First Efforts against Vicksburg. — Vicksburg is situated 
on a high bluff on the eastern side of the Mississippi. Just 
above the town, the river turns sharply to the northeast, and 
then, winding into a loop on which Vicksburg is- built, flows 
again toward the southwest. The regions west and south 
being so low as often to be flooded, and the territory being 

408 



§517] VICKSBURG. 409 

intersected by numerous streams, military movements were 
rendered extremely difficult. In November and December, 
1862, and again in January, 1863, unsuccessful attempts were 
made against the city, by Grant and Sherman. As the spring 
of 1863 advanced, efforts were renewed. Grant cut a new 
channel for the river, across the neck, hoping to leave Vicks- 
burg high and dry inland. In this endeavor he was not suc- 
cessful. 

516. Johnston and Pemberton. — The Confederate forces in the 
West were commanded by General Joseph E. Johnston, who 
had now recovered from his wound (§ 495), General Pemberton 
being second in command. Johnston desired to meet Grant 
in the field, thinking that thus Vicksburg could best be held, 
and ordered Pemberton to conduct operations on this line ; but 
Pemberton, encouraged by some recent successes, and not recog- 
nizing Johnston's right to command him, chose to fight behind 
the fortifications of the city. This difference of policy divided 
their forces, so that, while Pemberton remained at Vicksburg, 
Johnston, with headquarters at Jackson, held himself in readi- 
ness to attack the lines of Grant as opportunity might offer. 

517. Capture of Vicksburg. — Grant's next strategic move was 
one of the most daringly planned and brilliantly executed of the 
whole war. It was to pass with his army through the Louisi- 
ana swamps west of the city, and, cutting himself free from 
his base of supplies, to obtain a foothold on the river below, 
while Admiral Porter should force a passage in the night 
with his gunboats loaded with supplies. The movement, in 
spite of determined resistance on the part of the Confederates, 
was completely successful. After several minor engagements. 
Grant took possession of the country as far as eighty miles 
south and west of Vicksburg. Without waiting to establish 
a base of supplies, and disregarding the earnest protest of 
Sherman, he advanced, May 7, from Grand Gulf northeast 
toward Jackson. Here, on May 14th, he defeated Johnston, 
and later joined with Sherman on the east side of Vickburg, 



410 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. 



[§517 



thus separating the Confederate armies. He then defeated 
Femberton in the open field, and finally, by May 18, drove 

him behind his fortifica- 
tions.^ After weeks of 
fruitless effort, Fember- 
ton was obliged, July 4, 
to surrender with over 
twenty-nine thousand 

prisoners of war.^ This 
was by far the great- 
est Union victory yet 
achieved, and the number 
of prisoners was the lar- 
gest ever surrendered in 
America. His success 
made Grant the foremost 
of the Federal generals. 
Four days later, Fort Hud- 
son also surrendered, and 
the Mississippi Fiver 
throughout its course was opened to the Union army. The 
Confederacy was thus cut into two parts, and no reenf orcements 
or supplies in any considerable amount could thereafter reach 
the Southern armies from the west side of the river. 

1 Grant's achievement is thus described by Rhodes: "In nineteen days 
Grant had crossed the great river into the enemy's territory; had marched 
one hundred and eighty miles through a most difficult country, skirmishing 
constantly; had fought and won five distinct battles, . . . had taken the 
capital of the state and destroyed its arsenals and military manufactories, 
and was now in the rear of Vicksburg."— Rhodes, History, Vol. IV., p. 310. 

2 Grant's forces at the beginning of the siege numbered about 43,000, but 
they were so constantly reenforced that at the end he had not less than about 
75,000. Official reports of the Confederate forces have not been preserved. 
Johnston, June 4, estimated his force at 24,000 effective men. The lowest 
estimate of Pemberton's force is 28,000 ; the highest, 60,000. Grant's aggre- 
gate losses m the campaign were 9362. Confederate reports show a loss 
before the surrender of 9059. The parole lists on file at Washington give the 
names of 29,491 who surrendered. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 
Vol. II., pp. 549-550. 




§618] 



THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN. 



411 



THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN. 

518. Eastern Tennessee: Chickamauga. — While Grant was 
occupied about Vicksburg, important events were taking place 
in the eastern part 
of Tennessee. In 
June, Eosecrans, 
who had been 
much criticised for 
inactivity after the 
battle of Stone 
River, broke up his 
encampment in the 
vicinity of Murf rees- 
borough. Bragg was 
a few miles to 
the south, at Shel- 
byville, but was 
soon forced to fall 
back on Chatta- 
nooga. Eosecrans 
then moved so far 
around Bragg' s army 
to the south that 
the Confederate com- 
mander deemed it prudent to evacuate Chattanooga and with- 
draw some twelve miles into Georgia. Rosecrans hastened to 
pursue ; but Bragg, after receiving reenf orcements under Long- 
street from Virginia, turned upon his pursuers. Rosecrans drew 
back toward Chattanooga, and at Chickamauga was vigorously 
attacked by Bragg. The battle raged furiously for two days, 
September 19 and 20, and was one of the most sanguinary of 
the war. The Union forces were finally driven from the field.^ 




General George H. Thomas. 



iThe army of Rosecrans, according to official returns, numbered 56,965; 
that of Bragg, 71,551. The losses of Rosecrans were 16,179; those of Bragg, 
17,804. See Battles ajicl, Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., pp. 673-676. 



412 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. [§519 

General George H. Thomas,^ who, like Admiral Farragut, was a 
Southern officer that took the Union side, greatly distinguished 
himself by withstanding the final assaults on the center, and 
so delayed the pursuit that the Union army was able to with- 
draw in fair condition into Chattanooga. For this service, 
Thomas was afterwards called " The Eock of Chickamauga." 

519. The Situation at Chattanooga. — East of Chattanooga^ 
at a distance of about three miles, is situated a long, high hill, 
rising almost to the magnitude of a mountain, known as Mis- 
sionary Eidge; while south of the city another elevation, 
known as Lookout Mountain, rises about seventeen hundred 
feet. On these two heights, overlooking Chattanooga, Bragg 
established his army. He was also in control of the Tennessee 
Eiver. The force of Eosecrans, shut up in the city, had only 
a single road, known by the soldiers as the "cracker trail," 
for supplies from the west. Every other approach was com- 
manded by the Confederate guns. Bragg was so sure that 
the Union army would be forced to surrender, that he sent 
Longstreet to assist in the siege of Knoxville, which city was 
then held by General Burnside. 

520. Grant at Chattanooga. — Soon after the battle of Chicka- 
mauga, Eosecrans was relieved, and Grant, who had been 
put at the head of all the armies west of the Alleghanies, 
assumed command in his place. To reenforce the Union forces. 
Hooker was sent with the Twelfth Corps from Virginia, and 
Sherman, with the Army of the Tennessee, was brought from 
Vicksburg by way of Memphis. Hooker took a position on 

iBorn in Virginia, 1816; died, 1870. Graduated at West Point, 1840; 
distinguished himself against the Seminoles and in the Mexican War; com- 
manded a Federal brigade in Virginia early in 1861, and then a division in 
Kentucky, where he gained an important Union victory at Mill Spring, 
January 19, 1862; led the right wing at Perryville, and the center at Stone 
River; commanded the center at Chickamauga; commanded the Army of the 
Cumberland at Missionary Ridge ; cooperated with Sherman in the advance 
on Atlanta; given command against Hood, whom he overwhelmed at Nash- 
ville, December 15 and 16, 1864. 



521] 



THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN. 



413 



the right, Sherman on the left, while Thomas, with the Army 
of the Cumberland, commanded the center. 

521. Battles of Chattanooga. — Grant's plan, after opening a 
line of supplies, was to have the two wings of the army push 
back the opposing 
flanks of the enemy 
until the center would 
be obliged to retire 
from Missionary Ridge. 
Bragg's left, on Look- 
out Mountain, was some 
five miles in front of 
his main line; and 
Hooker's army, in order 
to dislodge the enemy, 
was obliged to pass 
over the shoulder of 
the mountain. The 
Twelfth Corps pushed 
up the mountain side 
with great gallantry, 
fought what is some- 
times called " The Bat- 
tle above the Clouds," 
November 24, and soon 
succeeded in driving the 

enemy from the mountain and back beyond Missionary Ridge. 
Sherman,^ on the left, advanced rapidly, but found a deep 

iBorn in Ohio, 1820; died, 1891. Graduated at West Point, 1840; was in 
the Seminole and the Mexican Wars; resigned, and engaged in business in 
New York, California, and Kansas; superintended Military College in Louis- 
ville, 1860-1861 ; was appointed colonel, 1861 ; commanded a brigade at Bull 
Run ; went to the West and rendered important aid at Shiloh ; was advanced 
to major general and commanded a corps at Vicksburg; commanded the left 
at Chattanooga ; was given entire charge in the West when Grant went to 
Washington ; with great energy and skill forced General Johnston to retire to 
Atlanta; took Atlanta, and, in November, started on his famous " march to the 




General William T. Sherman. 



414 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. [§ 522 

ravine in his way. Thomas was directed to engage the enemy 
in front, in order to keep the Confederate center from attack- 
ing Sherman, but not to advance to a general engagement. His 
troops, however, not to be outdone either by the Army of 
Virginia or by the Army of the Tennessee, charged up the 
sides of Missionary Kidge and drove all before them. Bragg's 
forces, compelled to withdraw November 25, pushed rapidly 
south through the field of Chickamauga and took up their 
winter quarters at Dalton.^ 

522. Results of the Campaigns in the West. — The battles 
about Chattanooga closed the campaigns for the year. Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee had been secured by the Union forces, 
who, through the opening of the Mississippi River, were 
enabled to pass freely to the Gulf of Mexico. The successes 
of Grant at Vicksburg and Chattanooga raised him to such 
importance that in November he was called to Washington, 
and, in February, with the rank of lieutenant general, super- 
seded Halleck as general in chief of all the armies. 

EASTERN CAMPAIGNS. 

523. Chancellorsville. — In the East, at the close of the 
Antietam campaign, McClellan, as we have seen, had been 
superseded by Burnside, and the latter, after Fredericks- 
burg, by Hooker 2 (§§ 505-506). In April, 1863, the Union 

sea " ; reached Savannah at Christmas; received Johnston's surrender, April 26, 
1865 ; was made lieutenant general in 1866, and succeeded Grant as general 
in 1869 ; retired in 1883 ; published important memoirs. 

1 No official figures indicating the relative strength of Grant and Bragg at 
Chattanooga are given. Grant's force is estimated at 60,000, that of 
Bragg at considerably less. The Union loss was 5817; the Confederate, 6687. 
See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., pp. 729-730. 

2 Born in Massachusetts, 1814; died, 1879. Graduated at West Point, 1837; 
distinguished himself in Mexican War; was appointed brigadier general in 
1861; had important commands at Yorktown, Williamsburg, Malvern Hill, 
Antietam, and Fredericksburg ; succeeded Burnside in 1863 ; was disastrously 
defeated at Chancellorsville; was sent to reenforce Grant at Chattanooga, 
where he commanded the right wing ; accompanied Sherman to Atlanta ; was 
brevetted major general in 1865 ; retired in 1868. 



§524] 



EASTERN CAMPAIGNS. 



415 



^- -^fefe 



»lv 



army of about ninety thousand advanced southward for the 
purpose of pushing its way -by direct line to Eichinond; but 
a few miles south 
of Fredericksburg, 
Hooker was con- 
fronted (at Chancel- 
lorsville) by a Con- 
federate army of 
about forty-five thou- 
sand under Lee and 
Jackson. The battle 
which ensued, May 
3, was most disas- 
trous to the Union 
cause. By superior 
generalship, Lee and 
Jackson completely 
thwarted the strat- 
egy of Hooker, and 
not only repulsed the 
Federal army, but 
threw it into confu- 
sion and drove it 

back to the north side of the Rappahannock. The Union loss 
was about seventeen thousand ; the Confederate, about twelve 
thousand. The loss of the Confederates, however, was not 
counted by numbers alone; for just before the main battle. 
General " Stonewall " Jackson, the most successful corps com- 
mander that the war produced on either side, was accidentally 
fired upon and killed by his own men. 




General Joseph Hooker. 



524. Second Advance into the North. — Inspired by his remark- 
able success at Chancellorsville, Lee decided to attempt again a 
movement into the North. Crossing the Blue Ridge and march- 
ing down the Shenandoah Valley, he passed the Potomac at 
Harper's Ferry, and, advancing across Maryland into Pennsyl- 



416 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. 



[§524 



vania, threatened, not only the rear of Washington, but also 
the cities of Baltimore and Philadelphia. Hooker followed, 

keeping at the right 
of Lee, between Har- 
per's Ferry and Wash- 
ington, and moving 
rapidly northward for 
the protection of the 
threatened cities. The 
Union army was re- 
enforced from every 
quarter. On the 28th 
of June, Hooker was 
superseded by Gen- 
eral George G. Meade,^ 
of Pennsylvania, a 
soldierly officer who, 
though uniformly suc- 
cessful as a division 
and corps com- 
mander, had as yet 
occupied only a 
subordinate position. 
Meade pushed his force of about ninety-three thousand rapidly 
forward and concentrated it in the neighborhood of Gettys- 
burg, taking up his position on a crest of hills in a circular 
line south and east of Gettysburg, on what is known as Ceme- 
tery Ridge. The Confederate line of about seventy thousand 
occupied the hills opposite, on Seminary Eidge.^ At the Union 




General George G. Meade. 



1 Born at Cadiz, Spain, 1815; died, 1872. Graduated at West Point, 1835; 
fought in Seminole and Mexican Wars ; commanded a brigade under McClellan 
in the Peninsula, where he was wounded; commanded a division at Antietam 
and Fredericksburg, and a corps at Chancellorsville ; superseded Hooker in 
June, 1863; won the great victory of Gettysburg, July 1, 2, and 3; commanded 
the Army of the Potomac, under Grant, till the close of the war. 

2 The figures here given are those reached after a careful computation of 
the entire strength of both armies, with the additions and reductions between 



525] 



EASTERN CAMPAIGNS. 



417 



right was Gulp's Hill, and at the left were two hills, known 
as Eound Top and Little Eound Top. Thus situated, both 
armies made ready for the most crucial battle of the war. 
If Meade should be over- 
whelmed, the cities of the 
North would be at Lee's 
mercy, and the Confederacy 
would, in all probability 
be recognized in Europe ; 
while if Lee should be de- 
feated, he could hardly hope 
to do more than prolong 
an unsuccessful conflict. 

525. Battle of Gettys- 
burg. — During the first and 
second days' engagements, 
July 1 and 2, the Confeder- 
ates had the advantage. 
Gulp's Hill was taken, and 
the Union right was pushed 
back from its strong defen- 
sive line. On the left, however, the Unionists took and 
held Little Eound Top. On the other parts of the field the 
repeated onsets of the Confederates were not successful. 
Early on the morning of the third day, the Federals assaulted 
Gulp's Hill, and, after most desperate fighting, succeeded 
in retaking it. Lee then made the mistake of deciding 




General James Longstreet.i 



the crossing of the Potomac and the beginning of the battle. The exact 
figures are 93,500, and 75,268, but it is estimated that Lee's losses by sickness, 
straggling, and furnishing guards to prisoners before the battle were about 
five thousand. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., p. 440. 

iBorn in South Carolina, 1821. Graduated at West Point, 1842; served 
in Mexican War; entered Confederate service; commanded, as lieutenant 
general, the First Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia, 1862-1865; served 
for a short time in Tennessee ; wounded at the Wilderness, 1864 ; held various 
Federal offices after the war, among them the mission to Turkey. 



418 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. 



[§525 



to stake everything on a mighty effort to break the Union 
center. General George E. Pickett's division of Longstreet's 
corps, consisting of about fifteen thousand veterans, was 
ordered forward for a charge. After a tremendous fire of 
one hundred and thirty cannon for two hours, for the purpose 
of throwing the Union line into confusion, this division, made 
up of the flower of the Confederate army, rushed forward to 

the assault. For about one 
mile they were within 
range of the Federal guns. 
No men ever fought more 
bravely, but success was 
impossible. The dead and 
the dying strewed the 
ground along the way. 
Only a few of the fifteen 
thousand reached the 
Union line, and most of 
these were obliged to give 
themselves up as prison- 
ers. The effort failed, and 
the battle was lost. Lee 
magnanimously took the 
whole blame of the defeat 
upon himself, although he 
might, seemingly, have thrown part of it on subordinates. The 
Confederate loss was about twenty thousand, while that of 
Meade was about twenty- three thousand.^ Lee conducted a most 
skillful retreat, and was slowly followed by the tired Unionists 




General George E. Pickett.i 



1 Bom at Richmond, Virginia, 1825; died, 1875. Graduated at "West Point, 
1846 ; served well in Mexican "War and afterwards on Puget Sound, where he 
resisted encroachments of the British ; entered Confederate service in 1861 ; 
brigadier general, 1862 ; wounded at Gaines's Mill ; commanded charge at 
Gettysburg; in 1864 defended Petersburg skillfully against Butler; engaged 
in the insurance business until his death. 

2 The official figures are 20,451 and 23,003. See Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War, Vol. III., pp. 437-439. 



§ 526] EMBARRASSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 419 

across Maryland into Virginia, until the two armies confronted 
each other on the Rapidan, a branch of the Rappahannock. There 
they remained more or less inactive until the following spring. 

EMBARRASSMENT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 

526. The Conscription of Troops in the North. — As the war 

dragged along, the novelty of it wore off, and enlistments in 
the North began to flag. The discouraging outcome of the 
Peninsula campaign and of the battles of Fredericksburg and 
Chancellors ville caused a rapid decrease in the number of vol- 
unteers. Draft, or conscription, was therefore resorted to by 
Act of Congress, March 3, 1863. This Act of Conscription, how- 
ever, allowed exemption on payment of three hundred dollars, 
an amount deemed sufficient for securing a substitute. As 
only fifty thousand men were thus obtained, the three hun- 
dred dollar clause was repealed, July 4, 1864, and a new act 
declared that the conscript must serve or provide a substitute. 
To furnish the means of avoiding such an alternative, insurance 
companies were sometimes formed, and at times as much as 
one thousand dollars was paid for a substitute. By this sys- 
tem the service was much demoralized, for the large sums 
offered attracted great numbers who had little or no interest in 
the cause. Thousands of this class deserted, and to secure 
bounty, reenlisted, in some instances many times over. Thus 
"bounty jumper" became a term of deserved reproach. To 
the first of the Conscription Acts there was much resistance, 
especially in New York City. On July 13, 1863, a mob took 
possession of the streets and had entire control of the city for 
several days. The rioters burned about fifty buildings, and 
hanged negroes to lamp-posts. The colored orphan asylum 
was burned, and the inmates were with difficulty rescued from 
the flames. It was not until troops sent from Gettysburg had 
come to assist the police that order was restored. About twelve 
hundred of the rioters were killed. Though conscription did 
not of itself yield very many soldiers to the army, it greatly 
stimulated volunteering. 



420 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1863. [§527 

527. Conscription in the South. — As early as April, 1862, 
all able-bodied wliite men in the South between the ages of 
eighteen and forty-five were conscripted (§ 454) ; and in 
February, 1864, the age limit was extended, so as to include 
all from seventeen to fifty. Thus, from almost the very 
beginning of the war, not only agriculture, but all the other 
industries of the South were thrown into the hands of men 
beyond fifty, of women, of negroes, and of children. The 
suffering that ensued may be imagined, but can hardly be 
described.^ 

528. The Vallandigham Case. — In 1863 there was not a 
little excitement over the case of Clement L. Vallandigham, a 
member of Congress from Ohio, who was the most extreme of 
Northern sympathizers with the Confederacy. For utterances 
disloyal to the government he was arrested by General Burn- 
side, and, after trial by a military commission, was imprisoned, 
and, a little later, banished. He went first within the limits 
of the Confederacy, and then to Canada. By the Democracy 
of his state his arrest was regarded as arbitrary and his sen- 
tence unlawful, and to show their displeasure, they nominated 
him for governor. Though he was defeated by about oue hun- 
dred thousand majority, the size of the vote in his favor was 
a significant indication of public feeling. The legality of his 
arrest and banishment was tested by an appeal to the Supreme 
Court, which decided that under the Constitution it had no 
power to review the action of a general ofiicer of the army. 

529. Financial Conditions. — It was at this time that the 
enormous cost of the war required the new efforts for raising 
money which have already been described (§§ 456-458). In 
the North industries flourished and the bills of the govern- 
ment were promptly paid ; but in the South a similar result 
was impossible. The blockade prevented an income from 
tariff and from the sale of cotton (§ 455). The bonds payable 

1 There was opposition to conscription in the South also, especiallj. in 
Georgia. 



§ 529] EMBARRASSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 421 

" six months after the ratification of peace with the United 
States " sank in value as the success of the South became more 
and more doubtful, until finally they almost ceased to have any 
value whatever. A similar fate befell the Confederate bank 
notes. As these notes were the only currency in circulation, 
the prices of all articles rose enormously. In 1864 a pair of 
shoes was worth one hundred and twenty-five dollars in Con- 
federate currency ; a barrel of flour, two hundred and twenty- 
five dollars ; a pound of butter, fifteen dollars, and a bushel of 
potatoes, twenty-five dollars. In one instance, thirty cords of 
wood were sold for thirty teacupfuls of salt. Prices in general 
were about fifty times as high as they had been when currency 
was at par. 

References. — Grant, Memoirs, Vol. I., 437-570 ; Battles and Leaders 
of the Civil War, Vol. III., 154-255, 493, 638; Dodge, View, 93-101, 172- 
183, 241-261 ; Johnston, Orations, Vol. III., 82-92 ; Sherman, Memoirs, 
Vol. II., 638. The Histories of Rhodes and Schouler are valuable on all 
points. Writings of the leading statesmen and generals are indicated in 
Channing and Hart's Guide, §§ 32-33. See also De Leon, Four Tears 
in Behel Capitals; McCulloch, Men and Measures; Greeley, Becollec- 
tions ; Cable, Strange, True Stories of Louisiana ; J. E. Cooke, Hilt to 
Hilt; Trowbridge, Drummer Boy, and Cudjo's Cave. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. 
GRANT AND LEE IN VIRGINIA. 

530. Plan of Campaigns. — The spring of 1864 found Grant 
as general in chief of all the Union armies, with Meade at the 
head of the Army of the Potomac, Sherman at the head of all 
Federal troops in the West, and General B. F. Butler in imme- 
diate command of the Army of the James. Grant chose not to 
supersede Meade, but decided, while keeping him in the field, 
to superintend the Eastern campaign in person. The " grand 
strategy " was that all the Union armies should advance on the 
4th of May, and that each should keep its opponents so occu- 
pied that no one Confederate army could reenforce any of 
the others. The Army of the Potomac was to move directly 
toward Richmond, attacking the enemy wherever they could be 
found. Sherman was to push south from Chattanooga with a 
similar purpose, toward Atlanta, while Butler w^as to advance 
up the James Eiver from Fortress Monroe to Eichmond. In 
this way, it was hoped to finish the war in the course of the 
summer. 

531. Advance of Grant toward Richmond. — Grant, with a 
force of about one hundred and twenty thousand men, crossed 
the Eapidan and came upon Lee a little south of Chancellors- 
ville. The reports do not reveal exactly the size of Lee's 
army, but he probably had about sixty-five thousand men. 
The Confederates were strongly intrenched, and a hotly con- 
tested battle raged for two days, May 5 and 6. It is known as 
"The Battle of the Wilderness," since it was fought in a 

422 



§531] 



GRANT AND LEE IN VIRGINIA. 



423 



country of tangled thickets. In some cases, so fierce was the 
fighting, small trees were severed by bullets. Lee could not 
be dislodged from his strong intrenchments, and Grant, after 
enormous losses, moved with the bulk of his force by the left 
flank, and thus forced the Confederates to leave their defenses 
and fall back to a new line. From the 8th to the 20th various 
desperate conflicts took 
place about Spottsyl- 
vania, with a similar 
result. These battles 
were among the most 
stubbornly fought of 
the whole war, the con- 
flict at what is known 
as the " Bloody Angle " 
being memorable as an 
engagement at close 
quarters, in which large 
numbers were killed. 
On the 21st, Grant, 
undismayed by his fail- 
ure to break the Con- 
federate lines, again 
moved by the left flank, 
and Lee fell back still 
nearer to Richmond, 
intrenching himself 
very strongly on the 
North Anna Eiver, and 
later at Cold Harbor. Here, on June 3, Grant made a des- 
perate effort to crush the Confederates by assault, but Lee's 
lines could not be broken, and the attempt was as unsuccessful 
as the Confederate assaults had been at Malvern Hill and at 
Gettysburg. At Cold Harbor, the Federal loss was over ten 
thousand, while that of the Confederates behind their intrench- 
ments was only about two thousand. The entire campaign is 




Map illustrating operations in the East. 



424 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. [§ 532 

rendered memorable by the unfailing skill of Lee's resistance 
and his remarkable foresight in divining the movements of his 
enemy, as well as by the splendid energy of Grant's attacks. 

532. Crossing the James. — Skillfully concealing his main 
movement by continuous attacks along the front, Grant then 
accomplished the great feat of swinging his entire army across 
the James, with the purpose of approaching Kichmond from 
the south. There, however, he was confronted with strong 
fortifications about Petersburg, a city some twenty miles south 
of Eichmond, on the Appomattox Eiver. During McClellan's 
campaign and since that time, so carefully had the entire coun- 
try been fortified under the direction of Lee that Grant found 
an immediate advance impossible. The defenses in front of 
Petersburg were at once mined by the Federal forces, and 
on the 30th of July four tons of gunpowder were exploded 
under the most powerful of the Confederate works. Guns and 
men were thrown high into the air ; but, by a gross blunder, 
the troops who were to charge in through the breach were not 
ready, and before the assault was made, the pit was protected 
by Confederate cannon brought in from a distance on every 
side. The Union forces lost many more by this effort, known 
as the " Battle of the Crater," than did the Confederates. The 
best that Grant could do during the rest of the year was to 
extend his lines to the south so far as to cut the railroad from 
the southeast, which furnished the Confederates a large part of 
their supplies, and to drill the new troops that came pouring in 
from the seemingly inexhaustible North.^ 



1 The Union losses in the Wilderness were 17,666 ; at Spottsylania, 18,399 ; 
about the North Anna, 3986 ; at Cold Harbor, 12,737 ; in Sheridan's expedi- 
tions, 2141. Total Union losses from the Wilderness to the James, 54,929. 
See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. IV., p. 182. The Union armies 
operating against Richmond from May 24, 1861, to May 5, 1864, lost 143,925 
men ; between May 5, 1864, aad April 9, 1865, 124,390. See Dana, Recollections 
of the Civil War, p. 211. The Confederate returns have not been preserved, 
hence their exact losses cannot be given. 



§ 533] 



GRANT AND LEE IN VIRGINIA. 



425 



533. Subordinate Movements. — The subordinate movements 
in the East had rendered Grant very little assistance. In the 
spring General Butler^ had been sent up the James River, 
with an army of thirty-six thousand men, to attack Rich- 
mond from the south, 

but the major part of ' 

his troops were forced 
by the Confederates 
into a bend of the 
river at Bermuda 
Hundred, and there, 
as Grant said, were 
"bottled up." Sigel 
and Hunter also had 
been sent into the 
Shenandoah Valley for 
the purpose of taking 
Lynchburg and then 
advancing on Rich- 
mond from the south- 
west, but they were 
defeated by General 
Early and driven over 
the mountains into 
West Virginia. Thus 
the Confederates secured command of the entire Valley and 
threatened Washington. Passing over into Maryland early in 




iBorn in New Hampshire, 1818; died, 1893. Graduated at Waterville 
College (Colby), Maine, 1838; admitted to bar, 1840; became a prominent 
Democratic politician in Massachusetts ; entered Civil AVar as brigadier general 
of militia; made major general and given command of the Department of 
Eastern Virginia; inaugurated policy of holding slaves as "contraband of 
war"; cooperated with Farragut in capture of New Orleans, 1862; governed 
the city until December, 1862 ; commanded Army of the James, 1864 ; in Con- 
gress, as a Republican, 1866-1879, except for the years 1875-1877; was fre- 
quently a candidate for the governorship of Massachusetts, and obtaiued it in 
1882. 



426 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. [§534 

July, they defeated General Lew Wallace at Monocacy, and 
then pushed on until Early with his force actually appeared 
before the defenses north of the capital. But finding these 
more formidable than he had anticipated, he withdrew with- 
out making an attack. Late in July, one of Early's subordi- 
nates, McCausland, burned Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, in 
consequence of a refusal of the city to pay a ransom of 
five hundred thousand dollars in greenbacks. The vigor of 
this policy provoked immediate retaliation. In September 
Grant sent Sheridan against Early, and the tables were soon 
turned. Early was defeated in several engagements in Sep- 
tember and October ; and Sheridan, in accordance with Grant's 
orders, desolated the Valley of Virginia so completely that no 
further supplies could be furnished the Confederate army before 
another summer. 

SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGNS. 

534. Sherman's Advance. — In the West, the movement of 
Sherman was in some respects similar to that of Grant. The 
Union force gathered at Chattanooga numbered about one hun- 
dred thousand men, while that of the Confederates numbered 
about ninety thousand.^ Sherman's policy was to attack John- 
ston's defenses lightly in front, and by extending his line either 
to the right or to the left, attack the latter in the flarlk and oblige 
him to come out into open battle or to retreat. Johnston, though 
constantly fortified, instead of fighting vigorously, as Lee was 
doing, fell back without offering great resistance. This course 
was justified by the fact that Johnston knew that Sherman's 
army must be fed by transportation over a single line of rail- 
road, and by the belief that if Sherman could be drawn into the 
South, so much of the Union army would be required for guard- 

1 The Union army, May 1, numbered 98,797 ; June 1, it had been reenforced 
to 112,819; August 1, it had 91,675; September 1, 81,758. The Confederate 
army, April 30, contained 52,992; before June 10, it had been reenforced to 
84,328. These figures are from the ofiicial reports on file in the War Depart- 
ment. See Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., pp. 282-289. 



§ 536] SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGNS. 427 

ing trains, and such reenforcements might be secured by the 
Confederates as they neared Atlanta, that the two armies might 
ultimately meet on equal terms. In other words, it seemed 
obvious to the Confederate commander that the farther south 
Sherman should be drawn, the weaker he would be. The mis- 
take in this strategy lay in underestimating the resources of the 
North in furnishing new troops with which to aid in protecting 
the railroad and keeping up the numbers of the Union force. ^ 

535. Removal of Johnston. — The campaign was in a moun- 
tainous country just south of Chattanooga, and great skill was 
shown by both generals. Johnston was rapidly pushed back 
until his forces were near Atlanta, and a decisive battle was at 
hand. But the people of the South, not understanding the 
merits of Johnston's method of conducting the campaign, 
became impatient. President Davis,^ who had no partiality 
for Johnston, yielded to the pressure of public opinion, and, 
accordingly, just as the Confederates were about to strike their 
blow, Johnston was removed, and General John B. Hood,^ 
who had the reputation of being one of the most energetic 
generals in the Confederate army, was placed in command. 

536. General Hood's Methods. — Hood's fighting qualities, 
however, in accordance with Sherman's predictions, at once 
took the form of rashness. He seemed determined to fight, 
whether a favorable opportunity offered or not. In three 

1 Johnston was a very able general, but, like William III., he was more suc- 
cessful in defense than in offense. It is noteworthy that he and his great 
opponent, Sherman, were and remained fast friends. 

2 It should be noted that Davis had been trained at West Point, was a sol- 
dier of ability, and interfered too much in. the management of the Confeder- 
ate armies. Lincoln interfered somewhat, but, being without military train- 
ing, fortunately distrusted himself in this respect. 

3 Born in Kentucky, 1831; died, 1879. Graduated at West Pomt, 1853; 
entered the Confederate service and soon commanded a Texas brigade ;• was 
promoted for gallantry at Gaines's Mill ; fought bravely in other important 
battles; reenforced Bragg at Chickamauga; commanded a corps under John- 
ston, whom he superseded; was three times defeated by Sherman, and then, 
turning upon Thomas, was defeated at Franklin and routed at Nashville. 



428 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. 



[§53d 



important battles in July, on different sides of Atlanta,' Hood 
made desperate attempts to beat back the approaching forces, 
but was unsuccessful. On September 2 he was obliged to evacu- 
ate the city, and early in October he adopted the policy of mov- 
ing around Sherman's army and attacking the line of supplies. 
This was done in the hope that Sherman would follow ; but the 
move was exactly what Sherman anticipated and desired. Fol- 
lowing for a short distance, 
he sent on half of his army 
under General Thomas, while 
he returned with the other 
half to Atlanta. Hood 
pushed on vigorously toward 
Nashville. At Franklin, 
south of Nashville, a battle 
was fought, November 30, 
between Hood and a part 
of Thomas's army under 
Schofield, in which the 
Confederates lost heavily.^ 
Thomas made his stand at 
Nashville and fortified his 
line with great skill. Ke- 
maining long wholly on the 
defensive, he was much 
criticised for his delay in 
attacking; but his answer was that, while willing to turn 
over his command to another, he would not go out of his 
defenses to fight a decisive battle until he was ready. The 
outcome justified his course. On the 15th of December Hood 
advanced to the attack, and the battle raged for two days ; but 




\ 



1- 



General J. B. Hood. 



1 Atlanta was then very unimportant in size, but it was almost the only 
manufacturing town from which the Confederates could obtain military sup- 
plies ; hence the significance of the capture. 

2 Hood's loss at Franklin was 6252, while Schofield's was only 2326. See 
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., p. 257. 



537] 



SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGNS. 



429 



when the Confederates had spent their force, Thomas ordered 
his men forward and pushed on so vigorously that Hood's army 
was completely broken up and dispersed.^ It was the most 
decisive Union victory of the war. Thus Hood, after losing 
five battles, had now lost his army. 

537. Sherman's March to the Sea. — As soon as Hood was 
clearly out of his way, Sherman began preparations for carry- 




ing out a plan which had for some time been maturing in his 
mind. In the spring a movement from Atlanta to Mobile had 
been contemplated; but Banks had failed to advance upon 
Mobile from the west, and the plan had been abandoned. Sher- 
man now obtained the consent of Grant to destroy the public 
works at Atlanta, to break up the railroads so as to cut off Lee's 



1 At Nashville, Hood's losses were roughly estimated at 15,000, no official 
returns in detail being made. Thomas's losses were 3057. See Battles and 
Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. HI., p. 258. 



430 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. [§538 

sources of supply, and then to take his army across Georgia 
to the sea. This project was undertaken for the purpose of 
closing in upon Lee from the south and in this manner 
bringing the war to an end. About the middle of November, 
Sherman, having burned such parts of Atlanta as might be use- 
ful to the enemy, cut all the telegraph wires extending to the 
north, tore up the railroads in every direction, and then with 
his army started for the sea. He had about sixty thousand 
men. These were divided into four divisions and were spread 
out so that they covered a territory about sixty miles in width. 
To make repair as difficult as possible, the railroads were 
destroyed by heating and twisting the rails, and the stations 
and bridges were burned. 

538. Capture of Savannah. — The army reached the sea, 
December 13, after a march of nearly four weeks. During 
all this time the people of the North were ignorant of what 
Sherman was doing. Fort McAllister, at the mouth of the 
Ogeechee Eiver, was stormed by Hazen's division of the Fif- 
teenth Corps, and in a single assault of a few minutes was 
taken. Savannah was besieged, and after eight days the city 
surrendered, December 21, with a hundred and fifty guns and 
twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. The army then went into 
winter quarters, where it remained until February, 1865. Thus 
Sherman had destroyed the most important Confederate army 
in the West, had everywhere dispersed opposing troops, and 
had made transportation of supplies for Lee from the south 
and west so difficult as to be practically impossible. 

NAVAL VICTORIES. 

539. Work along the Coast : Fort Fisher. — In the course of 
the year 1864, much was done along the coast to lessen the 
number of ports held by the Confederates. The most impor- 
tant of the expeditions were those against Fort Fisher in North 
Carolina, and Mobile in Alabama. Fort Fisher, which com- 
manded the entrance to Wilmington Bay, had successfully 



§541] NAVAL VICTORIES. 431 

resisted an attack by General Butler and Admiral Porter, but 
now yielded to a force under General Terry, sent by Grant. 

540. The Taking of Mobile. — Even more important was the 
taking of Mobile. The mouth of the harbor was defended by 
Fort Gaines and Fort Morgan, and the passage to the city was 
protected by torpedoes and mines. Within the harbor were 
four powerful Confederate gunboats, including the Tennessee, 
commanded by Commodore Buchanan, the former captain of 
the Merrimac. Outside, Admiral Farragut had a fleet of four- 
teen wooden vessels and four monitors. On the 5th of August 
Farragut determined to hazard a desperate attempt to run past 
the forts. The task was not less difficult than the one which 
had confronted him at New Orleans. In order to have a better 
means of observing and directing the battle, he had himself 
lashed to the topmast of the flagship Hartford. The battle 
that followed was desperate and brilliant. One of Farragut's 
vessels was blown up and sunk by a torpedo, but the admiral 
pushed on past the forts and engaged the Tennessee, which 
was obliged to surrender. The capitulation of the forts soon 
followed. After the fall of Wilmington and Mobile, the only 
port still held by the Confederates was Charleston. Importa- 
tion of supplies by the Confederates was therefore rendered 
almost impossible, and many of the Federal vessels engaged 
in preventing blockade running were released for other services. 

541. Defeat of the Alabama : Loss of the Florida and Georgia. — 

In the course of the same year, the most powerful of the Con- 
federate privateers was destroyed. The Alabama, which under 
Captain Raphael S. Semmes had taken many Union vessels in 
all parts of the world, was followed by the Kearsarge, under 
Captain Winslow, into the harbor of Cherbourg, in the north 
of France. The ships were about equal in weight and strength. 
Semmes dared Winslow to a naval duel and his challenge 
was instantly accepted. The fight occurred on June 19, 1864, 
and was witnessed by thousands of people on the banks. The 
firing of the Alabama was much more rapid than that of the 



432 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. [§542 

Kearsarge, but much less accurate. Within about an hour after 
the engagement began, the Alabama was found to be in a 
sinking condition. She struck her flag and soon afterward sank. 
Captain Semmes was taken from the water by an English yacht 
and carried to England. Another famous Confederate cruiser, 
the Florida, was accidentally sunk near Fortress Monroe; and 
the Georgia was sold and became a merchant vessel under the 
English flag. All this, however, did not occur until the com- 
merce of the United States had been practically destroyed. 

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

542. Opposition to Lincoln's Policy. — The suspension of habeas 
corpus in 1863, and the arrest of Vallandigham and many 
others, excited great feeling among the opponents of President 
Lincoln (§§ 512, 528). He was boldly accused of exceeding his 
constitutional rights, and many newspapers carried on a vigor- 
ous battle against him. The history of public sentiment was 
still more striking in 1864. Early in the year many of the 
leading Republicans, especially those of the more radical type, 
thought it would not do to renominate Lincoln. There was a 
widespread outcry for peace, and the impression became gen- 
eral that peace would be possible if the government would 
abandon its policy of emancipation. Grant's Virginia campaign 
had resulted in great slaughter and had brought sorrow into 
thousands of households, without bringing him any nearer to 
Richmond than McClellan had been two years before. Greeley 
and other prominent Republicans desired a change of policy; 
but notwithstanding all warnings, Lincoln kept steadily on his 
course, although at one time he recognized the probability of 
his defeat for the Presidency.^ 

1 August 23, Liucoln wrote this memorandum, which, though unsigned, 
was found in his handwriting after his death: "This morning, as for some 
time past, it seems exceedingly prohahle that this administration will not he 
reelected. Then it will he my duty to so cooperate with the President-elect 
as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration, as he will 
have secured his election on such grounds that he cannot possibly save it 
afterward." 



§ 545] POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 433 

543. Effects of Victory. — But these dark hours were soon 
followed by light. First came Farragut's exploit in taking 
Mobile ; and then, on the 3d of September, followed the stir- 
ring news that Sherman had taken Atlanta. The effect 
was like magic. Seward, in a speech, September 14, said, 
" Farragut and Sherman have knocked the bottom out of the 
Chicago [Democratic] nominations." Then, as a crowning and 
thrilling inspiration, came the descriptions of Sheridan's ride 
(§ 533) and the complete routing of Early at Fisher's Hill. A 
veritable wave of enthusiasm took possession of the North. 
Lincoln was unanimously renominated, with Andrew Johnson 
of Tennessee for Vice President ; and the election gave them 
two hundred and twelve votes, as against twenty -one given 
McClellan, the Democratic candidate.^ 

544. Results of the Election. — The result of this election 
and the Federal victories put new vigor into the Union cause. 
Eecruiting went on rapidly, so that the government in the 
spring of 1865 had more than a million men under arms. The 
Confederacy had no such reserve power. It had now lost much 
more than half of its territory ; its sources of supplies were cut 
off, and its armies were confronted from the south, as well as 
from the north, by overwhelming forces. 

545. Changes in the Cabinet. — Lincoln's first Cabinet con- 
tained not only his rivals for the Republican nomination in 
1860, but also a number of representative " War Democrats." 
When Stanton, who had always been a Democrat, took the 
place of Cameron (§ 475), it was noticed that the Cabinet 
contained four Democrats and only three Republicans. When 
reminded of this fact, Lincoln intimated that he counted for 
something himself, and could perhaps manage to prevent the 
administration from becoming Democratic. As time went on, 
there were many complaints in regard to the supposed lack 

1 As a campaign document, Buchanan Read's spirited poem, Sheridan's 
Ride, written on the impulse of the moment, was of importance, as it made 
the nation ring with the praises of Sheridan's great exploit. 



434 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1864. [§ 546 

of harmony in the Cabinet ; and the Presidential nominating 
convention of 1864 requested the President to make the body 
more homogeneous. This resolution was aimed especially at 
Montgomery Blair of Maryland, who was Postmaster-General, 
and Edward Bates of Missouri, the Attorney-General. They 
soon resigned and were succeeded respectively by William 
Dennison of Ohio, who had been president of the nominat- 
ing convention, and James Speed, a prominent lawyer from 
Kentucky. Salmon P. Chase, who had often been much out 
of harmony with the President, resigned the Secretaryship of 
the Treasury, and was succeeded by William P. Fessenden of 
Maine. When Chief Justice Taney, after long and important 
service, died, on the 12th of October, there was much anxiety 
in regard to the appointment to the position thus made vacant 
— the most important in the gift of the President. Among 
others. Chase was a very prominent candidate, strongly urged 
by radical Republicans. The President gave no sign of his 
intentions until December 6, when, without having consulted 
any one, he sent to the Senate, in his own handwriting, the 
nomination of Chase to be Chief Justice. The nomination was 
immediately confirmed without reference to a committee. 
The changes in the Cabinet and the appointment of Chase 
gave great satisfaction. 

546. The Thirteenth Amendment. — The last important work 
of Congress in 1864 was the passage of a joint resolution to 
submit to the states the Thirteenth Amendment to the Consti- 
tution, which should forever prohibit slavery throughout the 
United States. The Proclamation of Emancipation afforded 
no certainty that after the seceding states had been brought 
back into the Union, they might not legally reestablish 
slavery. This could be prevented only by a Constitutional 
Amendment. Such an Amendment had been offered in April, 
and had passed the Senate, but had failed in the House to 
secure the required two-thirds vote. Now, however, it was 
recalled, and after a long and memorable debate was duly passed 



§546] POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 435 

in the required manner (January 31, 1865), amid great enthusi- 
asm on the part of Representatives and auditors. The Amend- 
ment, however, before it could be operative, had to receive the 
approval of three-fourths of the states. The President saw 
that it would probably fail by one vote, and, in order to secure 
that vote, he procured the admission of the territory of Nevada 
as a state. ^ 



References. — Grant's Memoirs, Vol. II., 177-343, contains the 
leader's account of the entire Virginia campaign of 1864; from 344- 
386, Grant comments on Sherman's campaign. Sherman's Memoirs 
must be consulted for the campaign between Chattanooga and the sea. 
Rhodes's History of the United States, Vol. IV., chap, xxiii., gives an 
admirable account of the political situation. See also various biographies 
of Lee, especially those by General A. L. Long and General Fitzhugh 
Lee, as well as the Southern Historical Society Papers and General 
Joseph E. Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations. Individual bat- 
tles are described with great particularity in Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War, in Dodge's Vieiv, in Old South Leaflets, Vol. III., No. 5, and 
in Longstreet's Memoirs of the Civil War in America. See also, for an 
account of the battle of Mobile, Maclay's History of the United States 
Navy, Vol. II., 553-573. For Lincoln's reelection, see Stanwood's Elec- 
tions, 236-252. See also Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. III., 
97, Vol. IV., 247-663 ; Old South Leaflets, Vol. III., No. 5 ; Dodge's View, 
270-292, 302-309; J. C. Schwab, The Confederate States of America 
(1901). 



1 The circumstances attending this singular action are given by Charles A. 
Dana m his Recollections of the Civil War, pp. 175-178. The ratification of 
the Thirteenth Amendment was announced by Secretary Seward on Decem- 
ber 18, 1865. Eleven former slaveholding states joined sixteen free states to 
make the twenty-seven states necessary to ratification. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

END OF THE WAR, 1865. 

MOVEMENTS OF SHERMAN AND GRANT. 

547. Efforts to Secure Peace by Negotiation. — Throughout 
the year 1864 there had been attempts in the North, as well 
as in the South, to bring about negotiations for peace. These 
attempts culminated in February, 1865, when President Lincoln 
and Secretary Seward met Alexander H. Stephens^ and two 
companions, on a steamer in Hampton Roads, for an amicable 
discussion of the situation. Lincoln refused to negotiate ex- 
cept on the basis of a disbanding of the Confederate forces and 
a restoration of the national authority. Stephens attempted 
to convince Lincoln that he would be justified in treating with 
*^ rebels," and referred to the case of Charles I. in England. 
Lincoln replied that he was not strong in history but relied 
upon Seward for all such knowledge; what he specially re- 
membered of that contest was that " Charles I. lost his head.'' 
The negotiations came to nothing. 

548. Sherman's Advance. — There was enough activity of the 
Federal troops in the Southwest during the early spring of 
1865 to prevent any important movements of the Confederates 
to reenforce Lee, and accordingly interest was concentrated in 
the campaigns of Sherman and Grant. Sherman broke camp 
in Savannah, February 1, and at once moved northward. In 
the course of his march, Sherman passed through Columbia, 

1 Vice President Stephens liad not been in favor of the war, and had been 
more or less opposed to the administrative methods of President Davis, who, 
although he had a Cabinet and a Congress, became through force of circum- 
stances virtually a dictator. 

486 



§649] MOVEMENTS OF SHERMAN AND GRANT. 437 

South Carolina, and while the army was there the city was 
burned. Each side has accused the other of the act ; but the 
facts have never been determined beyond dispute.^ In order 
to strengthen the army under Johnston, whom Davis had felt 
obliged to reinstate, the Confederates evacuated Charleston, thus 
giving their last port into the hands of the Federals. Johnston 
had collected about thirty thousand men, but he did not venture 
an engagement until Sherman had advanced nearly as far north 
as Goldsboro. The winter rains had not subsided, and Sher- 
man's forces encountered very great difficulties. Kear Golds- 
boro, March 16, and again March 19, Johnston attacked with 
vigor, but the Confederates were driven back, and Sherman 
entered the town, March 23. Here he received reenforcements 
from Wilmington. Johnston was now in no condition to meet 
the augmented Union army, and Sherman seems to have wished 
not to push his advantage until he knew the results of the move- 
ments about Eichmond. 

549. Cavalry Movements of Wilson and Stoneman. — While 
Sherman was advancing in North Carolina, two cavalry expedi- 
tions were ordered by Grant to set out from Thomas's army in 
Nashville, — one for Alabama, under General J. H. Wilson, and 
one under General Stoneman for East Tennessee and Virginia. 
The purpose of these expeditions was not only to clear the 
regions visited of Confederate stores and troops, but also to 
prevent Lee and Davis from escaping toward the west or 
south. Stoneman, having rapidly completed his work in East 
Tennessee, destroyed the important depot of Confederate sup- 
plies at Lynchburg, late in March, and on the 9th of April 
captured and destroyed the large military magazines at Salis- 
bury, North Carolina. Wilson devastated much of Alabama ; 
and on the 2d of April met and dispersed Forrest's last avail- 
able force near Selma, where he completely destroyed a great 

1 The latest, fullest, and fairest discussion of the matter is given by J. F. 
Rhodes in The Aynerican Historical Review for April, 1902. Much of the 
lamentable suffering seems chargeable rather to drunken soldiers and camp 
followers than to the orders of commanders. 



438 



END OF THE WAR, 1865. 



[§650 



arsenal of arms and stores. The dwindling Confederate force 
in Richmond was now confronted in four directions. 

550. Grant's Advance. — Grant began his campaign by a 
further movement south of Petersburg, January 31, when he 

took possession of 
Hatcher's Run. While 
attracting the atten- 
tion of Lee at this 
point, he sent Sheri- 
dan,^ with an army of 
ten thousand picked 
cavalry, up the Shen- 
andoah Valley, for the 
purpose of cutting the 
Lynchburg and Rich- 
mond railroad, by 
which Lee was receiv- 
ing the larger part of 
his supplies. Sheri- 
dan scattered the 
forces of Early and 
was completely suc- 
cessful. Returning by 
way of Charlottes- 
ville, Sheridan rejoined Grant, March 29, and was at once put 
in command of the extreme left of the Union army, with orders 
to push on around the Confederate left, to Five Forks. This 
movement obliged Lee to extend his line to that point, but, 

1 Born in New York, 1831; died, 1888. Graduated at West Point, 1853; 
received a cavalry command in 1862 ; distinguished himself at Perry ville and 
Stone River ; fought with great gallantry at Chickamauga and Chattanooga ; 
was given command of a cavalry corps by Grant in 1864 ; defeated Early at 
Winchester and Fisher's Hill, and, October 19, 1864, performed one of the 
notable feats of the war by riding from " Winchester twenty miles away " and 
turning defeat into victory at Cedar Creek ; took a leading part in the final 
attack on Lee's army in April, 1865; was made lieutenant general in 1869; 
succeeded Sherman as general in chief, 1883 ; general in 1888. 




General Philip H. Sheridan. 



§551] 



MOVEMENTS OF SHERMAN AND GRANT 



439 



as he now had only about fifty thousand men with whom to 
contend against the one hundred and twenty thousand com- 
manded by Grant, it was impossible to protect Richmond in 
the north and to guard his communications at the south. The 
Confederate lines were so long that Lee hardly had one thou- 
sand men to a mile. He therefore, after his lines had been 
broken at Five Forks, April 1, decided to abandon the city. 



^^Z^^c^^^^^ 




iSlGNATURES TO THE AgKEEMENT FUK THE 

Surrender. 



551. Surrenders of Lee and Johnston. — With the attack of 

Sheridan on the extreme left, Grant ordered an assault, April 2, 

all along the line. Lee 

found that the only ,,. ^ 

way to save his army 

was not only to aban- 
don Richmond, but to 

withdraw rapidly to the 

west. He had wished 

to abandon the capital 

before, but had deferred 

to the wishes of Davis. 

On the morning of 

April 3, the Union 

troops entered Richmond without opposition. Lee and his 

army turned westward, but 
the advance of Sheridan 
was so rapid that escape 
was impossible. Great 
blunders were committed 
by the Confederate com- 
missariat, and Lee's forces 
were almost without food. 
At Appomattox Court- 
house, further retreat was 
cut off, and on the 9th 

House at Appomattox in which Lee ^ ^ .^ ^^^^ surrendered 
AND Grant arranged the Sur- ^ 

RBNDER. his army to Grant at an 




440 END OF THE WAR, 1865. [§552 

interview between the two commanders which brought out 
the best qualities of each. Lee's troops were required only 
to bear no more arms against the United States ; and they were 
allowed to retain their horses for spring plowing. Never before 
at the end of a great war had such magnanimous terms been 
given. On the retreat from Richmond, many men had thrown 
away their arms and taken to the woods, so that the number 
finally surrendered was only twenty-eight thousand, three 
hundred and fifty-six. After a sharp dispute between Sher- 
man and Stanton, as to the conditions that should be granted, 
Johnston capitulated to Sherman, on similar terms, April 26. 
All the other Confederate armies surrendered before the end 
of May. 

THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

552. Assassination of Lincoln. — While the people of the 
North were everywhere rejoicing over the termination of 
the war, they were suddenly cast into the deepest grief by 
an event of the utmost horror. A conspiracy to assassinate 
the President was successful. On the evening of April 14, 
President Lincoln was sitting in a private box at one end of 
the stage in Ford's theater. Between two of the acts, John 
Wilkes Booth, an actor, stole into the box and, from the rear, 
shot the President through the head. Then leaping out from 
the front of the box upon the stage in full view of the audience, 
he shouted, " Sic semper tyrannis " (" Ever thus to tyrants," — 
the motto of Virginia), and passing through a rear door of the 
stage, escaped. In the midst of the excitement that ensued, the 
President was tenderly carried to a neighboring house, where 
he received every possible surgical aid, but no effort could save 
his life. He expired the next morning. Booth in his leap to 
the stage injured one of his legs, but he succeeded in mounting 
a horse that was in waiting, and crossed one of the bridges into 
Virginia. For several days he evaded his pursuers; but the 
whole region was in arms, and he was finally brought to bay. 
Refusing to give himself up, he was shot by a Union soldier, 



§ 555] THE MAGNITUDE OF THE WAR. 441 

On the evening that Lincoln was shot, one of the other con- 
spirators entered the house of Secretary Seward and attacked 
him in bed with a huge bowie-knife. Though desperately 
wounded, Seward finally recovered. Of the conspirators ar- 
rested, four were hanged and four imprisoned. It is still a 
question whether, in the prevalent excitement, injustice was 
not done in some of these executions. 

553. Funeral of Lincoln. — The grief of the people was un- 
precedented. The greatness of Lincoln's life and the pathos 
of his death touched every heart. His body was taken for 
interment to Springfield, Illinois; and so universal was the 
love and sorrow, that the people insisted upon making the 
movement a national event. At New York and other impor- 
tant points along the route, his body lay in state and was 
viewed by millions of people. Three weeks were required for 
the funeral train to reach Springfield. 

554. Lincoln's Policy toward the South. —The people of the 
South showed something of the grief of the North, for many 
had already begun to see that in war Lincoln had not been a 
harsh enemy, and that in peace he was likely to be a real friend. 
They very naturally felt that the murder of the President would 
probably make the people of the North harsher toward the 
South, now that the victory had been secured. They did not at 
that time know what has since been repealed of Lincoln's gener- 
ous feeling toward them. At a Cabinet meeting on the very day 
of his assassination he had discussed the reconstruction of the 
South. "Enough lives have been sacrificed," he said; "we 
must extinguish our resentment, if we expect harmony and 
union." 

THE MAGNITUDE OF THE WAR. 

555. The Army and the Navy. — The Union army had grown 
steadily in numbers, until at the close of the war the lists showed 
an enrollment of 1,000,51.6 men, of whom more than six hundred 
thousand were fit for active service.^ The Union navy had 

1 In the course of the war, as many as 2,690,401 men entered the Union 
army, and probably about one-half as many were enrolled by the Confederacy. 



442 END OF THE WAR, 1865. [§ 556 

grown until it consisted of about seven hundred vessels, of 
which sixty were ironclads. It was at that time the most 
powerful navy in the world. 

556. Extent of the Losses. — The Union forces had 44,236 
killed in battle, while 49,205 died from wounds. Those who 
died of disease numbered 186,216. In prison and from acci- 
dents and unknown causes, the deaths were 50,352, making a 
sum total of 330,009. There were buried in the national 
cemeteries the bodies of 318,870, but a considerable number 
of these were Confederate soldiers. The number of deaths in 
the Confederate service was less, but figures have not been so 
carefully preserved, and the exact truth can, probably, never 
be known. The number of actions in the course of the war of 
sufficient importance to receive names was no less than twenty- 
four hundred. 

557. The Cost of the War. — The cost of the war was enor- 
mous ; but it cannot be accurately told. In addition to about 
$780,000,000 that had been paid by taxation, while the contest 
was going on, the national debt had, from $65,000,000, in June, 
1861, grown in 1865 to be $2,850,000,000. If to this vast sum 
we add the debts of states and cities, and the pensions that 
were paid before 1900, the total cost of the war to the country, 
exclusive of expenditures by the Confederates, can hardly have 
been less than ten billions of dollars. 

558. Suffering. — In the South the suffering in consequence 
of the war was vastly greater than in the North. The freeing 
of four million slaves completely changed the organization of 
society. Wherever the Northern armies had gone, there had 
been great destruction of property and thousands of homes 
had been ruined. Throughout the later years of the war there 
had been much suffering of individual families, and the sources 
of income of many that had previously known independence or 
affluence, had been entirely taken away. When emancipation 
took place, the suffering was somewhat increased, although, 



§ 660] THE MAGNITUDE OF THE WAR. 443 

as a rule, the negroes showed remarkable fidelity to their 
owners. 

559. Final Review. — On the 23d and 24th of May such 
parts of the Armies of the East and of the West as were within 
reach, had the privilege of passing in review before their 
commanders and the representatives of the nation. For two 
whole days the armies filled the long stretch of Pennsylvania 
Avenue from the Capitol to Georgetown, and, in a compact 
mass, from curbstone to curbstone, passed in front of the 
reviewing stand at the White House. The spectacle was the 
mightiest the continent had ever seen ; but it was much more 
than a spectacle. It was a vast army of citizens peaceably 
going home after the most bloody and terrible of modern wars. 
Of the more than a million Union soldiers under arms in the 
spring of 1865, before the next winter all but about fifty thou- 
sand had been quietly mustered out and become, in the main, 
orderly and industrious citizens. 

560. The Military Lessons of the War. — As time has passed, 
students have learned that the military lessons taught by 
the war were numerous and important. Four of them are 
especially worthy of note. 

(1) The battle between the Monitor and the Merrimac con- 
vinced every one that wooden vessels could no longer be of 
any service against ships of iron. In less than a generation, 
every navy of importance in the world was made up exclusively 
of iron ships. 

(2) The habit of instantly throwing up protecting intrench- 
ments, whenever either army came to a halt near the other, 
completely revolutionized military field practice. 

(3) More important still was the lesson that military training 
of officers cannot be dispensed with in any nation. The success- 
ful commanders of the war in the North, as well as in the South, 
were, almost without exception, officers who had been trained 
in the military schools. In the early part of the contest, espe- 
cially in the North; men with political influence were often 



444 END OF THE WAR, 1866. [§561 

put into responsible positions ; but such appointments gen- 
erally proved disastrous, and the authorities had to fill their 
places with men who had received a careful military training. 
(4) But the greatest lesson of all was taught by the rapidity 
with which a great army could be put into the field in an emer- 
gency, and then quietly disbanded. Stanton, in his report as 
Secretary of War in 1865, called attention to several remark- 
able facts in this connection. After the disaster in the Penin- 
sula more than eighty thousand troops were enlisted, organized, 
equipped, and sent into the field in less than thirty days. Sixty 
thousand new troops repeatedly went into the field within four 
weeks ; and from Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin 
ninety thousand men were raised and sent into the armies within 
twenty days.^ These facts showed that a large standing army 
is unnecessary in a self-governing nation. 

561. The French in Mexico. — The immense military power 
and prestige of the United States were soon illustrated in a 
striking manner. Throughout the war the imperial govern- 
ment of France, under Napoleon III., was in active sympathy 
with the effort to destroy the Union. When Napoleon III. 
found that Great Britain would not, as he desired, acknowl- 
edge the independence of the Confederacy, he turned his 
attention in another direction, and stirred up a revolution in 
Mexico, which overthrew the Republican form of government 
and established an empire under Maximilian, an Archduke of 
Austria. While the United States government was at war, it 
was in no condition to do more than to issuft a formal protest ; 
but when the war was over, and there were a million men 
available, France perceived the advisability of withdrawing 
her troops from Mexico at the suggestion of the United States. 
With a courage worthy of a better cause, Maximilian refused 
to withdraw with them. The Mexicans soon revolted, and in 
1867, the emperor was taken prisoner and shot. The United 

1 Congressional Globe, Appendix 1865-1866, pp. 10-11. 



REFERENCES. 445 

States government entreated for his life, but the request was 
formally refused. 

References. -The end of the war is described from both points of 
view in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. IV., p. 708 and in a 
briefer manner in Dodge's View, pp. 310-319. For Lincohi's attitude in 
regard to all questions, see Tarbell's Lincoln, Vol. II., and Nicolay and 
Hay, Vols. IX.-X. The works already named may all be consulted with 
profit in regard to this period. For the Confederate side, see, especially, 
Davis, Mise arid Fall; Stephens, War between the States; Johnston, 
Narrative; and Longstreet, Memoirs of the Civil War in America. See 
also Thomas Nelson Page's stories, and especially his short story, Burying 
of the Guns, for graphic and instructive pictures of war-time. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON : RECONSTRUQ. 
TION, 1865-1869. 

DIFFERENT POLICIES OF RECONSTRUCTION. 

562. President Johnson. — Andrew Johnson,^ a Democrat 
from Tennessee, was the only Southern senator who refused to 
resign his place when, in 1861, the other senators withdrew 
from Congress. Partly because he was such a stanch Unionist, 
and partly because the Eepublicans desired to develop a Union 
sentiment in the South, he was elected as Vice President on 
the ticket with Lincoln, in 1864, and in consequence became 
President on the death of the latter. 

563. Lincoln's Reconstruction Policy. — Lincoln, with his cus- 
tomary foresight, some time before the end of the war, had set 
forth his ideas on the policy of the reconstruction of the seceded 
states. He expressed the opinion, in an address, that the ques- 
tion whether the " seceded states," so called, were in the Union or 
out of it, was ^' a mere pernicious abstraction '^ ; that " they were 
out of their proper practical relation with the Union," and that 
" the sole object of those in authority should be again to get them 

1 Bom in North Carolina, 1808; died, 1875. Settled in Tennessee; a tailor 
by trade; became a member of Congress, 1843-1853; governor of Tennessee, 
1853-1857 ; United States senator, 1857-1862 ; was a strong Unionist, and was 
appointed by Lincoln militaiy governor of Tennessee; though a Democrat, 
was nominated for Vice President with Lincoln in 1864, and elected ; became 
President on the death of Lincoln, in 1865 ; continued to tkold many Demo- 
cratic principles and soon was opposed to the Republican Congress ; vetoed 
many acts of Congress ; was impeached in 1867, but the impeachment failed 
by one less than a two-thirds majority ; returned to Tennessee and was de- 
feated for the Senate and the House, but finally elected to the Senate shortly 
before his death. 

446 



§ 564] DIFFERENT POLICIES OF RECONSTRUCTION. 447 



into that proper practical relation." With the exception of 
certain classes, he had previously by proclamation offered 
pardon co all persons who should take the oath to support 
the Constitution and the laws, and he had promised that 
as soon as one-tenth of the voters in any state (according to 
the registration of 1860) should take this oath and establish 
a government of republican form, the Federal authorities 
would recognize it as a legal state government. Arkan- 
sas and Louisiana ^____ „ _ 

had been reorgan- 
ized on this basis, 
though the reor- 
ganization proved, 
in the end, unsuc- 
cessful, owing to 
the fact that Con- 
gress refused to 
recognize the gov- 
ernments thus set 
up. 

564. Johnson's 
Policy of Recon- 
struction. — The 
accession of John- 
son somewhat 
modified this pol- 
icy, and this modi- 
fication has gen- 
erally been regarded as calamitous to the South. But it 
should be said that Johnson's policy was not so different 
in essentials from that of Lincoln as it was in method and 
spirit. Johnson was utterly lacking in the tact that is always 
requisite to the successful leadership of men, and consequently 
he was soon at odds with Congress. It should also be noted 
that Congress fell under the influence of its radical mera- 




Andreav Johnson. 



448 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON, 1865-1869. [§ 565 

bers, especially Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens, and 
became more extreme in its methods as soon as the staying 
and guiding hand of Lincoln was removed. 

565. Difficult Questions. — Though the war was virtually 
over when Johnson came into authority as President, he found 
many difi&cult questions to consider and decide. One of the 
first was to determine what should be done with the political 
leaders of the Confederacy. In the mountainous region of 
Eastern Kentucky and Tennessee, where Johnson had lived, 
the Union sentiment was so strong that the conflict between 
the Unionists and Confederates was greatly embittered. John- 
son now showed much of this spirit of bitterness. In striking 
contrast with Lincoln, he took the position that the leaders 
of the Confederacy should be put to death. Apparently with 
this purpose in view, he offered a reward of one hundred 
thousand dollars for the capture of Jefferson Davis, and 
smaller sums for the capture of other Confederate leaders. 
After a long and difficult pursuit, Davis was captured in 
Georgia by two troops of General Wilson's cavalry, in May, 
1865. He was sent to Fortress Monroe, where he was kept a 
prisoner for two years. As other members of the Confederate 
government were taken, they were sent to various forts to 
await the action of Congress. The influence of Seward in 
favor of a mild policy, and the doubtful issue of the compli- 
cated constitutional cases that would have come before the 
courts, finally brought it to pass that no Confederate leader 
was tried for his life. This treatment of the vanquished con- 
trasts favorably with the methods pursued at the end of the 
Revolutionary War in dealing with the Tories. 

566. Difficulties of Reconstruction. — A far more difficult 
question to be determined was that of the judicious reestablish- 
ment of government in the seceded states. This difficulty was 
partly the inevitable consequence of a great civil war,^ and 

1 Note, as examples, the turbulent events that followed the English civil 
war of the seventeenth century and the great civil war known as the French 
Revolution. 



§ 567] DIFFERENT POLICIES OF RECONSTRUCTION. 449 

partly the result of the peculiar circumstances in which the 
North and the South were now placed. The white men of the 
South had been at war against the Union, and the slaves had 
been set free. Should the former slave owners at once be 
allowed to vote ? Should the negroes be given a vote ? These 
were questions of the utmost importance, because the emanci- 
pation of slaves, adopted as a military measure, carried with 
it no authority to prevent the reenslaving of negroes after the 
war was over (§ 546). It was generally felt in the North 
that if the old master should be allowed to vote and the 
freedman should not be given that privilege, there would be no 
assurance that slavery in one form or another would not be 
reestablished. The South, on the other hand, believed that 
to give the suffrage to unqualified masses of blacks would be 
unnecessary and intolerable. It seemed to be impossible to 
reconcile the two views on this question, and consequently the 
course to be taken was naturally determined by the party in 
power. Moreover, the leading minds of the Eepublican party 
believed that the negro could be thoroughly protected only by 
constitutional amendments which would make it impossible 
for the united Democrats of the North and the South to 
alter whatever measures in his behalf had been taken by 
Congress. 

567. Differences between President and Congress. — While a 
majority of the people of the North were determined to prevent 
the possibility of any form of domination over the negroes, 
the President, as a Southern Democrat, cared less for the free- 
dom of negroes than he did for the right of the white men 
in the individual Southern states to settle their own affairs. 
Johnson, therefore, was determined that the Confederate states 
should come back into the Union under the leadership of their 
white voters. This would mean, of course, the leadership of 
those who had recently been at war against the Union, and 
to such a result the Republican members of Congress were 
strongly opposed. 



450 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON, 1865-1869. [§568 

568. Provisional Governors. — The President began his policy 
by the appointment of a provisional governor for each of the 
seceded states. This governor called conventions whose mem- 
bers were to be elected by such of the former voters as should 
take the oath of loyalty contained in the Proclamation of Am- 
nesty. The conventions showed their loyalty to the Union by 
repealing the Ordinances of Secession, by voting that no debt 
should ever be paid that had been incurred by the Confederacy, 
and by ratifying the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, 
which prohibited slavery forever in the country (§ 546). But, 
on the other hand, some of them also passed laws to force the 
freedmen to work, under penalty of imprisonment as vagrants. 
To the people of the North this unfortunately looked like an 
attempt to set up slavery under another form. It was prob- 
ably not so intended, but showed at least great indiscretion. 

569. Refusal of Admission to Congress. — When Congress 
met in December, 1865, the members refused to admit the 
representatives that had been sent from the seceded states. 
They asserted, moreover, that the seceded states were not 
in the Union and must be readmitted before their acts could 
have authority, and before they could have representation 
in Congress. Tennessee was readmitted, and representatives 
from this state were received in Congress in 1866, but no other 
representatives from seceded states were received until nearly 
two years later. The President argued that Congress had no 
more right to keep a state out of Congress than a state had to 
secede, and in this position he was generally supported by the 
Northern Democrats. 

570. The Elections of i866. —The future of reconstruction 
seemed to turn on the result of the elections in the fall of 
1866. The Republicans won a large majority of seats, and the 
Republican members of the outgoing Congress elected in 1864, 
who had a two-thirds majority, secured through representation 
of the border states and denial of representation to the seceded 
states, saw at once that for the next two years they would be 



§671] DIFFERENT POLICIES OF RECONSTRUCTION. 451 

able to control legislation by passing measures over the Presi- 
dent's veto. Emboldened by this fact, they now proceeded to 
adopt their own plan of reconstruction without waiting for the 
next Congress. 

571. Congressional Plan of Reconstruction. — Many theories 
were held with regard to the status of the commonwealths that 
had seceded. Some persons 
held that they were conquered 
provinces ; others that they 
had lost their statehood and 
become territories. Others 
held that the Southern states 
had committed suicide, as it 
were, and that the Federal 
Constitution and laws did not 
apply to them, and would not 
until Congress declared them 
once more in force. This 
theory prevailed in the Con- 
gressional plan of reconstruc- 
tion, which was pushed for- 
ward by Thaddeus Stevens,^ 
of Pennsylvania, chairman of 

the Keconstruction Commit- thaddeus Stevens. 

tee and of the Committee on 

W^ys and Means, and was adopted in the spring of 1867. 
It provided that the negroes should vote, and that the Con- 
federate leaders should not vote. To insure the permanent 
effects of these results, the Fourteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution was adopted by Congress, and was ratified July 28, 
1868, by the necessary majority of three-fourths of the states. 

1 Born in Vermont, 1793; died, 1868. Graduated at Dartmouth: practiced 
law in Pennsylvania ; Wliig member of Congress, 1849-1853, when he strenu- 
ously opposed the Compromise of 1850; Republican member, 1859-1868, of 
a radical type and great influence ; advocated very severe measures during 
the reconstruction period ; urged emancipation, the Fourteenth Amendment, 
the Acts of Confiscation, and the impeachment of President Johnson. 




452 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON, 1865-1869. [§ 572 

572. The Fourteenth Amendment. — While the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution forever prohibited slavery 
within the United States and its dependencies, the Fourteenth 
Amendment excluded from Congress and from all civil or 
military offices in the United States all persons who, after 
having taken the oath to support the Constitution of the United 
States, should " have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies 
thereof," until Congress, by a two-thirds vote of each House, 
should remove such disability. The Fourteenth Amendment 
thus had the stupendous effect of disqualifying from holding 
office all the most prominent Southern leaders. It also 
guaranteed civil and political rights to the negroes, under na- 
tional and state governments, and declared invalid all debts 
and obligations incurred by the states that had seceded. 

573. Methods of Reconstruction. — On the basis of these 
general purposes the work of reconstruction was carried on in 
the years 1867 and 1868. Provision was made for civil gov- 
ernments in each of the states of the former Confederacy, and 
for the establishment of five military departments, whose 
special duty it was to see that the requirements of Congress in 
the reconstruction of the state governments were carried out. 

EFFECTS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 

574. Irritation in the South. — This plan of government was 
naturally very offensive to the South, for it made the negroes 
practically rulers over their former owners. In June, 1868, 
the representatives of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, 
North Carolina, and South Carolina were elected under the 
new conditions and readmitted to Congress. Those of Georgia, 
Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia were not admitted before 1870. 
During the first period of reconstruction the freedmen in the 
South were generally in control ; but the former slaves were 
ignorant of political affairs, and had always been in the habit 
of acting as they were directed. At first they were under 



§ 576] EFFECTS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 453 

the influence of the military governments and of the " Carpet 
Baggers," and voted solidly against the whites ; but gradually 
they yielded to the persuasions of the people who employed 
them, 

575. " Carpet Baggers '' and " Scalawags." — The Northerners 
who moved into the South after the war for the purpose of 
securing office through negro votes were popularly known 
as '' Carpet Baggers " ; and the Southern whites who voted 
with the negroes were given the name of " Scalawags." Be- 
tween the "Carpet Baggers" and "Scalawags" on the one 
hand, and the old inhabitants on the other, there was bitter 
warfare, resulting in murders on both sides. The condition of 
the South during this administration and the one following 
showed how nearly impossible it is, even under military rule, 
to enforce any laws in a community where such laws are 
earnestly opposed by a majority or even by a large portion 
of the intelligent citizens. The whites were, for the most 
part, determined not to let the government fall into the hands 
of negroes ; and when the blacks abstained from taking part in 
the government they were generally not interfered with. In 
many localities they were aided and encouraged in their efforts 
for improvement ; but society in the Southern states found it 
hard to adapt itself to the new conditions. The determination 
that negroes should not rule was so deep-seated that the pur- 
poses of the government were frustrated in many ways. 

576„ The " Ku-Klux-Klan." — A secret society, known as the 
" Ku-Klux-Klan," was organized, the object of which was to 
counteract the influence of " Carpet Baggers," and to make it 
impossible for Northern men to get control of local affairs. 
Many Northern men were secretly seized, and some even put to 
death, and, for a considerable time, in many parts of the South, 
something like a reign of terror prevailed. Gradually, however, 
a better feeling was developed; but this was not until both 
whites and blacks came to see that the welfare of the negroes 
would be better served by industrial and educational than by 



454 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON, 1865-1869. [§ 577 

political methods. This belief was slow in coming ; and it 
w.as not until the administration of President Hayes, about 
ten years later, that order and some measure of prosperity were 
established. 

JOHNSON AND CONGRESS. 

577. Strained Relations of President and Congress. — While 

these conditions greatly agitated society throughout the South, 
the relations of the President and Congress were becoming 
more and more strained. Many acts were passed over the 
executive veto.^ The President kept up the irritation by freely 
and offensively accusing the members of keeping Southern 
representatives out of Congress in order that they might pass 
measures over his veto. His arguments were often powerful, 
but his lack of tact prevented him from winning men to his 
views. Matters were brought to a crisis by the passage of the 
'^ Tenure of Office Act " in the early part of 1867. 

578. The Tenure of Office Act. — Under the Constitution the 
President makes appointments with the advice and consent of 
the Senate. The Constitution is silent in regard to the power 
of removals ; but in 1789 it was decided that removals did not re- 
quire the approval of the Senate, but could be made solely at the 
discretion of the President. This was the rule until March, 1867, 

1 Among these may be enumerated the Civil Rights Bill, which gave the 
negroes citizenship with suffrage (1866), and the Second Freedmen's Bureau 
Bill, which was designed to help the former slaves by securing them employ- 
ment and in other ways (1866). The Fourteenth Amendment was also disap- 
proved by the President, and, of course, the congressional plan of reconstruc- 
tion. Congress, by a " rider " to the Army Appropriation Bill, really deprived 
the President of his power as commander in chief ; and by adopting measures 
which enabled a new Congress to meet immediately after the expiration of its 
predecessor, took away from the President all opportunity to act upon his own 
judgment during the interim between Congresses. In other words, the radical 
members of Congress were so determined to carry out their policy that in the 
two measures last enumerated and in the Tenure of Office Act they overleaped 
the Constitution and practically set up a revolutionary government of their 
own. On the other hand, the President's breach of courtesy in delivering 
harangues against Congress, at various points in the country, was highly 
exasperating. 



§ 579] JOHNSON AND CONGRESS. 455 

when Congress passed over the President's veto the "Tenure of 
Office Act/' which provided in substance that no person whose 
appointment required the approval of the Senate could be 
dismissed without the same approval. In August, 1867, John- 
son requested the resignation of the Secretary of War, Edwin 
M. Stanton, who was in sympathy with Congress rather than 
with the President. Stanton refused to i-esign and was sus- 
pended. General Grant taking his place. When Congress met 
the suspension was not ratified, and Grant resigned and Stanton 
resumed the duties of Secretary. Johnson, who regarded the 
Tenure of Office Act as unconstitutional, then removed him. 
Stanton, when the Senate had pronounced the removal illegal, 
refused to give up his office and appealed to the House of 
Representatives. 

579. Impeachment of the President. — The House, in which 
a similar attempt had already failed, at once resolved to 
impeach the President, by accusing him of having violated 
the laws and of being unfit to hold his office. According 
to the Constitution, when such a vote takes place, a trial 
must be held before the Senate as judges. The Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court is to preside, and, in order to re- 
move the President, two-thirds of the Senators present must 
vote that he is guilty of the crimes or misdemeanors charged 
against him. Johnson's trial, which began on March 5, 1868, 
was conducted with great ability on both sides, by several 
of the ablest lawyers in the country. In the test vote, taken 
on May 16, thirty-five senators pronounced him guilty, and 
nineteen not guilty, five Eepublicans not voting with their 
party. As the number thirty-five was less than the requisite 
two-thirds, the vote was legally an acquittal of the President, 
and Secretary Stanton resigned.^ While the trial was in prog- 

1 That the Tenure of Office Act, which was partly the cause of the disgrace- 
ful final clash between the President and Congress, was a partisan and unwise 
measure is proved by the fact that it was soon modified , and that in 1887 it was 
repealed. 



456 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHNSON, 1865-1869. [§580 

ress, Johnson made his famous " Swinging round the Circle '^ 
tour in the Northwest and delivered extreme speeches against 
Congress. 



580. Election of General Grant. — The Presidential election 
of 1868 turned upon the policy of the government in regard to 

reconstruction. The 
' '^ ~^ - , Republican party, 

generally supporting 
the policy of Con- 
gress, nominated with 
enthusiasm and una- 
nimity, General Ulys- 
ses S. Grant and 
Schuyler Colfax of 
Indiana. The Demo- 
crats, opposing that 
policy, put in the field 
Horatio Seymour^ of 
Xew York and Frank 
P. Blair of Missouri. 
The election resulted 
in two hundred and 
fourteen electoral 
votes for the Eepub- 
lican candidates, and 
eighty for the Demo- 
cratic. Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia, not having been read- 
mitted, could not vote. 




Horatio Seymour. 



1 Born in New York, 1810 ; died, 1886. Was military secretary of Gov- 
ernor Marcy; as assemblyman, mayor of Utica, and Speaker of the Assem- 
bly, he became very prominent as Democratic leader : was governor of New 
York, 1853-1855, after having been defeated as candidate in 1850; also gov- 
ernor, 1863-1865 ; supported the Union during the War, but in a spirit that 
provoked much criticism, as did, notably, his speech to the rioters in New 
York City in 1863; presided over Democratic Convention in 1868, and, against 
his will, was nominated for President; was defeated by General Grant. 



REFERENCES. 457 

References. — Wilson, Division and Reunion, 254-300; Dunning, 
Essays on the Civil War and Beconstruction ; Johnson, American Politics, 
207-279; Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress; Landon, Constitutional 
History; Gorliam, Life of E. 31. Stanton; Schouler, Utiited States, 
Vol. VI. ; McCall, Thaddeus Stevens ; Storey, Charles Sumner ; Hart, 
Salmon P. Chase (in "American Statesmen" series); J. W. Burgess, 
Beconstruction and the Constitution (1902) . See also a series of articles 
in the Atlantic Monthly for 1901, and W. P. Trent, "A New South 
View of Reconstruction," in the Sewanee Beview, January, 1901 ; Chan- 
ning and Hart, Guide, § 25. 

On the condition of affairs in the South, from the Northern point of 
view, see Tourgee's FooVs Errand, and also his Bricks without Straw. 
For a discriminating Southern view, see Thomas Nelson Page's Bed Bock. 

On this period and on those that follow, the histories are few and not 
conclusive. Reliance for sources must be placed on the current literature 
and on such books as McPherson's Handbooks, Appleton's Annual Cyclo- 
paedia, Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics, Shaler's United States, and 
the writings of the leading statesmen as indicated in Channing and 
Hart's Guide. 



PART YII. 

PERIOD OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, 

1869-1902. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. 

GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1869-1873. 

581. Pacific Railroads. — The policy of helping railroad 
building by Federal land grants began as early as 1850, when 
an important grant was given to aid the construction of the 
Illinois Central Railroad. In the course of the next six years 
several other grants were made for similar purposes. The 
construction of a railroad to the Pacific was recommended by 
the Republican platform of 1856 ; but the project was delayed 
by differences between the North and the South in regard to the 
location of the road. In 1862 the Union Pacific was projected 
to extend from Omaha to Ogden, where it was to connect with 
the Central Pacific for San Francisco. Though these roads 
were built by private corporations, the latter were largely aided 
by Congress.-^ Besides granting every other section of land 
along the routes for a space twenty miles in width, the govern- 

1 The Union Pacific was to receive $16,000 for each mile across the plains, 
$48,000 for each mile across the mountains, and $32,000 per mile for the 
remainder of the way. The Central Pacific was to receive an average of a 
little more than $31,000 a mile. The total amount received was $55,076,000. 

458 



§582] GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1869-1873. 459 

ment guaranteed the bonds of the corporations to the extent 
of over thirty thousand dollars a mile. The roads were 
completed in 1869, the first year of Grant's administration.^ 
Though the transcontinental lines have not generally proved 
profitable to stockholders, they have been of immense advan- 
tage to the country as a whole. Formerly from three to six 
weeks were required for the senators and representatives to 
reach Washington from California and Oregon ; but the rail- 
roads reduced the time to a single week. Another advantage 
of far greater importance was the encouragement offered by 
the roads to the rapid settlement of the regions through which 
they passed. The new Western states increased in population 
with amazing rapidity, partly from foreign immigration, and 
partly from the migration of people from the Eastern states. 
By the census of 1870 it was found that more than a million 
inhabitants had already settled along the transcontinental lines. 
The Pacific states now for the first time seemed to be an in- 
tegral part of the Union. 

582. San Domingo Question. — In 1869 the people of the 
Eepublic of San Domingo expressed a desire to be annexed to 
the United States. Grant favored annexation, and a treaty 
was drawn up, but the project met with much popular oppo- 
sition. A commission, consisting of Senator B. F. Wade of 
Ohio, Dr. Samuel G. Howe of Massachusetts, and President 
Andrew D. White of Cornell University, was sent to inspect the 
island and report upon its condition. The opposition to the 
treaty was based principally upon the fact that the people of San 
Domingo were chiefly ignorant negroes. Public opinion seemed 
not to favor an addition to the number of negroes giving trouble 
to the government, and the Senate rejected the treaty. 

1 The Northern Pacific, which extends from St. Paul to Puget Sound, was 
built with the help of forty-seven million acres of land, but was not completed 
until 1883. The Southern Pacific, which extends from New Orleans to San 
Francisco, was also assisted by the government and was completed some years 
later. The Santa Fe and the Great Northern, at a still later period, also con- 
nected the Mississippi Valley with the Pacific Coast. 



460 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§683 

583. Fifteenth Amendment. — In order to improve the status 
of the negroes in the South the congressional plaD of recon- 
struction was supplemented by the adoption, in 1870, of the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. This provided that 
no person should thereafter be deprived of the privilege of 
voting " because of race, color, or previous condition of ser- 
vitude." During the same year, Mississippi, Texas, and Vir- 
ginia were admitted to representation in Congress ; and in 1871, 
for the first time in ten years, every state in the Union was 
duly represented. 

584. Negro Legislation. — The negroes, although the most 
ignorant part of the population, were in control of the Southern 
legislatures, and their legislation was, as a rule, very crude and 
unwise. The white people of the South owned most of the 
property, but the blacks, through their control of the legis- 
latures, to which they often elected unscrupulous white men, 
had the power to levy taxes. This fact kept up the violent 
opposition on the part of the white population which had 
begun under President Johnson. The negroes were sometimes 
bribed to keep away from the polls ; sometimes threatened with 
discharge from employment if they voted ; and sometimes were 
kept from voting by force. Congress retaliated by penal legis- 
lation against such interference with the negro's right to 
suffrage. So-called '^ Force Bills" were passed in 1870 and 
1871, which increased the bitter feeling in the South. To 
preserve order, the provisional governors were obliged to call 
on the President for Federal troops. This augmented the 
strife, and the Ku-Klux-Klan (§ 576) was increasingly active. 
Within a year, however, affairs quieted down, a general Am- 
nesty Act and other milder legislation helped to placate the 
whites, and soon the Supreme Court, by important decisions, 
made it plain that the individual states, in spite of the new 
Constitutional Amendments, could control their own citizens in 
many important ways. Thus the fears of the whites that the 
blacks would secure permanent control of affairs were allayed. 



§ 587] GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1869-1873. 461 

585. The Treaty of Washington. — In 1871 a treaty between 
the United States and Great Britain was signed at Washington, 
by which both nations agreed to submit to arbitration what 
were known as the " Alabama Claims," made by the United 
States against Great Britain on account of losses to American 
shipping, caused by Confederate privateers fitted out in Brit- 
ish ports (§ 502). By the terms of the treaty, the questions 
involved were to be settled by a court of five arbitrators, one to 
be appointed by each of the governments of the United States, 
Great Britain, Italy, Switzerland, and Brazil. The Court sat 
at Geneva in 1872. Elaborate testimony was offered on both 
sides. The United States government was able to show that 
the British government had been repeatedly warned of the fit- 
ting out of the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers. The 
Court, after hearing the evidence and arguments, held that 
Great Britain had not been duly watchful, as required by inter- 
national law, to prevent the use of her ports by the agents 
of the Confederacy, and accordingly decided that the British 
government should pay to the United States damages to the 
amount of fifteen million five hundred thousand dollars in gold. 

586. Northwest Boundary : Canadian Fisheries. — The Treaty 
of Washington also provided for the settlement by arbitration 
of two other important questions that had been in dispute for 
a considerable time. These were the boundary between the 
Oregon region and Canada, not clearly defined by the Treaty 
of 1846, and the fishery claims on the northeastern Canadian 
coast. By the terms of the Treaty of Washington the boundary 
question was submitted to the German Emperor, who gave his 
decision, in 1872, in favor of the American claim. The arbi- 
trators to whom the fisheries question was referred decided 
against the United States and that the government should pay 
five million five hundred thousand dollars for the use of the 
Canadian shores for drying and curing fish. 

587. Chicago and Boston Fires. — The autumn of 1871 will 
long be memorable for one of the most disastrous conflagrations 



462 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§ 688 



ever known. In the evening of October 8, a fire broke out in a 
stable in West Chicago, and soon spread so that it was beyond 
control. Every structure within a space of more than three 
square miles in the heart of the city was reduced to ruins. 
More than a hundred thousand people were, deprived of their 
homes, and the loss of property was estimated at more than 
two hundred million dollars. In November of the following 
year, about seventy-five acres in the richest part of Boston were 
burned over, at a loss of about seventy-five million dollars. 

588. Presidential Nominations. — As the end of Grant's first 
term approached it became evident that he would be renominated, 

although there were 
many disaffected Kepub- 
licans. The prevalence 
of political scandals and 
the continued unsatis- 
factory condition of the 
South were the most 
serious causes of com- 
plaint. The discontented 
Eepublicans clustered 
about Horace Greeley^ 
of New York, and at a 
convention held at Cin- 
cinnati, in May, 1872, he 
was nominated for Presi- 
dent, with B. Gratz 
Brown of Missouri for 
Vice President. The plat- 
form adopted charged 
the administration with unscrupulous and selfish use of 
power in the South, and demanded the immediate substi- 

1 Born in New Hampshire, 1811 ; died, 1872. Edited various newspapers in 
New York City until lie founded the Tribune, 1841, which he edited with great 
power till the year of his death ; was first a Whig, then a Republican ; always 
an advocate of protection, and during the later years of his life an advocate 




Horace Greeley. 



§589] GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1873-1877. 463 

tution of civil for military power in the Southern states. As 
the views promulgated by this platform were substantially 
those of the Democratic party, the Greeley platform and can- 
didates were accepted as their own by the Democratic Con- 
vention. The union, however, was not an auspicious one. 
Greeley had been active and influential as a Whig and Repub- 
lican and a lifelong opponent of the Democrats, and was 
therefore distrusted. Many Democrats regarded the nomi- 
nation as a cowardly surrender. The opposition found expres- 
sion in a call for a strictly Democratic convention to be held, 
September 3, at Louisville, Kentucky. The result was the 
nomination of Charles O'Connor of New York for President, 
and John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts for Vice President. 
As Greeley died a few days after the electors were chosen 
and before their vote was cast, the Democratic vote was scat- 
tering, and Grant received two hundred and eighty-six of the 
three hundred and forty-nine electoral votes. 

GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1873-1877. 

589. Commercial Activity and the Crisis of 1 873. — During 
Grant's first administration there was remarkable commercial 
activity throughout the country. Money was very abundant, 
and prices were high ; and, now that the war was over, capital 
was everywhere seeking investment in new enterprises. The 
war between France and Germany in 1870 and 1871, and the 
bad harvests of Europe generally, made a great market for 
all American products. An era of railroad construction and 
speculation naturally ensued. Everybody seemed to wish to 
invest in the new roads, many of which could not pay the 
expenses of operation. In the four years of Grant's first 
administration, the mileage of railroads in the country was 
increased about fifty per cent ; but it soon became apparent that 
the work had been enormously overdone. All at once, when 

of universal suffrage and general amnesty ; became one of the bondsmen of 
Jefferson Davis in 1867 ; was nominated for President by discontented Re- 
publicans and Democrats in 1872. 



464 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§590 

nearly everybody wished to sell, nobody wished to buy. On 
September 19, 1873, Jay Cooke & Company, leading bankers 
in Philadelphia, failed, and Wall Street in New York was 
thrown into such a panic that the day has ever since been 
known as " Black Friday." A financial stringency ensued which 
resulted in a universal fall of prices, many failures, and much 
distress. It was not until 1879 that prosperity was restored. 

590. Political Scandals. — Grant's second term was marked 
by still greater political scandals than his first. These were 
largely due to the spirit of speculation just described. Several 
of the new railroad projects were founded on land grants from 
Congress, and railroad projectors seemed everywhere desirous 
of securing aid from the government. A company, known as 
the '^ Credit Mobilier," had been formed to finance the Union 
Pacific, and this company distributed stock among men of 
influence in a scandalous manner. A Congressional Committee 
of Investigation, appointed in December, 1872, reported in 
February, 1873, and showed that some of the stock was given 
to congressmen, apparently for the purpose of securing their 
votes. Two members of the House of Eepresentatives were 
formally censured. The spirit of corruption was thought 
to have entered the Cabinet, and one Cabinet officer, W. W. 
Belknap, Secretary of War, was impeached for receiving bribes, 
but escaped dismissal by resignation a few hours before the 
House passed the impeaching resolution. Enough senators 
held that he was not then impeachable to prevent convic- 
tion. A Whisky Eing was discovered in 1875, that had been 
organized by Federal officials and distillers for the purpose 
of defrauding the government of the taxes due on the manu- 
facture of whisky. Numerous Indian uprisings were found to 
be largely the result of dishonest methods practiced by Indian 
commissioners and contractors in cheating Indians out of their 
just dues. While no scandal of any kind ever attached to Grant 
himself, it was widely felt that he was overindulgent to 
officials of questionable honesty. Mainly in consequence of 



§592] GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1873-1877. 465 

these scandals, there was a general outcry from the public, and 
a demand for a different system of appointment to all the minor 
civil offices. 

591. Extravagance of Congress.— The spirit of dissatisfaction 
that prevailed among the people at large was much intensified 
in 1873 by the action of Congress in raising the salaries of a 
large number of Federal officers. The salary of the President 
was advanced from twenty-five thousand to fifty thousand 
dollars a year ; and the salary of congressmen was increased 
from five thousand dollars to seven thousand. In the case of 
congressmen, the increase was made to apply to the Congress 
then in session. The act raised a storm of indignation through- 
out the country. It was the back-pay clause, known as the 
"salary grab," that was particularly obnoxious. Nearly all 
those members who voted for the increase were defeated at 
the next election; and so much of the measure as related to 
congressmen was repealed at the next session. 

592. Civil Service Reform. — To give voice to the demands for 
improvement in the public service, a National Civil Service 
Eeform Association was organized, which devoted itself to 
agitation favoring new methods of appointment. From the 
time of Jackson, the custom had been growing for a new Presi- 
dent to turn out of office those who had actively opposed him, 
and to appoint those who had actively supported him. The 
numerous scandals in Grant's administration were thought to 
result largely from this system, and a demand for reform 
became general. The first Civil Service Eeform Law was 
passed March 3, 1871. This law authorized the President to 
frame and administer such rules as he deemed best for the 
regulation of appointments in -the Civil Service, The measure 
received G-rant's approval, and he appointed the distinguished 
author and orator George William Curtis, an earnest advocate 
of reform, as the head of a Board of Commissioners, who were 
to examine candidates for the minor positions and report the 
results to the President. From those who passed the exam in a- 



466 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§593 

tions most successfully, tlie President was to make the appoint- 
ments. For three years this system of competitive examinations 
was followed ; but, as congressmen were thus deprived of the 
privilege of recommending constituents for appointment. Con- 
gress in 1874 refused to vote money to maintain the commis- 
sion, and the work was thus temporarily frustrated. This was 
also a period of local political corruption. The Tammany 
Society, under its '^ Boss," William Marcy Tweed, governed 
New York City in a most scandalous and extravagant fashion. 
Finally, owing to exposures made in 1871, chiefly through the 
agency of the New York Times, Tweed was brought to trial and 
convicted.^ 

593. Indian Troubles. — During both of Grant's administra- 
tions Indian troubles were serious, partly in consequence of 
the political corruption of the period (§ 590). In the course 
of the Civil War, the Sioux in Minnesota, taking advantage of 
the absence of the United States troops, had risen in rebel- 
lion and massacred a considerable number of the inhabitants. 
With some difficulty the agitators were captured, and thirty- 
four of them were simultaneously hanged on a single gallows 
at Mankato. This striking exhibition of energy on the part of 
the government put an end to revolts for a time, but relief was 
only temporary. The Modocs, in southern Oregon, when ordered 
to another reservation in 1873, refused to go, and even put to 
death the peace commissioner sent to deal with them. They 
were finally subdued, after nearly a year of fighting. In 1875 
the Sioux again arose, under the leadership of Sitting Bull; 
but they were gradually driven west as far as the Little Big 



1 Tweed (1823-1878) was a son of a chair-maker which trade he first followed. 
He became a power in local politics through the influence he acquired as a 
popular member of a fire company. He served as alderman and congressman, 
but did his chief plundering as commissioner of public works of New York City. 
He was finally convicted in 1873 and imprisoned and fined, but in 1875 his im- 
prisonment was declared illegal. Civil suits were still pending against him 
and the enormous bail of $3,000,000 was required, in default of which he was put 
in jail. He escaped to Cuba and Spain, but was brought back and died in jaiL 



§ 694] GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1873-1877. 467 

Horn Eiver in southern Montana. Here they were imprudently 
attacked by General George A. Custer/ who, with his regiment, 
was surrounded and every member of the force with one ex- 
ception was killed 
(June 25, 1876). 
Fresh troops finally 
repulsed the Indians 
and they withdrew 
into British America. 

594. The Virginias 
Affair. — Good sense 
on both sides averted 
hostilities in another 
quarter. In October, 
1873, an American 
merchant vessel, the 
Virginius, was cap- 
tured on the high 
seas, near Jamaica, by 
a Spanish man-of-war, 
on the ground that it 
intended to land men 

to assist in the Cuban general George A. Custkk. 

insurrection then in 

progress. Several Cubans, with Captain Fry and a number of 
other persons found among the passengers, were seized and 
executed. The event caused not a little excitement in the 
United States. Spain made immediate and ample repara- 
tion ; but the incident served to increase the filibustering spirit 
toward Cuba that had long been prevalent, especially in the 
South. 

1 Born in Ohio, 1839 ; died, 1876. Graduated from West Point, 1861. Served 
with distinction in Civil War, especially in Shenandoah Valley; brigadier 
general of volunteers, 1863; brevetted brigadier general United States Army, 
1865 ; served later in the West against the Indians ; killed in the massacre ot 
his command, 1876. 




468 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§ 595 

595. The Centennial Exposition. — In the last year of Grant's 
second administration,^ tlie fact that " peace hath her victories 
no less renowned than war" was strikingly proved. The cen- 
tennial of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence 
was celebrated by a great International Industrial Exposition 
at Philadelphia. It was also, as an undertaking of all the 
states, a sign of real national unity after years of strife. The 
exposition was opened in May, 1876, and was visited by mil- 
lions of people, drawn from all parts of the country and from 
Europe. The superiority of the United States in various kinds 
of labor-saving machines and inventions, among them telephones 
and appliances for electric lighting, was a source of national 
pride ; and the cause of popular education was served by the 
exhibition of the mechanical and artistic achievements of for- 
eign nations. 

PARTY POLITICS. 

596. The Greenback Party. — As early as 1863 the principal 
and interest of the national bonds had been made payable in 

1 Though President Grant's public career ended with his second administra- 
tion, which had been greatly discredited, the last years of his life made a 
deep impression on the people at large. Soon after the close of his second 
term he made a journey around the world, and, wherever he went, honors 
were showered upon him. In China, in Germany, and in Great Britain it 
was especially evident that the greatness of his military career had made 
a profound impression. After his return, two events deeply moved the 
public sympathy. In the first place, he had intrusted nearly all of his moder- 
ate fortune to a banking house in New York, in whose managers he had 
shown an unjustifiable confidence= The bank failed so disastrously that 
Grant felt compelled to offer for sale the various swords that had been 
presented to him, as well as other important memorials of the war. These 
were purchased by William H. Vanderbilt for one hundred thousand dollars, 
and given to the nation for preservation in the Smithsonian Institution. In 
the second place, it became evident, in 1884 that his life was in immediate 
peril from an incurable disease. Fully realizing that his death was approach- 
ing, he set about the preparation of his Memoirs, in the hope that the sale of 
the work would aid in furnishing support for the dependent members of his 
family. Though tortured by excruciating pain, he pushed on the work in 
the most heroic manner and was able to complete it just before his death, 
in July, 1885. The great merits of these two volumes secured for them an 
instant public reception, and the heroism and the pathos of the great soldier's 
last days very deeply touched the popular heart. 



§ 597] PARTY POLITICS. 469 

coin. But as the price of gold rose, — or, more properly 
speaking, the price of paper notes fell, — it was possible to 
sell bonds and with the gold and silver thus received to pur- 
chase greenbacks, and thus apparently to double the rate of 
interest. As the bonds were largely held by rich men, an 
outcry rose that the law should be changed, and that all 
bonds should be made payable, principal and interest, in green- 
backs. Public feeling culminated in a political convention at 
Indianapolis, November 25, 1874, in which a demand was made 
for a general substitution of a paper currency in place of coin. 
The Greenback Party, as it was called, nominated Peter 
Cooper of New York for President in 1876, and he received 
eighty-one thousand seven hundred and forty votes, mostly in 
the Central and Western states. During the same period 
organizations of farmers, known as Granges, demanded, and 
in some states secured, the moderation of railroad rates. 

597. The Campaign of 1876. — As the election of 1876 ap- 
proached, it became evident that the people were growing more 
and more to distrust the policy of keeping the reconstructed 
governments in place by military force, and that the question of 
interfering in local affairs in the South would play a large part 
in the campaign. The Democrats were growing in strength, 
while the Eepublicans were weakening. At their party con- 
vention, the Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden of New 
York for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana for 
Vice President; while the Eepublicans placed in the field 
Eutherford B. Hayes ^ of Ohio, and William A. Wheeler of 
New York. It was evident from the first that the contest 

iBorn in Ohio, 1822; died, 1893. Graduated at Kenyon College, 1842; 
practiced law at Fremont, Ohio ; volunteered at the outbreak of the war, 
and rose to be brigadier general; was wounded at South Mountain, and 
distinguished himself in the Shenandoah campaign of 1864; congressman, 
1865-1866; governor of Ohio, 1868-1872; was elected governor on "honest 
money" issue, after a campaign of remarkable spirit,— a fact which bronght 
him forward as candidate for President in 1876 ; was nominated over Blaine 
and Bristow on the seventh ballot, by the Republican Convention, and was 
declared elected after decision of the Electoral Commission, March 2, 1876. 



470 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§598 



would be a very close one. The election revealed that the 
decision of the Electoral College, as the Presidential electors 

in their collective capacity 
are called, would turn 
upon the manner in which 
certain disputed returns 
in Florida, Louisiana, Ore- 
gon, and South Carolina 
were decided. If these 
states should all be rep- 
resented in the College 
by Eepublican electors, 
Hayes would have a ma- 
jority of one. If from 
a single one of those 
states a Democratic elector 
should obtain a vote, the 
election would go to 
Tilden. 

598. The Question in 
Dispute. — From each of 
the states in dispute, two 
sets of returns were pre- 
sented to Congress, one certifying that Kepublican, the other 
that Democratic, electors had been chosen. In each of the 
Southern states there was a returning board that was recognized 
by the government at Washington, to which the results of the 
elections from various precincts were to be reported, and whose 
duty it was to declare the result, which was to be certified, by 
the governor, to Congress. These boards, therefore, had almost 
unlimited authority. In making up the returns in Florida and 
Louisiana, they cast out the vote of certain precincts, declaring 
that the election had been tainted with fraud and violence. 
This the Democrats denied, and made out returns of their own, 
certifying that the Democratic electors had been chosen. In 




Rutherford B. Hayes. 



§599] 



PARTY POLITICS. 



471 



South Carolina there were two sets of returns emanating from 
two contending state governments. The Democrats claimed 
that Federal troops had interfered with the results of the elec- 
tion. In Oregon the question as to whether there should be 
three Eepublican electors or two 
Republican and one Democratic, 
hinged on the validity of a pro- 
test that a postmaster could not ^ J^^ 
under the Constitution be an elec- Em|^ ^te^ ■ " 
tor. As the Eepublicans had a ®^ ^ ^ 
majority in the Senate and the 
Democrats in the House, it was 
evident there could be no agree- 
ment on a count of the votes. 




Samuel J. Tilden.i 



599. Electoral Commission. — 

The importance of the question 
caused great anxiety from November until March. The result 
involved not only an entire change of national policy with 
regard to the South, but also the tenure of nearly one hundred 
thousand officials. There was talk of another civil war. For 
weeks the matter was debated in Congress, with no result. 
As the time for inauguration approached, the most temperate 
men on both sides agreed upon an Electoral Commission, to 
whom the whole matter should be submitted for decision. 
Such decision was to be final, unless both Senate and House 
agreed in rejecting it. The commission was to consist of five 
members of the House (three of them Democrats), five Senators 
(three of them Republicans), and five members of the Supreme 
Court (two Democrats, two Republicans, and one Independent). 
It turned out that the only Independent member of the Supreme 



iBorn in New York, 1814; died, 1886. Graduated at University of New 
York; became a prominent politician and corporation lawyer in New York 
City; leader of New York Democrats, 1868; successfully opposed the Tweed 
" ring " ; elected governor, 1874 ; unsuccessful candidate for Presidency, 1876: 
left large sura to endow public library of New York City. 



472 THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GRANT, 1869-1877. [§599 

Court, David Davis, resigned in order to accept a seat in the 
Senate. He therefore could not serve, and after some delay a 
Republican was put in his place. All the points in dispute 
were ably presented and argued. A bare majority of the 
Commission decided that they could not accept returns that 
were not regularly certified to and that they must accept 
those of the duly authorized returning boards. Accordingly, 
the questions in regard to each of the states involved were de- 
cided in favor of the Republicans, by a vote of eight to seven, 
all the Republicans voting one way and all the Democrats the 
other. As the Republican Senate would not vote to reject this 
result, it was conclusive, and Hayes was declared elected. The 
question was not settled, however, till March 2, two days before 
the inauguration. The feeling on the part of the Democrats 
throughout the country was naturally intense; but the de- 
cision was legal, and no formal objection to it could be made. 
Thus Hayes and Wheeler were chosen by an electoral vote of 
one hundred and eighty-five, while Tilden and Hendricks 
received one hundred and eighty-four. Nothing has ever 
occurred in the history of our government to subject the 
Constitution to so violent a strain ; and nothing could be more 
creditable to the sense of loyalty on the part of the aggrieved 
portion of the people than their peaceful submission to the 
results of the legal decision. Recent opinion seems to be 
favorable to the technical merits of Tilden's claims, yet it is 
generally conceded that the country, on the whole, profited 
from the actual course of events. 



References. — Grant, Memoirs, Vol.11.; Stan wood, Elections, IIZ- 
344; Johnston, Orations, Vol. IV., 296-366, 367-420 ; Fiske, Civil Gov- 
ernment, 261 ; G. W. Curtis, Orations (for reports in regard to the progress 
of Civil Service Reform, these addresses are unequaled) ; Andrews, The 
South since the War ; Kelley, The Old South and the New; J. W. Bur- 
gess, Eeconstruction and the Constitution (1902). Allen's Governor 
Chamberlain'' s Administration in South Carolina is valuable as a picture 
of methods during the reconstruction period. See also bibliographical 
note to Chapter XXXII. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF HAYES AND OF GARFIELD 
AND ARTHUR, 1877-1885. 

INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS. 

600. General Character cf the Administration of Hayes. — The 

administration of Hayes was one of adjustment to new con- 
ditions rather than one of great political innovations. During 
the first half of his term, the Democrats had a majority in the 
House, the Republicans in the Senate ; during the second half, 
the Democrats controlled both branches of Congress. By rea- 
son of these facts, and of the more or less general feeling that 
the President's title to his position was not perfect, radical 
legislation was impossible, and industrial questions occupied 
in the main the attention of the country. Hayes himself, 
although, much harassed by difficulties with Congress, wielded 
his power, especially that of the veto,^ in a most credit- 
able manner, and surrounded himself with a Cabinet of good 
advisers. 

601. Withdrawal of Troops from the South. — One of the first 
acts of President Hayes's administration was to order the 
withdrawal of the United States troops from the South, where 
they had been stationed for the protection of the reconstructed 
governments. The way for this movement had been prepared 
during the last days of Grant's administration ; for it had come 

1 For example, he showed great firmness in his vetoes during the extra 
session of 1879, when the Democratic Congress tried to sweep away recon- 
struction legislation by the use of "riders," or incongruous provisions, 
attached to appropriation bills. He also resisted Congressional dictation in 
the matter of appointments, and supported the cause of Civil Service reform. 

473 



474 THE ADMINISTRATION OF HAYES, 1877-1881. [§ 602 

to be seen that good order could not be reestablished by force. 
Democrats replaced Eepublicans in state offices, and every- 
where the supremacy of the white people of the South was at 
once established. It was a practical confession that the 
methods of reconstruction adopted by Congress had not been 
successful. Prom this time forward the South was able to 
give attention to industrial recuperation. 

602. Disorders and Riots. — During 1877, the first year of 
Hayes's administration, railroad strikes were common. Freight 
charges were being reduced, and the roads, finding it impos- 
sible to maintain the old rate of wages, attempted to lower the 
price of labor. Thousands refused to work at the new rates, 
and some of the workmen would not allow trains to run. At 
Chicago, St. Louis, and Baltimore there were riots, in which 
several persons were killed; but the most serious outbreak 
occurred at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where nearly a hundred 
lives were lost and the destruction of property amounted to 
about three million dollars. Pennsylvania had several years 
before suifered from the outrages of a secret society of miners 
known as the "Molly McGuires," which was not finally put 
down until 1875. 

603. Chinese Immigration. — For the construction of the Pacific 
railroads, large numbers of Chinese laborers had been induced 
to come to the Pacific coast. These immigrants did not become 
citizens, and consequently did not vote. The fact that they 
could live more cheaply, and therefore work for less wages, 
than the white laborers, aroused great opposition to their 
presence, and riots became common. In response to this out- 
cry, in 1880 a treaty was negotiated with China, by which it 
was agreed that Chinese immigration might be stopped by the 
United States government. This was followed, in 1882, by an 
Act of Congress forbidding such immigration for ten years. 
The law was imperfectly drawn, however, and its principal 
effect was to prevent the Chinese from coming in large masses. 
More stringent measures were enacted later (§ 624). 



§605] FINANCIAL PROBLEMS. 475 

FINANCIAL PROBLEMS, 

604. Relations of Gold and Silver. — Public opinion during 
Hayes's term was seriously agitated in regard to the relations 
of silver and gold. In 1873, during Grant's administration, a 
law had been passed, in consequence of a general advance in 
the price of silver, discontinuing the coinage of silver dollars, 
which had long been practically out of circulation. But by 
1878 the price of the metal had fallen on account of the large 
output of the Western mines, and Congress decided to remone- 
tize silver by providing that a certain amount should be pur- 
chased and coined each month. An act was passed, known as 
the '^ Bland- Allison Bill," which provided for the purchase and 
coinage into dollars of not less than two million, nor more than 
four million, dollars' worth of silver each month. The coining 
was to be at the rate of sixteen to one ; that is to say, sixteen 
pounds of silver was to be coined into the same number of dollars 
as one pound of gold. As so much silver in circulation would 
prove inconvenient, Congress provided for depositing the silver 
thus coined in the Treasury and issuing silver certificates as 
currency in its place. This legislation, which was passed over 
the President's veto and was regarded by economists as unsound, 
stimulated the production of silver and greatly encouraged the 
new mining industries in Colorado, Nevada, and the other states 
of the far West. 

605. Resumption of Specie Payments. — Ever since the first 
year of the war, the paper money which has already been 
described (§ 596) had been the only currency in common use. 
Greenbacks and national bank notes had been made legal tender 
for most purposes; but the Supreme Court had at one time 
decided against, and at another time in favor of, the power of 
Congress to make a legal tender out of paper not redeemable 
in coin. In consequence there was a feeling of uncertainty 
with regard to the value of the currency in which business was 
transacted, and this was harmful to the commercial interests 
of the country. The paper had depreciated in value as com- 



476 THE ADMINISTRATION OF HAYES, 1877-1881. [§606 

pared with gold, and many people urged that the government 
should pay its debts in it. This hurt the national credit. 
Accordingly, in January, 1875, an act was passed providing for 
resumption of specie payments on the 1st of January, 1879. 
In other words, after the latter date, any person could get 
coin from the Treasury in exchange for the paper he offered. 
In the course of the four intervening years, the government 
accumulated a large amount of gold and silver in the Treasury 
and prepared itself to meet such demands as might be made. 
It happened, however, as it usually does under similar condi- 
tions with local banks, that so long as the people knew that 
the government was able and ready to pay, they had no desire 
for actual payment. They at once settled into the belief tha,t 
paper was more convenient than coin. The chief credit for 
this financial legislation belongs to John Sherman, brother of 
the famous general, who long represented Ohio in the Senate, 
and at the time of resumption was Secretary of the Treasury. 

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

606. Causes of Dissatisfaction. — Though President Hayes's 
administration was free from scandals and was one of uniform 
excellence, it presented very few characteristics that appealed 
to the enthusiastic admiration of the people. Nor was the 
President popular with the political managers, who thought 
that greater energy on his part would have secured such popu- 
lar favor as to overcome the Democratic majority in Congress. 
As the time for the next Republican nomination drew near, 
it became evident, therefore, that Hayes, who did not seek a 
second term, would not be renominated. 

607. Nomination and Election of Garfield and Arthur.— The 
Republican Convention, which met at Chicago in 1880, after a 
long struggle between the supporters of J. G. Blaine and of 
General Grant, nominated, as a compromise, James A. Garfield 
of Ohio for President, and Chester A. Arthur of New York 
for Vice President. Garfield, having distinguished himself in 



§607] 



POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 



477 



military service and in the House of Kepresentatives, had 
recently been elected to the Senate. Arthur, without legislative 
experience, had been Collector of the Port of New York. The 
Democrats met at Cincinnati, and nominated General Winfield 
S. Hancock^ of Pennsylvania 
for President, and William 
H. English of Indiana for 
Vice President. There was 
no such heated contest for 
the nominations as there had 
been among the Republicans, 
for the general prosperity of 
the country indicated that the 
party in power would not be 
turned out. This forecast 
proved to be correct, for at 
the election Garfield and 
Arthur received two hundred 
and fourteen electoral votes, 
while Hancock and English 
received one hundred and 
fifty-five. The defeated can- 
didates received their main vote from what began to be called 
"the Solid South," — that is to say, not only the states that 
had seceded, but all those in which slavery had existed at the 
time of the war. Until the election of 1896, this solid mass of 
electoral votes went to Democratic candidates. 




General Winfield S. Hancock. 



1 Bom in Pennsylvania, 1824; died, 1886. Graduated at West Point, 1844; 
fought gallantly in Mexican War; appointed brigadier general of volunteers 
in 1861 ; commanded under McClellan in the Peninsula Campaign ;^ distin- 
guished himself at South Mountain, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellors- 
ville, and Gettysburg; won the high praise of Grant for his services in the 
Wilderness, at Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg; was made a 
major general in the regular army in 1866 ; Democratic candidate for Presi- 
dent in 1880. Hancock was a gallant commander throughout the war, and 
Grant spoke of him as " the most conspicuous of those general oflScers who 
never held a separate command." 



478 



GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1881-1885. 



[§608 



608. Factions in the Republican Party. — Even before the 
nomination of Garfield ^ and Arthnr, it was evident that the 
Republican party was inclined to divide into two factional 
sections. The questions at issue relatexi partly to the method 

of appointing the 



minor government 
officers and partly 
to the attitude of 
the party toward 
the South. In gen- 
eral, those Eepub- 
licans who were 
popularly known 
as " Stalwarts " 
advocated a more 
rigorous policy 
toward the South 
than Hayes had 
pursued; while the 
other division of 
the party, con- 
temptuously called 
"Half-breeds" by 
their opponents, 
supported the ad- 
ministration of Hayes and approved of the withdrawal of troops. 
The " Half-breeds," moreover, advocated a reform of the Civil 
Service, while the "Stalwarts" insisted that the offices should 




James A. Garfield. 



iBorn in Ohio, 1831; died, 1881. Graduated at Williams College, 1856; 
became president of Hiram College in 1857; volunteered, and was appointed 
lieutenant colonel in 1861 ; routed Confederates at Middle Creek, January 10, 
1862 ; was made brigadier general and served at Shiloh ; was chief of staff of 
Rosecrans and rendered such service as to be made major general after Chicka- 
mauga ; having already been elected member of Congress, he took his seat in 
December, 1863; was a leading member and debater till his election to the 
Senate in 1880 ; was nominated by the Republicans for President on the thirty- 
sixth ballot in 1880 ; assassinated, 1881. 



609] POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 



479 



be given to those who had consistently supported the party 
Garfield was supposed to represent the ^'Half-breeds/' while 
Arthur was nominated as a representative of the "Stalwarts " 
The leader of the latter was Senator Eoscoe Conkling of Kew 
York, a brilliant orator, notorious for the violence of his 
partisanship. Conkling had been a stanch supporter of General 
Grant for the nomination in 1880; but, although he helped 
Garfield in the canvass preceding the latter's election, he was 
soon at odds with the new administration on the question of 
appointments. He did not like the selection of Blaine for 
Secretary of State, and was aggrieved by other selections of 
Cabinet advisers made by the new President. Garfield was 
amply justified in resisting dictation from Conkling and other 
leaders with regard to appointments, for the platform on which 
he was nominated had called for a "thorough, radical, and 
complete reform of the Civil Service." Moreover, he had been 
nominated without having been announced as a candidate in 
advance of the nomination, and had made few, if any, promises 
to bestow offices on special men. 

609. Strife for Offices : Assassination of Garfield. — Soon after 
the election, the strife for offices became unusually intense. 
Many of the senators, acting in accordance with former custom, 
continued to insist upon practically dictating who should be 
appointed within their own states; but the President continued 
to resist them. When he refused to appoint as Collector of 
the Port of New York the candidate whom Senators Conkling 
and Piatt had urged for the place, these "Stalwarts" were 
intensely indignant and resigned their seats in the Senate. 
The New York legislature expressed its disapproval of their 
course, by refusing to reelect them.^ The result was not a 
little agitation and bitterness between the two factions, which 
perhaps was partly responsible for the assassination of the 

1 Conkling had previously attacked Garfield iu scathing speeches. He did 
not reenter public life. He died from exposure to the great "blizzard" of 
1888. Piatt later returned to the Senate. 



480 



GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1881-1885. 



[§610 



President by a fanatic 
named Charles J. Guiteau, 
to whom an office had 
been refused. Garfield 
was shot on the 2d of July, 
1881, just as he was about 
to take a train at the Penn- 
sylvania Eailroad station 
in Washington. After 
lingering in great pain, 
but with heroic endurance, 
for nearly three months, 
he died, September 19, at 
Elberon, New Jersey. 
His death called forth 
sincere expressions of 
sympathy from all parts 
of the world. Arthur^ 
was at once sworn in as 
President. Guiteau, after 
a long trial, was adjudged 
not insane, but responsible for his act, and was hanged. 




Chester A. Arthur. 



CHIEF FEATURES OF ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 

610. Success of Arthur. — The effect of the assassination was 
everywhere deeply felt throughout the country, and the im- 
pression was almost universal that in the death of Garfield 



iBorn in Vermont, 1830; died, 1886. Graduated at Union College, 1848; 
studied and practiced law in New York City ; as member of Governor Mor- 
gan's staff was of great service as quartermaster, engineer in chief, and 
inspector general during the Civil War ; was appointed Collector of the Port 
of New York, 1871 ; was actively engaged in New York politics while he held 
his position and was removed by Hayes in 1878 for alleged excessive partisan- 
ship; was nominated for Vice President with Garfield in 1880; succeeded to 
the Presidency in 1881 ; was a candidate for renomination in 1884, but was 
defeated by Blaine. 



§ 611] ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 481 

the nation had suffered an irreparable loss. President Arthur, 
however, at once showed that he was a man of firmness, intelli- 
gence, and good judgment, fully capable of filling satisfactorily 
his great office. He chose a good Cabinet, his Secretary of 
the Navy, William E. Chandler, being especially energetic in in- 
creasing the efficiency of that branch of the service. Arthur's 
recommendations to Congress were judicious, and in the case 
of Civil Service legislation, the need for which had been em- 
phasized by President Garfield's assassination, particularly 
important (§ 616). 




Brooklyn Bridge. 

611. Feats of Engineering. — Arthur's administration was 
marked by several great triumphs of engineering. In 1881 the 
completion of the Brooklyn Bridge was celebrated. This 
structure, the main avenue of traffic between New York and 
Brooklyn, and the longest and boldest suspension bridge in 
the world, was designed in 1869 by John A. Roebling, an 
engineer who had designed and constructed the first sus- 
pension bridge across Niagara River below the Falls. The 
Washington monument (dedicated in 1885), the highest stone 
structure in the world, was also completed during Arthur's 
administration, after great delay and certain difficulties of con- 
struction which were finally obviated by engineering skill. 
The monument is an obelisk of white marble, five hundred 



482 GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1881-1885. [§612 

and fifty-five feet high, and is impressive in its simple gran- 
deur.^ 

612. Condition of the Lower Mississippi. — About this time 
the attention of the country was called to the difficulty of pro- 
tecting the inhabitants of the lower Mississippi Valley against 
the dangers of inundation. The waters of the Mississippi and 
of the Missouri bring down enormous amounts of earth, which 
are deposited, partly in the bottom of the former river and 
partly in the Gulf of Mexico. This continuous deposit gradu- 
ally raises the channel, so that, in places, the bed of the river 
is higher than the surrounding country. It also fills up the 
mouth of the stream and obstructs navigation. During the 
administration of Hayes a system of jetties, consisting of thou- 
sands of bundles of fagots, was devised for the purpose of 
narrowing the channel, and by so doing, increasing the current 
so that the silt or mud might be carried far out into the Gulf. 
This plan was due to Engineer James B. Eads, who had dis- 
tinguished himself by the construction of ironclads during the 
war and of the great steel arch bridge across the river at St. Louis. 
The jetty system was temporarily successful, but it did not 
prevent the gradual rising of the river bed and consequent 
inundations. In the first year of Arthur's administration, as 
many as a hundred thousand people were driven from their 
homes and vast amounts of property were destroyed. 

613. Notable Events. — In 1881 the nation celebrated with a 
great naval display the one hundredth anniversary of the sur- 
render of the British at Yorktown. In recognition of the 
country's friendship for Great Britain, President Arthur, with 
characteristic tact, ordered at the end of the ceremonies a 
national salute to the British flag. In 1884 a World's Industrial 
and Cotton Centennial Exposition was held at New Orleans, 
which revealed the increasing prosperity of the country at 

1 Congress had voted to erect a suitable memorial to Washington the very 
year of his death ; but no appropriation was available, and even the comer 
stone was not laid until 1848. 



§615] POLITICAL EVENTS. 483 

large and of the South in particular. The years 1881-1884 
were also notable for brave Arctic explorations conducted by 
Lieutenant A. W. Greely. 

POLITICAL EVENTS. 

614. Anti-Polygamy Law.— For many years polygamy among 
the Mormons had given offense to a vast majority of the people 
of the country. The practice had been supposed to be so essen- 
tially a part of the Mormon religious system that Congress had 
hesitated to interfere with it. In 1882, however, Senator George 
F. Edmunds of Vermont succeeded in carrying through Con- 
gress a law which repealed the charter of the Mormon church, 
made polygamy criminal in any territory of the United States, 
and deprived of the elective franchise any persons who should 
refuse to take the oath to obey the stringent provisions of 
the act. 

615. Tariff Commission. — The tariff and internal revenue 
laws, enacted in 1862, for the purpose of raising a war income 
(§§ 456, 457), produced so large an income that the national 
debt was greatly reduced and a large surplus accumulated in the 
Treasury. This surplus could not be used to pay the debt, 
because the latter had been refunded, — that is, loosely speak- 
ing, readjusted on subsequent borrowing at a lower rate of 
interest than was paid when the debt was first incurred, — and 
the new obligations had not yet fallen due. It was therefore 
deemed desirable to reduce the income by a modification of the 
tariff. As questions of protection and free trade were not the 
chief motives of the change, it was decided to appoint a Tariff 
commission of business men to study the matter and report a 
suitable bill to Congress. On the basis of the recommendations 
of the Commission, a law was framed and passed in 1883; but 
it failed to diminish the income, and the accumulations in the 
Treasury went on as rapidly as before. It was thought, how- 
ever, that the Commission had been influenced too much by the 
urgent recommendations of the protectionists. The final action 



484 GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1881-1885. [§616 

was regarded by Democrats and by advocates of free trade as 
amounting to excessive taxation, and so an active agitation 
was begun in favor of a more liberal tariff law (§ 627). 

616. Condition of the Civil Service. — The murder of Garfield 
called attention anew to the bad condition of the Civil Service. 
It was evident that the number of appointments to be made 
had become so great that the President was obliged to give too 
much of his time to the subject, and even then thousands of 
offices had to be bestowed on the demand of politicians who 
showed little sense of responsibility in making their recom- 
mendations. Congress, therefore, in 1883, revived the Civil 
Service question that had been dropped in the time of Presi- 
dent Grant, and the so-called "Pendleton Bill," supported by 
Senator George H. Pendleton of Ohio, Avas enacted. Accord- 
ing to this law, a large number of subordinate appointments 
were to be made by the President from those candidates who 
had been most successful in competitive examinations. These 
examinations were to be held by a Board of Commissioners, 
duly provided by Congress for the purpose. This method had 
been very successful in other countries and had been approved 
and encouraged by Grant, Ha3^es, and Garfield. Under the 
act a Commission was appointed, which has been continued and 
has rendered great service to the country. 

617. Prosperity during Arthur's Administration.^ — The coun- 
try during Arthur's administration passed through a period of 
prosperity, which, up to that time, was unexampled. Agricul- 
ture, trade, and manufactures everywhere flourished. Laborers 
found abundant employment. The South had, for the first time 

1 Arthur's administration was not marked by foreign complications of im- 
portance, although during the period efforts continued to be made to secure 
from Great Britain some modification of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty (§ 401), 
since trade with South America was becoming more and more valuable and 
the construction of an Isthmian Canal controlled by the United States was 
considered essential. In domestic affairs it may be noted that President 
Arthur showed firmness in vetoing a bill restricting Chinese immigration, 
after which a less stringent one was passed. 



§ 618] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884. 485 

since the war, become somewhat prosperous. Free labor was 
proving more profitable than slave labor, and new industries of 
various kinds began to spring up in all parts of the Southern 
states. Manufactories of cotton goods, which, up to the time 
of the war, had flourished only in the North, now made a be- 
ginning in the South. Industrial expositions showed that a 
New South had come into existence. But in some Southern 
states, notably Virginia, where there was great agitation for the 
adjustment of the state debt, politics were still in a bad condi- 
tion. On the Pacific coast, agitation on the part of more or less 
shiftless citizens, not only against Chinese immigration but also 
against the moneyed classes, — known from its leader, Dennis 
Kearney, as Kearneyism, — was quieting down, and the law- 
lessness of the Middle West, represented by the crimes of Jesse 
James and his fellow train robbers, was finally suppressed. 
Toward the end of Arthur's administration much attention 
was called to the growth of corporations. In 1884 an " Anti- 
Monopoly'^ party was organized, and General Benjamin F. 
Butler was nominated for President. 

THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884. 
618. Demands for Reform. — As the time for the election of 
1884 approached, it was evident that demands for further Civil 
Service improvement and for tariff reform were to play a very 
prominent part in the campaign. Many Kepublicans insisted 
upon the selection of candidates who would support measures 
of reform, and threatened, in case such nominations should not 
be made, to vote for the Democratic candidates. Such advo- 
cates of reform called themselves "Independents"; but they 
were stigmatized by their enemies as "Mugwumps."^ These 
Independent voters proved to be sufficiently numerous to decide 
the coming election. 

1 The term " Mugwump " is a Massachusetts Indian word meaning a big or 
important man. It was applied as a term of reproach, indicating that those 
who received it set themselves up to be better or greater than the majority ol 
their party. 



486 



GARFIELD AND ARTHUR, 1881-1885. 



[§619 



619. Election of Cleveland. — The Republican Convention met 
at Chicago and nominated James Gillespie Blaine^ of Maine 
for President, and General John A. Logan of Illinois for Vice 
President. Blaine had long been one of the most prominent 

men in the Republican party. 
Possessed of much personal 
charm, he enjoyed great popu- 
larity with those with whom 
he came into personal contact. 
For six years he was Speaker 
of the House of Representa- 
tives, and when the Demo- 
crats secured a majority in the 
House, he became the brilliant 
leader of the Republicans on 
the floor. While he occupied 
this position, however, it be- 
gan to be whispered that his 
career was not free from acts 
involving corrupt motives. 
An investigation followed in 
regard to his connection with 
the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad and the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company. The evidence had a serious 
effect upon his political prospects. Many Republicans, be- 
lieving him not free from the taint of corruption, were ready 
from the time of his nomination to vote against him. The 

1 Born in Pennsylvania, 1830; died, 1893. Graduated from Washington 
College (Pennsylvania) , 1847 ; taught school in Kentucky and Pennsylvania ; 
removed to Augusta, Maine, 1854; edited the Kenyiehec Journal and entered 
politics ; in Maine legislature, 1858-1862 ; in Congress, 1862-1876, where he was 
prominent in reconstruction and other legislation, and was Speaker of the 
House from 1869-1875 ; charged with corruption in 1876; unsuccessful candidate 
for Presidency, 1876, and in the same^ year appointed to the Senate ; failed to 
obtain Kepublican nomination for President, 1880; Secretary of State, March 
to December, 1881 ; in retirement from public life, wrote his Tv^enty Years of 
Congress (Vol. I., 1884); nominated for President and defeated, 1884; Secre- 
tary of State, 1889-1892. 




James G. Blaine. 



§ 619] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884. 487 

Democrats who also convened at Chicago, nominated, for 
President, Grover Cleveland,^ who had recently shown great 
strength as governor of New York, and Thomas A. Hendricks 
of Indiana for Vice President. The campaign was an un- 
usually spirited one, full of unseemly personalities. Some of 
the Eeform Eepublicans finally made up their minds to support 
Blame; but others, like George William Curtis, advocated 
Cleveland's election. Blaine's cause was greatly injured by 
the extravagant attacks made upon the Democrats by some of 
his supporters. Cleveland and Hendricks were finally elected 
by an electoral vote of two hundred and nineteen against one 
hundred and eighty-two. The election was decided by the 
thirty-five electoral votes of New York, secured by a majority 
of less than twelve hundred. The vote showed that Blaine was 
defeated by those Independent Eepublicans who distrusted his 
political integrity. 

References. — Comparatively few books have been devoted specifically 
to the history of the period covered by this chapter, and general works give 
such recent events scanty space. Andrews's Last Quarter Century, and 
Channing and Hart's Guide, § 25, may be consulted with profit. See, also, 
E. Cary, George William Cxirtis ("American Men of Letters"); A. R. 
Conkling, The Life and Letters of Boscoe Conkling ; S. S. Cox,' Union, 
Disunion, Beunion ; J. A. Garfield, Works (2 vols.); John Sherman^ 
Recollections of Forty Years; J. G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress (2 
vols.) ; G. W. Curtis, Orations and Addresses (3 vols.); J.Bigelow, Samuel 
J. Tilden, his Writings and Speeches (2 vols.); Stan wood's History of 
Presidential Elections, 303-344 ; and the periodical literature of the time. 

1 Born in New Jersey, 1837. Studied law and entered practice at BuflFalo, 
New York; served as sheriff, and became mayor on a "reform" ticket in 
1881 ; his efficient administration attracted so much attention that he received 
the Democratic nomination for governor in 1882 ; was elected by the enormous 
majority of one hundred and ninety-two thousand; was so commended for 
his administration that in 1884 he received the Democratic nomination for 
President; was elected over Blaine; became prominent, while President, as a 
supporter of Civil Service reform, "hard money," and tariff reform; was 
defeated by Harrison on the tariff issue in 1888; was nominated a third 
time in 1892, and reelected by a large majority ;, retired to Princeton, New 
Jersey, at the close of his term; died, greatly honored, 1908. 



CHAPTER XXXY. 

FIRST ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1885-1889. 
IMPORTANT MEASURES AND REFORMS. 

620. Character of the Administration. — Ever since Grant's 
administrations the strength, of the two great political parties 
had been tending more and more to an equality. When Cleve- 
land entered upon his duties as President, the Democrats had a 
small majority in the House of Eepresentatives, the Eepublicans 
still had a majority in the Senate. Legislation, therefore, was 
for the most part confined to non-partisan measures. Cleveland 
surrounded himself with a good group of Cabinet advisers, in 
which the South was allowed proportionate representation.^ 
The latter fact, together with his policy of vetoing private pen- 
sion bills, rendered the President unpopular with many Union 
veterans ; but his general firmness and honesty as an executive 
were admitted by impartial observers. He was placed, however, 
in the unfortunate situation of having to offend either the 
Democrats, who demanded that all offices should be taken away 
from Eepublican incumbents and given to Democrats, or the 
Independents, who thought that removals from office should be 
made only in the case of unworthy incumbents, Cleveland 
extended Civil Service reform, but at the same time made some 
removals from office apparently on partisan grounds. Thus 
he offended both Democratic politicians and Independent re- 

1 That the North and South were forgetting their differences was proved 
during Cleveland's administration in two striking ways. In 1885 ex-Confeder- 
ate generals attended Grant's funeral; the next year, the sufferings of the 
people of Charleston, South Carolina, on account of the earthquake that so 
damaged the city, called forth great sympathy and help from the people of the 
North and West. 

488 



§ 621] IMPORTANT MEASURES AND REFORMS. 



489 



formers ; and his administration, while on the whole successful, 
was not characterized by thorough harmony. 




621. The Australian Ballot. _ Cleveland's first administration 
was not only marked by the improvement in the Civil Service 
consequent upon 
the President's ex- 
tending the num- 
ber of offices to be 
filled by persons 
who had passed 
competitive exam- 
inations, but was 
also distinguished 
by a reform which 
helped greatly to 
purify elections. 
In order to secure 
the secret voting 
necessary to les- 
sen intimidation 
and bribery of 
voters, the Aus- 
tralian ballot was 
adopted in several 
of the states. The 
essential principle 
of this ballot is 

that all the candidates' names shall be printed upon a single 
sheet of paper, and that the voter, taking this official paper 
from the supervisor of the election, shall, in a booth by him- 
self, secretly mark the name of the person or persons for whom 
he votes, and then, after folding the ballot, return it to the 
officer to be inserted in the ballot box. The method met with 
popular approval and was adopted, in the course of a few years, 
in nearly all the states. 



Grover Cleveland. 



490 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1885-1889. [§622 

622. The Presidential Succession Act, and the Electoral Count 
Act. — Two measures intended to obviate possible complica- 
tions in Presidential elections were adopted during this admin- 
istration. Before 1886 there was no laW to determine how the 
Presidency should be filled in case of the death or disability of 
the President, the Vice President, and the Acting President of 
the Senate.^ It was now determined by statute that the suc- 
cession should pass from the Vice President to the members 
of the Cabinet, eligible in the order in which the several de- 
partments were created, beginning with the Secretary of State. 
The following year (1887) the Electoral Count Act determined 
that disputes relating to the validity of electoral votes should 
be settled by state tribunals. 

623. Interstate Commerce Act. — The rapid growth of indi- 
vidual and corporate wealth in the country led to an impression 
on the part of very many people that the profits of industry 
were not fairly distributed. This feeling was greatly increased 
by the multiplication of corporations and trusts. Railways 
were everywhere tending to combine into great lines and to 
enter into agreements that were supposed to endanger compe- 
tition and sometimes even to prevent it. It was also in their 
power to make such discriminating rates for freight between dif- 
ferent manufacturing corporations and between different towns 
and cities as to favor some and injure others. This condi- 
tion led to strikes and riots at various points, and it became 
evident to the leaders of both parties that remedial legislation 
was called for. The result was the passing of an act for the 
better regulation of Interstate Commerce. Railroads exclu- 
sively within an individual state could not, under the Con- 
stitution of the United States, be interfered with ; but the act 
forbade discriminating rates and the pooling of earnings and 
rates on roads running partly in one state and partly in 
another. It also created an Interstate Commerce Commission 



"* President Arthur had urged the necessity of such a law, and the death of 
Vice President Hendricks in 1885 made the need of it still more impressive. 



§625] INDUSTRIAL AND FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 491 

of five members, with authority to decide such questions under 
the act as might arise between the railroads and their patrons, 
and to make an annual report on actual conditions. The Com- 
mission, however, was not given power to enforce its decisions, 
and, consequently, it failed to accomplish all the good that had 
been anticipated ; but many abuses were corrected. Individual 
states, also, in many cases enacted laws limiting the rates for 
carrying freight and passengers. 

INDUSTRIAL AND FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 

624. Anti-Chinese Laws. — The strikes and other disorders 
prevalent during this period in many parts of the country were 
generally attributed to ignorant foreigners, who had not yet 
become accustomed to American laws. Immigration brought 
in a large number of discontented, disheartened, and reckless 
people from Europe. Efforts were now made to reduce the 
number of such persons; but little was done except to take 
still harsher measures against a more or less inoffensive people 
from Asia (§ 603). In 1885 twenty-seven Chinamen were mur- 
dered by miners in Wyoming because they refused to join in a 
strike. As the Chinese could not vote, nobody seemed afraid 
to favor a measure for their exclusion. In 1888, therefore, 
a more stringent law was passed prohibiting their immigration 
into the country. It was not very perfectly drawn, however, 
and was easily evaded by immigration through Canada and in 
other ways.^ 

625. The Chicago Anarchists. — Unmistakable evidences of 
discontent among the laboring classes continued to alarm the 
country. Various organizations of workmen were formed, the 
most conspicuous of which was the " Knights of Labor," with 
upwards of a million members. A great strike took place in 
St. Louis in the Spring of 1886, but the most violent outbreak 

1 In 1892 the " Geary Act " authorized the expulsion from the country of 
any Chinese who could not show that they had been admitted without viola- 
tion of law. The government, however, did not strictly enforce this act. 



492 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1885-1889. [§626 

occurred in Chicago, May 4, 1886. A riot of anarchists, mostly 
foreigners, resulted in the killing of a number of policemen by 
bombs thrown in Haymarket Square. Four leading rioters 
were executed. Others were imprisoned, but were pardoned 
in 1893 by Governor Altgeld of Illinois. Though a reaction 
immediately took place against violence of an anarchistic 
kind, discontent throughout the country went on increasing. 
Perhaps the lessons taught by the Chicago tragedy were best 
taken to heart by those philanthropists who began establishing 
" settlements '' among the poor of the great cities and in other 
ways labored to improve their condition. 

626. Pension Vetoes. — Both political parties had been in- 
clined to pursue a liberal policy in regard to military pensions. , 
The debt of gratitude to the old soldiers and sailors was so 
generally felt that whenever a proposition to extend the pen- 
sion list was made, very few politicians seemed willing to 
oppose it. The consequence was, that the liberality of Con- 
gress seemed to many persons, including the President, to be 
running into folly and extravagance. The pension list was 
costing the Treasury about one hundred million dollars a year, 
and Cleveland determined to resist its increase. He vetoed so 
large a number of pension bills, including a specially liberal 
one known as the Dependent Pension Bill (1887), that efforts 
to extend the lists were discouraged. 

627. Accumulation in the Treasury. — In the course of 
Cleveland's administration the silver coined under the Bland- 
Allison law (§ 604) was but slightly circulated, and the income 
of the government from tariff and internal revenue largely 
exceeded the expenses. All the bonds that were due had been 
paid, and the interest on the national debt had been greatly 
reduced. In consequence there was an accumulation of a very 
large sum of money in the Treasury. The President was 
strongly of the opinion that financial distress would result 
from continuance of a tariff producing a surplus that kept 
so much money from circulation and tempted congressmen to 



§628] INDUSTRIAL AND FINANCIAL DISTURBANCES. 493 

make large appropriations for pensions and for less worthy 
objects. Accordingly, in a special message of December, 1887, 
he recommended a policy of tariff reform in the interests of 
freer trade. As the Senate was still Eepublican, he could not 
have hoped that Congress would at once pass such a measure 
as he recommended and as the House agreed to when it passed 
a reduced tariff act, known as the '' Mills Bill," from its chief 
framer, Eoger Q. Mills of Texas. Cleveland's message was 
designed to place the matter before the country in such a way 
that it would become the main issue at the next Presidential 
election. In this purpose he was successful, although the 
*' Mills Bill" failed in the Senate. 

628. Election of Harrison and Morton. — The Eepublicans at 
their convention held at Chicago in 1888, nominated, for Presi- 
dent, Benjamin Harrison ^ of Indiana, a grandson of President 
William Henry Harrison, and for Vice President, Levi P. 
Morton of ISTew York. The Democrats met at St. Louis and 
renominated Cleveland, who was strong with the masses of 
the party, although unpopular with the politicians. Allen G. 
Thurman, formerly senator from Ohio, was nominated for Vice 
President. At the end of a vigorous campaign, conducted 
almost exclusively on the tariff issue, but marked by the circu- 
lation of misleading statements and the corrupt use of money ,^ 
Harrison had two hundred and thirty-three electoral votes, and 



1 Born in Ohio, 1833 ; died, 1899. Graduated at Miami University, 1852 ; set- 
tled in Indianapolis as a lawyer ; volunteered in 1862 and was advanced to 
brevet brigadier general ; elected to the United States Senate, where he served 
from 1881 to 1887 ; nommated and elected President in 1888 ; renominated iu 
1892, but was defeated at the polls by Cleveland ; retired, at the end of his 
term, to the practice of the law at Indianapolis. 

2 There was a large amount of money raised and used by the Republicans 
for campaign purposes, and it was charged by the Democrats that much of 
this fund was employed in purchasing votes, especially in Indiana. Counter 
charges of a similar nature were brought against the Democrats ; and it is 
clear that the people at large believed the election to have been a discreditable 
one to both parties, since the adoption of better ballot laws by the states was 
accelerated (§ 621). 



494 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1885-1889. [§628 

Cleveland one hundred and sixty-eight. As in 1884, the elec- 
tion was decided by the thirty-five electoral votes of the state 
of New York. 



Referekces. — See bibliographical note to Chapter XXXIV. Add: 
Appleton's Annual Cyclopcedia for the years under consideration. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
1889-1893. 

DOMESTIC EVENTS AND MEASURES. 

629. Character of Harrison's Administration. — President 
Harrison was an able lawyer and a good judge of men, as h& 
proved by important judicial appointments and by the choice 
of a strong Cabinet. His Secretary of State was J. G. Blaine. 
Sin(^ the latter had favored a rather aggressive foreign policy, 
it is not strange that Harrison's administration should be im- 
portant on account of international relations. Since Congress 
was Republican in both branches when the administration 
began, it was possible to carry through important domestic 
legislation, including a new tariff and a lavish pension bill. 
One measure on which many Republicans had set their hearts, 
— a Federal Election Bill, introduced by Congressman (later 
Senator) Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, the object of 
which was to enable the general government to prevent fraud 
at elections in the larger cities and in the South, — was finally 
defeated in the Senate by a combination of Democrats and 
Republicans favoring more liberal laws with regard to silver. 
The defeat of this so-called " Force Bill " was probably good 
for the country and not harmful to the Republicans ; but the 
party was hurt by its tariff legislation and was badly defeated 
in the congressional election of 1890. Thus the second half 
of Harrison's administration was not so productive of important 
legislation as the first. The Union was enlarged during this 
period by the addition of six of the far Western states. North 
and South Dakota, Montana, and Washington were admitted 

496 



496 



ADMINISTRATION OF HARRISON, 1889-1893. [§630 



in 1889, and Idaho and Wyoming in 1890. In the more than 
twenty years that had elapsed since the admission of Nebraska 
in 1867, only one state had been admitted — Colorado, in 1876. 
At the end of Harrison's administration, the question of secur- 
ing for the Union territory outside its bounds — to wit, the 
Hawaiian Islands — became important (§ 650). 



630. The McKinley Tariff. — The election of Harrison had 
turned chiefly on the tariff issue raised by the special message 

of Cleveland; and 
as the nation had 
decided against 
the Cleveland doc- 
trine, the framing 
of a new tariff bill 
was early under- 
taken. It was, as 
usual, intrusted to 
the House Com- 
mittee of Ways 
and Means, of 
wdiich William 
McKinley of Ohio 
was chairman. 

While it was gen- 
erally felt that a 
large part of the 
surplus in the 
Treasury ought to 
be put into circu- 
lation, the Republicans were unwilling to reduce the duties on 
protected goods. Therefore they adopted the policy of impos- 
ing a higher duty on all articles produced in the United States, 
and reducing the duty on all other articles. It was believed 
that in this way the excess of revenue could be checked with- 
out endangering the protective system. As a matter of fact, 




Benjamin Harrison. 

[Copyright by Pach Brothers, 1896.] 



§ 632] DOMESTIC EVENTS AND MEASURES. 497 

the so-called " McKinley Tariff " of 1890, although it admitted 
sugar free, and was supplemented in the Senate by a "reci- 
procity clause," which authorized the President to modify the 
tariff rates upon goods from other nations according to the 
liberality of those nations toward goods from the United 
States, created great popular disturbance, and converted many 
voters to Cleveland's theories of freer trade. It was followed 
by a marked rise of prices in certain articles, and this fact 
probably contributed largely to the crushing defeat of the 
Eepublicans in the election of 1890. 

631. Oklahoma Territory. — The new tariff, although it at- 
tracted so much attention, was but one of several important 
features of Harrison's administration. Not long after the 
inauguration, the territory of Oklahoma was thrown open for 
settlement. It had formed a part of Indian Territory, but the 
right of the Indians had been purchased by the United States. 
In order to prevent speculation, Harrison made it known that 
no entrance into the territory before noon of April 22, 1889, 
would entitle anj^ one to preempt land. As the soil and climate 
were considered particularly desirable, a vast crowd, number- 
ing, it was said, as many as fifty thousand people, gathered on 
the border to be among the first settlers. At the bugle blast 
announcing the hour, the waiting settlers rushed over the bor- 
der and the scramble of selecting lands began. Within a few 
months Guthrie, the capital, had several thousand inhabitants, 
with banks, schools, churches, and electric lights. The same 
year that witnessed this notable evidence of nationa,l enterprise 
also saw the great flood of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, which 
destroyed many lives and much property. 

632. The Pan-American Congress. — In October, 1889, as a re- 
sult of the work of a commission appointed in 1884, a congress 
of representatives of eighteen of the leading governments of 
North, Central, and South America, met at Washington, in 
what was known as the Pan-American Congress. The meeting, 
which had been advocated by Blaine, was designed to promote 



498 ADMINISTRATION OF HARRISON, 1889-1893. [§633 

facilities for commercial intercourse. After visiting various 
parts of the United States, the delegates, sixty-six in number, 
returned to Washington and devoted several months to the dis- 
cussion of better methods of making the resources of their 
respective countries known, and to' other subjects of mutual 
interest. The conference was not wholly harmonious, nor were 
the results very definite, although the fact was brought out 
that Blaine and other Republicans were modifying their views 
in the direction of more liberal opinions with regard to the 
value to the country of less restricted foreign trade. 

633. New Rules in the House of Representatives. — In Decem- 
ber, 1889, important action was taken in the House of Eepre- 
sentatives to prevent the obstruction of business. Before that 
time, the question as to whether a quorum was present was 
determined by the number of members who responded to their 
names at roll call, and any member felt at liberty to remain 
silent when his name was called. This custom afforded many 
opportunities for the minority to prevent legislation by simply 
remaining silent, and thus reducing the number apparently 
present to less than a quorum. It was also possible to obstruct 
legislation indefinitely by a succession of motions requiring a 
call of the roll. The Republican majority, under the leader- 
ship of Speaker Thomas B. Reed of Maine, now changed the 
rules so that a quorum would be determined by the number of 
those actually present. The new rules also empowered the 
Speaker to ignore motions which he regarded as purely dila- 
tory. Mr. Reed's innovations were denounced at the time as 
tyrannical, and he became popularly known as " Czar Reed " ; 
but the general wisdom of his course of action was acknowl- 
edged later, especially when the Democrats, on obtaining con- 
trol of the House in 1891, did not revert to the old rules. 

634. Silver Legislation. — The continued decline in the price 
of silver had led to an active agitation in favor of a law to 
require the government to coin all the silver that might be 
brought to its mints at the rate of 371^ grains of pure silver to 



§637] DOMESTIC EVENTS AND MEASURES. 499 

the dollar (§ 604). Such a law, it was argued, would not ouly 
provide a market for the product of all the silver mines, but 
would also raise the price of silver as compared with gold to 
its old standard. A majority of the economists and financiers 
of the country argued, however, that such an extension of the 
currency would be sure to bring on a financial crisis. 

635. The Sherman Law. — In order to prevent the passage of 
the suggested law, Congress agreed, in 1890, upon a compro- 
mise measure, proposed by Senator Sherman of Ohio. This 
"Sherman Bill" provided that the government should buy 
each month four and a half million ounces of silver, and 
that, for the silver so purchased, the United States should 
issue Treasury notes. These notes, known as silver certificates, 
were to be legal tender in payment of debt. This compromise 
increased the amount of currency in circulation by about fifty- 
four million dollars a year, and proved to be a severe drain 
upon the Treasury and a cause of financial uneasiness. It did 
not, however, raise the price of silver, as many had anticipated 
(§ 647). 

636. New Pensions. — The vast sum accumulated in the 
Treasury and the rapid increase of the currency stimulated 
large expenditures on the part of the government. The Presi- 
dent recommended greater liberality in the granting of pen- 
sions, and the " Dependent Pension Bill " was finally passed 
in 1890 (§ 626). Under this law the amount annually ex- 
pended for pensions rapidly rose until, in the course of a few 
years, it reached more than one hundred and fifty million 
dollars a year. 

637. Internal Improvements. — Congress also made large 
appropriations for internal improvements ; increased the appro- 
priations for the navy ; and voted to refund to the individual 
states the amount of taxes they had levied in support of 
the war for the Union. In these ways, the expenditures 
of the Fifty-first Congress exceeded those of the Fiftieth by 
about one hundred and seventy million dollars, and in con- 



500 ADMINISTRATION OF HARRISON, 1889-1893. [§638 

sequence the former body came to be popularly known as the 
" Billion Dollar Congress.'^ This fact gave the Democrats a 
good opportunity to charge the Republicans with gross extrav- 
agance, and contributed to the defeat of the latter in the elec- 
tions of 1890. 

638. Labor Riots. — Harrison's administration, like those of 
his immediate predecessors, was marked by industrial dis- 
turbances. In the summer of 1892, a great strike occurred 
at Homestead, near Pittsburg, among the employees of the 
Carnegie Steel Company. In order to protect the works and 
the non-union workmen, a considerable number of Pinkerton 
detectives were employed by the owners. A collision occurred 
between the detectives and the strikers, in which the former 
were forced to surrender, seven detectives and eleven strikers 
being killed. The district was placed under martial law, and 
the militia of the state had to be called out before order could 
be restored. About the same time, disturbances also occurred 
at Buffalo, New York, as well as in Tennessee, where the cus- 
tom of hiring out convict laborers caused considerable rioting, 
which had to be put down by the troops. 

FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 

639. Difficulty with Italy. — During Harrison's administra- 
tion, the foreign relations of the government required, as has 
already been indicated, very careful treatment. In March, 
1891, a serious riot occurred in New Orleans, in which several 
persons of Italian birth were forcibly taken from jail by a mob 
and shot or hanged. The disturbance was due to the murder 
of a popular chief of police and to the unexpected acquittal of 
six of the Italians accused of the crime and the failure of the 
jury to agree on a verdict in the case of three. Believing 
that the jury was bribed or intimidated by the criminal secret 
society known as the " Mafia," to which the accused men be- 
longed, the citizens became infuriated and broke into the jail, 
under the leadership of the district attorney. Most of the men 



§ 641] FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 501 

lynched were naturalized citizens, but some of them still owed 
allegiance to Italy. While the United States government ex- 
pressed its earnest regret at the incident, it disavowed all 
responsibility for it, since it was a matter entirely under the 
control of the State of Louisiana. The Italian government 
demanded a national apology, the payment of an indemnity, 
and the punishment of the perpetrators of the outrage. The 
United States government refused to comply ; whereupon the 
Italian minister withdrew from Washington. The matter as- 
sumed a warlike aspect ; but as an evidence of national good 
will the government finally agreed to pay the sum of twenty- 
five thousand dollars for the families of those who had been 
killed. Blaine managed the negotiations in a most creditable 
manner, in view of the difficulty of making the Italian govern- 
ment understand that even in affairs involving international 
relations the government of the United States sometimes has 
not full control of the actions of its own citizens. 

640. Difficulty with Chile. — In October, 1891, a number of 
sailors in uniform, belonging to the United States cruiser Balti- 
more, were assaulted in the streets of Valparaiso, in consequence 
of bad feeling aroused by previous acts of the American 
Minister, who had not been neutral in a civil war going on in 
Chile. The Chilean populace was also incensed against the 
Americans on account of the illegal chase of a Chilean vessel, 
the Itata, by the United States cruiser Charleston. The re- 
quests of our government for an apology and for reparation 
were ignored, until, in January, 1892, a peremptory demand, 
accompanied by ships of war, was presented to the Chilean 
government. An indemnity of seventy-five thousand dollars 
was promptly offered and accepted. Blaine seems to have 
handled with his usual skill this not altogether creditable 
affair. 

641. Seal Fisheries. — Blaine displayed equal vigor, but prob- 
ably less discretion, in his efforts to secure the settlement of 
another serious question. For some years a dispute had existed 



502 ADMINISTRATION OF HARRISON, 1889-1893. [§ 642 

between Great Britain and the United States, in regard to the 
rights of vessels engaged in the seal fisheries off Alaska.^ The 
dispute involved the question as to whether Alaska seals, in 
going to and from the outer islands, passed out of the United 
States jurisdiction, so as to be subject to capture by foreign 
fishermen. This difficult question, which had never been 
clearly settled by international law, was finally submitted, in 
1892, to arbitration, the seven arbitrators meeting at Paris, in 
the spring of 1893. The contention of the United States was 
not allowed, and it was declared that no exclusive property in 
seals could exist outside the three-mile limit. It was decided, 
however, that both nations might join in protecting the seals in 
the open waters. 

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

642. The People's Party. — For many years before 1890 the 
farmers of the country had shown unmistakable signs of dis- 
satisfaction (§ 596). Many organizations, known as Farmers' 
Leagues, Granges, Patrons of Industry, and Farmers' Alliances, 
had been organized for various purposes, and for the spread of 
knowledge in regard to matters of mutual intere.st. In 1889 
these organizations were united into what was known as the 
'^Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union." They met in St. 
Louis, and in the following year called a convention, which 
gave to the organization the title of the "People's [or Populist] 
Party." They demanded the unlimited coinage of silver, at a 
ratio of sixteen to one (§ 604), a graduated income tax, govern- 
ment ownership of railroads and telegraphs, and a national cur- 
rency to be loaned to the people, at two per cent, on the security 
of land or produce. On this platform, in 1890, two senators 
and five representatives in Congress were elected. In 1892 the 
new party was ready to put a Presidential ticket in the field. 



1 In 1867 Secretary Seward concluded a treaty with Russia, by which the 
United States secured for $7,200,000 the sparsely populated northwestern ter- 
ritory of Alaska, containing over 530,000 square miles. 



i 



§643] POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 503 

643. Pending Political Questions. — In the election of 1892 
several very important questions were involved. While there 
had been general prosperity in the country, there was a wide- 
spread feeling that the tariff was not accomplishing what had 
been claimed for it. The government was accused of great 
extravagance (§ 637), and some of its creditable achievements, 
such as the passage of a long needed International Copyright 
Law and of an Anti-Lottery Bill which helped to put down 
the great Louisiana Lottery, were hardly remembered. The 
relations of capital and labor were not satisfactory, and it was 
widely felt that labor was not receiving its share in the profits 
of industry. The accumulations of silver in the Treasury now 
amounted to a vast sum, which many people desired to see put 
in circulation. In the midst of this prevailing discontent, 
Harrison, who had been a good executive, was renominated 
for the Presidency, with Whitelaw Keid of New York for Vice 
President, in a convention held at Minneapolis. The Demo- 
crats met at Chicago, and once more nominated Cleveland, who 
had spent the interim practicing law in New York City, with 
Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois for Vice President. The People's 
Party nominated James B. Weaver of Iowa for President, and 
James G-. Field of Virginia for Vice President. The result was 
an overwhelming victory for the Democrats. Cleveland and 
Stevenson received two hundred and seventy-seven electoral 
votes, while Harrison and Reid received only one hundred and 
forty-five, and the People's Party candidates, twenty-two. 



References. — See bibliographical notes to Chapters XXXIV. and 
XXXV. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

SECOND ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. 

FINANCIAL LEGISLATION. 

644. Character of the Administration. — Although Cleveland 
began his second administration with a Democratic majority in 
both houses of Congress, — something that had not been known 
since the outbreak of the war, — he was not able, for two reasons, 
to make as successful a record as he had made during his first 
term. The pension, tariff, and monetary legislation of Harri- 
son's administration brought about great financial disturbances, 
which lost the Democrats the control of the House of Repre- 
sentatives and hampered Cleveland; while the latter's own 
party, the Democrats, broke away from his leadership and 
adopted many of the extreme, more or less socialistic views of 
the People's Party. Cleveland himself, although he increased 
the number of offices subject to Civil Service rules and made 
good appointments, failed to maintain tactful relations with 
the Democratic leaders and even lost some of his hold upon 
the people at large. Nevertheless, he administered his duties 
with such firmness and honesty that it would be unjust to 
describe his second administration as a failure. 

645. Industrial Causes of the Panic of 1893. — On taking up 
his duties, the new President found himself confronted with a 
serious financial crisis. The prospect of change in the tariff 
and in the currency had unsettled financial and commercial 
activity. The manufacturers of the country relied on the aid 
of high protective duties, but the Democratic victory had been 
so sweeping that they feared the tariff would be either greatly 

504 



§ 647] FINANCIAL LEGISLATION. 505 

modified or swept away. They argued that in this case the 
country would be flooded with foreign articles, and that prices 
would be so reduced as to bring disaster to all who had 
domestic goods on hand. As soon, therefore, as it seemed prob- 
able that the Democrats would carry the election, manufac- 
turers very generally suspended operations in their shops, and 
thousands of workmen were thrown out of employment. From 
this cause there was an immediate stagnation of business, which 
helped to bring on financial distress. 

646. Financial Causes of the Panic. — There was another cause 
of business depression, which is more difficult to explain, but 
which had a still more disastrous influence. The greenbacks 
not redeemed in 1879 (§ 605), but still subject to redemption, 
amounted to more than $346,000,000. The Silver Purchase Act 
of 1890, as we have already seen (§ 635), directed the Treasurer 
to buy silver bullion at the rate of $4,500,000 a month and pay 
for it with new notes that were " exchangeable for coin." Now 
the government interpreted "coin" to mean gold. In this 
way the notes in circulation redeemable in gold increased, till, 
in 1893, they amounted to nearly $500,000,000. As the num- 
ber was constantly increasing at the rate of $4,500,000 a month, 
the people began to distrust the ability of the government to 
redeem the notes. This distrust of itself would have made a 
financial crash inevitable, but the condition was made worse 
by the decline in the price of silver, to which reference has 
several times been made (§ 634). 

647. Decline in the Price of Silver. — In twenty years the 
value of silver had fallen from one dollar and thirty cents 
an ounce, till in 1893 it was worth only about eighty cents. 
People in Europe, as well as in America, naturally feared 
that our government might interpret the word "coin" to 
mean silver as well as gold, and might choose to redeem its 
notes in the cheaper metal. This fear led business men every- 
where to desire the redemption of their bonds and notes before 
the government should begin to pay silver. Foreign investors 



506 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. [§648 

sent back their bonds for redemption, while the people at home 
in many cases even drew their money from banks through fear 
that the latter would soon not be able to meet the demands 
for gold made upon them. These various influences caused 
a financial crash about two months after Cleveland's inaugura- 
tion. More than three hundred banks either failed outright 
or suspended payment; business men found it impossible to 
borrow money on any terms, and thousands of failures in busi- 
ness followed. 

648. Repeal of the Sherman Act. — As the Treasury was still 
obliged by the Sherman Act to continue purchasing silver, the 
President called a special session of Congress to modify or 
repeal the law. The clause of the bill authorizing the pur- 
chase of silver was quickly repealed by the House, when Con- 
gress met in August, but the measure was strenuously opposed 
in the Senate by numerous advocates of the unrestricted use 
of silver currency. The repealing act was finally carried and 
became a law, November 1, 1893. Its remedial effects, how- 
ever, were not speedily visible. At the beginning of winter it 
was estimated that as many as two hundred and sixty thou- 
sand laboring men were unoccupied in Chicago, New York, and 
Philadelphia. Moreover, the repeal of the Sherman Act and 
the persistent decline in the price of silver caused nearly 
all the silver mines in the West to be closed. In Colorado 
alone, from fifteen to twenty thousand miners not only lost 
their employment, but became dependent on charity for food 
and shelter. The demand for free coinage of silver at the rate 
of sixteen to one consequently became emphatic in the far West 
and was supported by the Populists and many Democrats in 
the East. 

649. The Wilson Tariff Law. — As the Democrats were 
pledged to modify the tariff law, this subject was taken up at 
the beginning of the first regular session of Congress in Decem- 
ber, 1893. William L. Wilson of West Virginia, Chairman of 
the House Committee on Ways and Means, brought in a bill 



§ 650] EOREIGN AFFAIRS. 507 

which greatly reduced the tariff on many articles. This meas- 
ure, after being much altered on account of opposition in the 
Senate, was finally passed. The President, however, since 
the bill in its ultimate form reduced duties only about one 
quarter on an average, regarded it as a modification of a 
protective tariff, rather than as a measure in the interests of 
freer trade, and therefore allowed it to become a law without 
his approval or signature. It was anticipated that the law 
would fail to produce the necessary revenue, and, largely on 
this account, a clause was added which provided for an income 
tax of two per cent on all incomes of more than four thousand 
dollars. It was expected that the income tax would yield not 
less than forty million dollars a year. The Supreme Court, 
however, declared this portion of the act unconstitutional 
and therefore null and void. The natural consequences fol- 
lowed. The income of the government was insufficient to 
meet the current expenses ; gold continued to be exported for 
the payment of bonds offered for redemption. To meet these 
demands new bonds had to be issued ; and consequently, before 
the end of the administration, the public debt had been in- 
creased by about two hundred and fifty million dollars. It is 
no wonder, in view of the unsatisfactory character of the 
Democratic legislation in 1893-1894, that in the congressional 
elections of 1894 the Republicans should have swept the 
country. 

FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 

650. Revolution in Hawaii. — Early in his administration. 
President Cleveland was obliged to consider the condition of 
affairs in Hawaii. While Harrison was in office, discontented 
resident Americans and Sandwich Islanders had overthrown 
the government of Queen Liliuokalani and established a repub- 
lican form of government. The leaders hoped that they could 
secure the annexation of the Islands to the United States. 
American seamen were landed for the avowed purpose of 
protecting American citizens, but it was charged, with probable 



508 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. [§651 

truthfulness, that they actively supported the revolutionary 
movement. The insurgents sent commissioners to Washington, 
who were influential enough to secure the draft of a treaty of 
annexation, which was sent by Harrison to the Senate for con- 
firmation. Before the Senate was ready to act on the treaty, 
however, Harrisons administration came to an end ; and one of 
Cleveland's first acts was to withdraw the treaty and send a 
commissioner to the Islands to investigate and report on the 
condition of affairs. On his arrival the commissioner declared 
the previously established American protectorate at an end and 
took down the American flag. In his final report to the Presi- 
dent, he asserted that the success of the revolution had resulted 
chiefly from the efforts of the American Minister and the sup- 
port of the American troops. The President thereupon with- 
drew all such support and wrote a letter of regret and sympathy 
to the queen. He also sent a minister to help her to regain her 
authority, — an act for which he was much criticised by the 
many persons who disapproved of his Hawaiian policy. The 
movement on the Islands, however, had been so successful that 
the queen was unable to regain her throne and finally sold her 
rights. The annexationists were completely successful four 
years later (§ 672). 

651. The Venezuelan Dispute. — Two years later. President 
Cleveland proved to the critics of his Hawaiian policy that he 
had a firmer grasp on foreign affairs than they thought. For 
nearly half a century a difference of opinion had existed be- 
tween Great Britain and Venezuela as to the boundary line 
between their possessions in South America. Great Britain 
had received by treaty, nearly a hundred years before, the 
territory in South America which belonged to Holland ; while 
the rights of Venezuela had been derived from Spain. The 
boundary line had never been clearly defined, and, as time 
progressed, disputes with regard to it became more and more 
serious. Venezuela finally appealed to the United States for 
assistance. President Cleveland's Secretary of State, Bichard 



§ 651] FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 509 

Olney of MassachusettSj entered into correspondence with the 
British government for the purpose of securing a settlement of 
the dispute by arbitration. Great Britain took the ground that 
the question was one not appropriate for arbitration, inasmuch 
as it involved the possible surrender of territory which had long 
been believed to be British and had been occupied by British 
subjects, whose rights should not be put in jeopardy. The 
correspondence became animated, and finally, in December, 
1895, President Cleveland submitted the papers to Congress 
with a special message. He took the ground that the United 
States, following out the Monroe Doctrine, would be bound to 
resist in every possible way any encroachment by Great Britain 
upon any territory belonging to Venezuela. He asked for an 
appropriation by Congress to provide for a commission to in- 
vestigate the whole subject of the boundary dispute. Congress 
at once appropriated one hundred thousand dollars for that 
purpose. The message of the President startled every one and 
made a profound sensation, not only in the United States, but 
also in Great Britain and in other parts of Europe. The 
possibility, even the probability, of war was freely talked of,^ 
although the people of neither country desired it. The commis- 
sion entered promptly upon its work, but before it was ready to 
report, the British government agreed to submit to arbitration 
all questions pertaining to lands other than those that could be 
shown, before a joint commission, to have been occupied by 
British subjects for at least fifty years. In this way the con- 
tentions of both governments were satisfied. The joint com- 
mission of arbitration met in Paris in the summer of 1899, and 
in due form rendered a final judgment, which was on the whole 
favorable to Great Britain. Cleveland's action in the matter, 
while harshly criticised in some quarters, especially on account 
of the direct language employed in his message, was on the 
whole supported with great enthusiasi;i by the people at large, 

iln consequence of the war rumors, American securities fell and the drain 
on the Treasury's supply of gold compelled the President to ask Congress to 
authorize a fresh issue of bonds. 



510 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. [§652 

regardless of party. The policy lie advocated with respect to 
the relations of the United States toward the weaker republics 
to the south may be regarded as an extension of the Monroe 
Doctrine, to which Congress and the people have given their 
consent. 

DOMESTIC EVENTS. 

652. The World* s Columbian Exposition. — One of the most 
conspicuous events of Cleveland's second administration was the 
Columbian Exposition, commemorative of the four hundredth 
anniversary of the discovery of America by Columbus. There 
was active competition among the great cities for the privilege of 
holding the exhibition. Congress decided upon Chicago. The 
exposition was projected for the year 1892, but the prepa- 
rations to be made were so vast that postponement till 1893 
was necessary. A large appropriation was made by Congress, 
and the state of Illinois also rendered important assistance; 
but the remarkable success of the undertaking was chiefly due 
to the enterprise of the people of Chicago. No other exhi- 
bition ever presented so magnificent an appearance. Jackson 
Park, on the shore of Lake Michigan, was chosen as a site, 
and the preparation of grounds and buildings was intrusted 
to a board of the most eminent landscape gardeners and 
architects in the country. Machinery and manufactured pro- 
ducts were brought together from all lands, and an important 
impulse was given to every form of American and European 
industry. But while the exhibits were most satisfactory, the 
beauty of the grounds and buildings was more important, since 
it encouraged the belief that America could become in time 
as notable for her artistic as for her industrial achievements. 
The exposition was visited by more than twenty-seven millions 
of people — nearly three times as many as visited the Centen- 
nial at Philadelphia in 1876 (§ 595). 

653. Strikes and Riots. — The Columbian Exposition repre- 
sented the benefits of industrial peace ; but while it was being 
held, the panic already described (§§ 645-649) was in progress, 



§655] DOMESTIC EVENTS. 511 

and the country's industries were thrown into great confusion. 
As had so often happened in the twenty years preceding, dis- 
content among the working classes caused much agitation and 
rioting. An '^army" of unemployed men and tramps, under 
the leadership of a person named Coxey, actually marched to 
Washington to demand redress for their grievances. They 
were easily dispersed; but a great strike, which took place at 
Chicago in the summer of 1894, was put down only with the use 
of considerable force. General inactivity in business had led 
the Pullman Car Company to make a reduction in the price 
of labor in their shops. The strike just mentioned followed ; 
and, after some weeks of turbulence, the American Railway 
Union ordered the employees of all those railroads in Chicago 
that did not refuse to use the Pullman cars to cease work. The 
consequence was a practical cessation of traffic for some days. 
When an attempt was made to move the trains, the trainmen 
were assaulted. Cars were wrecked and set on fire, and many 
men were killed or wounded. President Cleveland, though 
having no precedent for the act, with characteristic energy 
and decision sent United States troops to protect United States 
property, to secure the unhindered transmission of the mails, 
and to prevent interference with interstate commerce. His 
firmness restored order in Chicago and prevented outbreaks of 
lawlessness in other places. 

654. The Political Condition of New York City. — The city of 
New York had long been disgracefully ruled by corrupt poli- 
ticians affiliated with Tammany Hall. In 1894, an investigat- 
ing committee exposed the system of blackmail and plunder 
by which the politicians maintained themselves in power. 
In consequence of these revelations, a reform ticket was 
victorious in the fall of 1894 and the government of the 
city was improved. 

655. The Campaign of 1896. — Political conditions at the 
time of the campaign of 1896 were strangely confused. The 
President and his supporters were out of sympathy with 



512 ADMINISTRATION OF CLEVELAND, 1893-1897. [§655 

the chief leaders and the masses of the Democratic party. 
Many Democrats had become Populists. Many Eepublicans 
who favored silver had broken more or less with those of their 
party who considered the protective tariff the main political 
issue. The number of Independent voters had increased. In 
the midst of this confusion, the Eepublican convention met at 
St. Louis and adopted a platform favoring protection and, less 
explicitly, the maintenance of a gold standard. They also 
declared their willingness to cooperate with European nations 
in an effort to restore a policy of bimetalism. The Democrats, 
on the other hand, meeting at Chicago, declared that the United 
States should adopt the free coinage of silver at a ratio of six- 
teen to one, even without the cooperation of Europe. Other 
planks, especially one attacking the Supreme Court, which had 
given offense by its decision with regard to the income tax (§ 649), 
showed that the party had adopted many of the principles of 
the Populists. The administration of Cleveland was expressly 
condemned. The Eepublicans, rejecting the candidacy of 
Speaker Eeed, nominated, for President, William McKinley,^ 
who had left Congress to become governor of Ohio, and had 
secured the shrewd support of Marcus A. Hanna of that state. 
Garret A. Hobart of New Jersey was nominated for Vice 
President. The Democrats, carried away by a remarkable 
speech of William J. Bryan,^ a young ex-congressman from 
Nebraska, nominated him for President, and Arthur Sewall of 

1 Born in Ohio, 1843; died at Buffalo, New York, September, 1901. Volun- 
teered, and rose to the rank of major in the Civil War; was representative in 
Congress, 1877-1891; as chairman of the Ways and Means Committee took 
principal part in framing the McKinley Tariff Act of October 1, 1890; gov- 
ernor of Ohio, 1892-1894; was reelected for the ensuing term, but in 1896 was 
nominated and elected President of the United States ; was unanimously re- 
nominated by the Republican Convention in 1900 ; elected to a second term ; 
assassinated at Buffalo, September, 1901. 

2 Born in Illinois, 1860. Graduated at Illinois College, Jacksonville, 1881 ; 
studied law at Union College of Law, Chicago ; practiced law at Jacksonville, 
Illinois, 1883-1887; went to Lincoln, Nebraska, 1887; representative in Con- 
gress, 1891-1895; Democratic candidate for United States senator, 1894; 
editor of Omaha World-Herald, 1894-1896 ; delegate to Democratic National 
Convention in 1896; made a notable speech in advocacy of free silver at six- 



655] 



DOMESTIC EVENTS. 



513 



Maine for Vice President. Bryan's nomination was accepted 
by the " People's " Party, but Thomas E. Watson of Georgia 
was put in place of Sewall for 
Vice President. Those Demo- 
crats that could not advocate 
a free coinage policy, after much 
hesitation, met in separate con- 
vention at Indianapolis and 
nominated General John ls\ 
Palmer of Illinois for President, 
and General Simon B. Buckner 
of Kentucky for Vice President, 
on a platform advocating a gold 
basis. The campaign was an 
exciting one and caused much 
anxiety in financial circles ; but 
it was conducted with unusual 
freedom from personal accusar 
tions. Bryan made a remarka- 
ble tour of the country,- stirring large crowds by his eloquence ; 
but his efforts were vain, since the silver policy he supported 
drove thousands of Democrats and Independents into the Ee- 
publican ranks. McKinley and Hobart were elected by two 
hundred aad seventy-one electoral votes, while Bryan and 
Sewall received one hundred and seventy-six. So great was 
the disaffection within the Democratic party, that the " Solid 
South " was broken for the first time since the war. 




William J. Bryan. 



References. — See bibUographical note to Chapter XXXIV. See also 
Cleveland's articles on the Venezuelan boundary dispute, in the Century 
for June and July, 1902. 



teen to one, and was nominated for the Presidency ; defeated in November, 
1896; continued to speak on political matters in various parts of the country, 
1896-1900; was unanimously renominated for President at the Democratic 
Convention, July 5, 1900 ; defeated, and began to edit a newspaper at his 
home in Lincoln, Nebraska; made a tour of the world; nominated again for 
the Presidency and defeated, 1908; Secretary of State under Wilson, 1913. 



CHAPTER XXXYIII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF McKINLEY AND ROOSB- 
VELT, 1897-1909. 

THE BEGINNING OF McKINLEY' S ADMINISTRATION. 

656. Character of the Administration. — McKinley soon proved 
himself to possess great tact as an executive. Some of his 
Cabinet appointments were not good, and he showed weakness 
in his attitude toward Civil Service reform ; but as time went 
on his courtesy and amiability won him many friends, even 
among his political opponents. His administration was strong 
through the presence of a Republican majority in both houses 
of Congress, and important tariff and other legislation was 
made possible. But before long domestic affairs were over- 
shadowed by issues growing out of the war with Spain and the 
acquisition of outlying territories. 

657. Modification of the Tariff. — Two days after McKinley's 
inauguration he summoned an extra session of Congress, and 
in his message called attention to the fact that for some years 
the expenditures of the government had exceeded the income, 
and that the tariff should be so modified as to remedy this 
deficiency. A tariff bill was soon presented by Representative 
Dingley, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the 
House, and was duly passed. It increased duties markedly, 
but to a less extent than the McKinley Bill. For many months 
the Dingley Bill failed to furnish the needed additional revenue, 
and to supply the deficiency, the bill was supplemented by an 
additional tax on beer and a few other articles. The ques- 
tions with regard to the currency and to banking which the 
party platform had promised to settle were reserved for later 
Congressional action. 

514 



659] 



THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 



515 



THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 

658, Early Spanish Difficulties in Cuba. — Spanish rule in the 
West Indies had, ever since the discovery of America, been 
characterized by rapacity and cruelty. Eevolts were never 
uncommon} but outbreaks were particularly frequent during 
the latter part 
of the nine- 
teenth century. 
As many as 
eight organized 
efforts to throw 
off the Spanish 
yoke occurred 
between 1823 
and the "Ten 
Years' War/' 
which desolated 
Cuba from 1868 
to 1878. In- 
stead of taking 
a lesson from 
experience, and 
improving the 
condition of af- 
fairs, the Span- 
ish authorities 
doubled the dis- 
content by the 

imposition of taxes designed to reimburse the mother country 
for the cost of the long war. The result was a rapid reorgan- 
ization of the Cuban forces and a fresh outbreak of revolt in 
1895. 

659. Later Policy of Spain. — The Spanish government now 
adopted a harsher policy than ever. Captain-General Campos 
was thought to be too lenient, and he was replaced by General 




William McKinlet. 



516 McKINLEY AND KOOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§ 660 

Weyler, who had gained notoriety for harshness as Governor- 
General of the Philippines. The new governor took hold of 
his work in Cuba with brutal energy. His policy was simply 
to starve the people into submission. With a large array he 
overran the island, burning houses and crops and driving the 
women and children into villages and pens, called "trochas," 
where their numbers were rapidly reduced by starvation. 
President Cleveland attempted to intercede in behalf of the 
Cubans, but his approaches were repelled by the government 
at Madrid as an unwarranted interference, and nothing was 
accomplished. 

660. Sympathies of Americans. — As the Cuban situation 
came to be more thoroughly understood in the United States, 
public opinion was outraged and finally raised to a high pitch of 
indignation. Money and supplies were privately sent to assist 
the insurgents, and the United States government was obliged 
to police its ports in order to preserve the international obli- 
gations of neutrality. The temper of the country and the 
representations of our government soon convinced Spain that 
concessions must be made or immediate war was inevitable. 
Weyler was removed and a promise of some measure of self- 
government was given. Notwithstanding these assurances, 
however, there was little public faith in Spanish promises, 
and no plain evidence of improvement followed. 

661. Destruction of the "Maine.'' — Such being the state of 
affairs, war was rendered almost inevitable by a disastrous 
event that took place on the 15th of February, 1898. The 
United States battleship Maine was anchored in the harbor 
of Havana. Late in the evening, after most of the crew had 
gone to their hammocks, a terrific explosion occurred, which 
destroyed not only the ship, but also the lives of two hundred 
and sixty-six of the officers and crew. The horror of the 
disaster thrilled the civilized world. A court consisting of 
naval officers was appointed by the President to investigate 
the matter and report. They employed divers, as well as 



§663] THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 517 

other experts, and reported that all the evidence tended to show 
that a mine beneath the keel had exploded first and that the 
concussion had an instant later exploded two of the magazines 
of the vessel. A Spanish court denied the correctness of the 
American report. There was no evidence whatever that any 
mine had been exploded with the knowledge of the Spanish 
authorities, and the captain-general and other officials disa- 
vowed all knowledge of the cause of the disaster. The govern- 
ment at Madrid, moreover, made haste to express its regrets 
and sympathy. 

662. Outburst of Public Sentiment. — When the report of the 
investigation was made public, the people of the United States, 
stimulated by the pulpit and the press, seemed to take the 
matter into their own hands. Flags suddenly flew out from 
public buildings and schoolhouses in all parts of the land. In 
theaters and cafe's audiences cheered and sprang to their 
feet whenever the flag was ' displayed or the "Star Spangled 
Banner" was sung. The nation throbbed with an indignant 
enthusiasm. " Kemember the Maine " was printed and shouted 
everywhere. No such outburst of public feeling had been 
seen since 1861; nor was it confined to any one section of 
the country. The South was not behind the North and West 
in demanding prompt action. 

663. Action of Congress and of the President. — Members of 
Congress, especially of the House of Eepresentatives, were the 
first to feel the significance of the public demand, and they 
proceeded, at once to urge decisive action upon the President. 
President McKinley used the resources of diplomacy to induce 
the Spanish government to withdraw from the island. They 
made promises not fully credited or published,^ and on the 8th 
of March, 1898, the President requested from Congress an ap- 
propriation of fifty million dollars for national defense. The 
appropriation was made without a dissenting vote. With this 
sum coas t fortifications were strengthened, vessels and naval 

1 It is still too early to pass definite judgment upon this and other points. 



518 McKINLEY AND EOOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§664 

supplies were purchased in various" parts of the world, and a 
number of fast vessels were leased to form an auxiliary fleet. 
On the 11th of April the President sent a special message to 
Congress, in which he recited the practices of the Spanish 
government in Cuba, and referred to the destruction of the 
Maine as evidence of Spanish inability to restrain lawless- 
ness and misrule. His conclusion was, that forcible interfer- 
ence would now be justified. Congress immediately responded, 
and on the 19th of April, the anniversary of the battles of 
Lexington and Concord, adopted resolutions declaring that 
Cuba ought to be independent. This was practically a declara- 
tion of war.^ 

664. Delay in the Opening of the War. — The opening of tl^e 
war on land was delayed by the fact that the regular army was 
small, and the fighting force had to be made up largely of vol- 
unteers. During April and May the President called for two 
hundred thousand men. The regular army was also increased 
from twenty-seven thousand to sixty-two thousand. Besides 
these, there were enlisted ten thousand immunes, or men who 
had already had yellow fever, thirty-five hundred engineers, and 
three thousand special cavalrymen, known as " Eough Eiders," 
consisting largely of " cow-boys " and such others as had had 
experience in daring horsemanship. 

665. General Character of the War. — The war was a short one. 
In advance it was popularly supposed that the Spanish navy 
was somewhat stronger than the American. Accordingly, 
there was not a little fear on the part of the cities along the 
Northern coast. But as soon as hostilities began it was 
found that the Spanish service was honeycombed with ineffi- 
ciency and corruption. On their war vessels nothing seemed 
to be in good fighting order. Beyond the fact that the army 
was equipped with Mauser rifles and smokeless powder, noth- 
ing in the Spanish service seemed what it should be for the 
vigorous prosecution of war. The consequence was, that on 

1 The Act of May 25 fixed the opening of the war as taking place on April 21. 



667] 



THE WAE WITH SPAIN. 



519 



land and on sea the American forces found victory compara- 
tively easy. 

666. The First Great Victory. — At the outbreak of the war 
the American Asiatic fleet, in command of Commodore George 
Dewey,^ was stationed at Hong Kong. Under international 
rules Dewey was obliged to with- 
draw from that neutral port 
within eight days. He received 
orders from the President to pro- 
ceed to the Spanish archipelago of 
the Philippines and capture or de- 
stroy the Spanish fleet. Dewey 
found the fleet in Manila Bay, 
at daybreak of May 1, 1898, and 
opened fire at once. The result 
was a victory almost unique in 
naval warfare. The Americans' 
fire was terribly effective. It is 
said that a single shot which ex- 
ploded in the Spanish flag-ship, 
struck down the captain and sixty 
men. The Spaniards fought with 
great bravery, but finally lost ten war vessels and a transport. 
On the American side not a man was killed and only eight 
were slightly wounded. 

667. The Investment of Santiago. — On the day after the 
declaration of war, the President ordered the fleet at Key 




Admiral George Dewey. 



i Born in Vermont, 1837. Entered United States Naval Academy in 1854, 
and graduated in 1858 ; was midsliipman in tlie Mediterranean till outbreak 
of the war in 1861 ; was assigned to the West Gulf Squadron ; was with Farra- 
gut at the passing of Forts St. Philip and Jackson ; served later on several 
vessels of the North Atlantic Squadron ; promoted to be commander, 1872 ; 
captain, 1884 ; commodore, 1896 ; appointed to command the Asiatic Squadron, 
January, 1898; fought the battle of Manila, May 1, 1898; upon his return to 
America was greeted with great demonstrations of favor in New York and 
other cities ; rear admiral, 1898 ; admiral, 1899. 



520 



Mckinley and roosevelt, 1897-i909. 



[§668 



West to sail at once to blockade the coast of Cuba. Prepara- 
tions for invasion were made with, all possible rapidity ; but it 
was not until the 22d of June that the advance, under Major 

General William R. Shafter,^ 
landed for an attack upon 
Santiago, the principal city 
in the eastern part of the 
island. On the 23d, a for- 
ward movement was made 
by the First and Tenth 
Cavalry, and by the First 
United States Volunteer 
Cavalry, commonly known 
as the ''Rough Riders," 
under Colonel Leonard 
Wood and Lieutenant 
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. 
The lines were rapidly ex- 
tended toward the north 
and west. On July 1, a 
severe battle took place and the outworks of the city were 
reached. El Caney and San Juan Hill were taken by storm, 
after desperate charges and heavy losses. The investment of 
the city was then practically complete. 

668. Admiral Cervera^s Movement. — Before the outbreak of 
the war, a Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera assembled 
at the Cape Verde Islands, and in April sailed for the Carib- 
bean Sea. Its destination was for some days in doubt, and an 
attack on the New England coast was feared ; but on the 19th 
of May it secretly entered the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. 
The North Atlantic Squadron, under Commodore William T. 




General W. R. Shafter. 



iBorn in Michigan, 1835. Entered Union army, 1861; brevet brigadier 
general, 1865; entered regular army as lieutenant colonel, 1867; colonel, 
March, 1879; brigadier general. May, 1897; called to Tampa, Florida, at the 
outbreak of the Spanish War ; led expedition against Santiago de Cuba ; com- 
manded Departments of California and Columbia, 1899-1901; retired, 1901. 



668] 



THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 



521 



Sampson,^ was searching for the enemy, and soon discovered 
his hiding place.^ In order to prevent the Spanish army and 
navy from concentrating their 
forces at Santiago, attacks had 
been made on several cities on 
the coast of Cuba; but these 
had produced no important re- 
sults. To prevent Cervera's 
escape, Lieutenant R. P. Hob- 
son, with seven volunteers, at- 
tempted, early in the morning of 
the 3d of June, by sinking the 
coaling ship Merrimac under 
the guns of the forts, to block 
the narrow passage in the 
mouth of Santiago harbor. 
Though this exploit did not 
accomplish what was hoped 
for, owing to the fact that the 
rudder of the Merrimac was shot away, it was perhaps the most 
gallant and daring single exploit of the war. The members 
of the party were showered with shot, but received no serious 
wounds, and all Avere picked up by the Spaniards, Hobson 
being helped into the launch by Admiral Cervera himself. 




"Admiral W. T. Sampson. 
[Copyright by E. Chickering, 1900.] 



1 Born in New York, 1840; died, 1902. Graduated at the head of his class 
at Annapolis, 1860; promoted to master, 1861; lieutenant, 1862; was execu- 
tive officer on the Patapsco when it was blown up in Charleston harbor, and 
was blown into the water; lieutenant commander, 1866; commander, 1874; 
superintendent of Naval Academy, 1886-1890; studied with great care all 
branches of the service, but more especially those of ordnance and the defen- 
sive armor of war vessels; was president of the Board of Inquiry into the 
causes of the destruction of the Maine; commanded the North Atlantic 
Squadron, with rank of acting rear admiral, in the battle with Admiral 
Cervera, July 3, 1898; promoted to rear admiral, September, 1898. 

2 Just about this time considerable anxiety was felt as to the fate of the 
battleship Oregon, which had left San Francisco in March, under Captain 
Charles E. Clark. After a voyage of fourteen thousand miles, she finally 
reached Key West on May 26, and served in the battle of Santiago. 



522 Mckinley and roosevelt, I897-1909. [§ 669 

669. The Decisive Engagement of the War. — The Spanish 
government saw clearly that Oervera must either escape from 
the harbor of Santiago, or be taken prisoner with all his ships. 
Accordingly, the admiral was ordered to leave the harbor on the 
first practicable opportunity. He chose the morning of Sun- 
day, July 3. The resulting battle was as remarkable as the 
battle of Manila.^ In less than three hours all the Spanish 
ships, besides the torpedo boats, were either destroyed or run 
ashore. The Spanish admiral and thirteen hundred of his 




The "Oregon 



men were taken prisoners, while about six hundred were either 
killed or drowned. On the American side but one man was 
killed and one man wounded. The capitulation of Santiago 
and the entire eastern end of Cuba followed, the Spaniards 
surrendering twenty -three thousand men, — a force considera- 
bly larger than that of the besieging army. The work of the 
navy was generally conceded to have been admirable ; but the 
conduct of the campaign on land was harshly criticised in 
many quarters. 

1 The American squadron, with Commodore Sampson in command, had 
long been watching the mouth of the harbor, day and night. On the morning 
of July 3, Sampson started for a consultation with Shafter, who was some miles 
east of the mouth of the bay. Before going he had left specific directions 
as to methods of action in case of Cervera's appearance. Sampson was some 
miles away when the approach of the Spanish fleet was detected. Though he 
returned at once, he reached his fleet only at the close of the engagement, in 
which Commodore Schley (§ 685) was the highest officer taking active part. 



670] 



THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 



523 



670. Concluding Scenes of the "War. — General Nelson A. 
Miles/ with a force of about seventeen thousand men, landed 
on the island of Porto 
Rico (July 28), as soon 
as it became known 
that his troops would 
not be needed at Santi- 
ago. The Porto Ricans 
offered very slight re- 
sistance, and before the 
middle of August the 
island was in the pos- 
session of the Ameri- 
cans. Manila, the capi- 
tal city of the Philip- 
pine Islands, was also 
assaulted by the land 
and naval forces, and 
after a brief resistance 
surrendered uncondi- 
tionally, on the 13th of 
August. In every en- 
gagement of the war, 
the American soldiers 
and sailors behaved 

with great gallantry. But the management of affairs by the 
War Department was, to say the least, unfortunate in many 
respects. There was great confusion in the matter of furnish- 
ing the troops with supplies, and the quality of the food pro- 




Genebal Nelson A. Miles. 



1 Bom in Massachusetts, 1830. Entered the army as a volunteer, in 1861 ; 
became a major general of volunteers, and commanded an army corps at the 
age of twenty-five ; greatly distinguished himself in numerous battles ; entered 
the regular army at the close of the war ; conducted many campaigns against 
Indians on the frontier ; commanded the United States troops at Chicago dur- 
ing the strikes of 1894 ; appointed general in chief of United States Army, 
1895 ; commanded the army during the war with Spain ; appointed lieutenant 
general, 1900; retired, 1903. 



524 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§671 

vided was in some instances so bad that influential officers had 
to remonstrate against a condition of affairs that demoralized 
the soldiers and exposed them to disease. Even in camps 
situated within the United States, sickness and disorder were 
common; and so loud an outcry was raised against official 
mismanagement that the President appointed a commission to 
investigate the matter. The commission, in its report, was 
unexpectedly, and many thought unduly, favorable to the 
War Department. 

CONSEQUENCES OE THE V/AR. 

671. The Treaty of Peace. — On the 26th of July, the 
Spanish government made overtures for peace. After vari- 
ous delays, a preliminary agreement, or protocol, was signed, 
August 12. President McKinley at once issued a proclama- 
tion, suspending hostilities. It was agreed: (1) that Spain 
should withdraw its troops from Cuba and renounce its author- 
ity over that island ; (2) that it should cede the island of Porto 
Kico to the United States ; (3) that it should transfer to the 
United States one of the Caroline Islands; and (4) that the 
future of the Philippine Islands should be determined by a joint 
commission of the two powers appointed to arrange the details 
of the treaty. According to the provisions of this protocol, 
the joint commission met in Paris, on the 1st of October, 1898, 
and, after long discussion of different points, signed the final 
treaty on the 10th of December, 1898. This was ratified by the 
United States on the 6th of February, and by Spain on the 
17th of March, 1899. By the terms of the treaty, the United 
States assumed a protectorate over Cuba; came into complete 
possession of Porto Pico ; received all right and title to the 
Philippine Islands, in consideration of twenty million dollars ; 
and received the island of Guam in the Ladrones Islands. 

672. The Annexation of Hawaii. — In the summer of 1898 
it became apparent to the government that certain naval 
advantages would be derived from the annexation of Hawaii. 




To face p. 524. 



§673] CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR. 525 

The long passage from San Francisco to the Philippine Islands 
called for an intermediate station for coal and other naval 
stores. Accordingly, on the recommendation of the President 
and as a military measure, Congress acceded to the wishes of 
the Hawaiian government, and annexed the islands by means 
of a resolution, as had been done in the case of Texas. 

673. Revolt in the Philippines. — Before the outbreak of the 
Spanish War, the inhabitants of the Philippines, like those of 
Cuba, had been in a chaotic state of discontent. Uprisings 
against the Spanish government had been frequent, but these 
had generally been put down with great severity. A struggle 
for independence had been going on just before the Spanish- 
American war broke out; but the leader, Aguinaldo, had given 
up the task, in consideration of a large sum of money, and had 
gone to Hong Kong. Imagining that American success would 
result in the freedom of the Philippines, he returned to Manila 
on the American fleet and cooperated, with his followers, in the 
operations against Manila. Soon after peace was assured be- 
tween the United States and Spain, he raised the standard of 
independence, in consequence of disappointment at the transfer 
of the Philippines to the United States and of the terms used 
by President McKinley in a proclamation issued to the inhabit- 
ants of the islands. As might have been expected from the fact 
that the opposing lines of forces were stationed close to one 
another, hostilities were not long avoided. Aguinaldo's extem- 
porized government and authority were in the main limited to 
the island of Luzon, and his chief reliance was upon the single 
tribe of the Tagals. The natives were never able to resist 
successfully the advances of the American troops, but they 
had possession of a large number of towns and villages, and 
these had to be taken, often at the point of the bayonet. Hos- 
tilities were protracted by the rainy season, and by the fact 
that the Filipinos were divided into many inaccessible bands. 
No battle of any great importance was fought ; but it was not 
until the spring of 1900 that the revolt dwindled into guerrilla 



526 Mckinley and roosevelt, 1897-i909. [§674 

warfare. A year later (March, 1901), Aguinaldo was captured 
through stratagems devised by General Frederick Funston. 
The Filipino chieftain then issued a manifesto, urging sub- 
mission to American authority. 

674. Pacification of the Philippines. — His advice was largely 
followed, and the Philippine Commission, under the presidency 
of Judge William H. Taft of Ohio, was soon able to report great 
progress in pacification. Many hundreds of American school 
teachers were sent to the islands, and American energy was at 
once shown in improving sanitary conditions and in exploiting 
natural resources. But spasmodic fighting has not ceased, and 
it is believed by many persons that the Filipinos are far from 
really pacified. This is probably more true of outlying islands 
like Samar, where a small detachment of troops was almost 
exterminated, than of Luzon, the center of administration. 
The authorities at Washington have expressed their deter- 
mination to put an end to every form of barbarism existing 
in the Philippines, and, owing to charges of cruel conduct that 
have been brought against American officers and troops, have 
instituted courts-martial for the purpose of trying officers and 
soldiers charged with countenancing or inflicting unusual pun- 
ishments, such as the mode of torture known as the "water 
cure." It seems clear that although there has been among the 
American troops some of that demoralization which always 
shows itself when war is conducted in tropical countries and 
against weaker races, the great mass of the American forces in 
the Philippines have performed their duties satisfactorily. The 
exact status of the islands with regard to the United States is 
still unsettled, and it is not certain that permanent possession 
of them is desired by a majority of the American people. 

675. Opposition to the War. — It should not be supposed that 
the course of the government in the Spanish War met with the 
approval of the entire people. There were not a few who more 
or less vigorously opposed the declaration of war in behalf of 
the Cuban sufferers, and the number was increased when it 



§ 677] CLOSE OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 527 

was seen that victory involved territorial enlargement and an 
increase of political responsibilities. The most active opposi- 
tion had its center in Boston. The claim was made that the 
acquisition of new territory showed a tendency to imperialism 
that was not justified either by the United States Constitution 
or by the political principles or customs of the country. Atten- 
tion was repeatedly called to the clause in the Declaration of 
Independence which declares that the basis of just government 
is the " consent of the governed." It was further asserted that 
the new possessions would increase the tendencies to political 
corruption, and would exert an unwholesome influence on the 
government at home. In opposition to these views, the Presi- 
dent, and apparently a large majority of the people, held that 
there was no more constitutional objection, to the acquisition 
of insular territory than there had been to the acquisition of 
Louisiana, California, or Alaska. The advocates of the so- 
called " expansion policy," furthermore, would not admit that 
added political responsibilities would increase a tendency to 
corrupt government, and they claimed that, in view of interna- 
tional tendencies, the country needed the newly acquired terri- 
tory, in order to protect its interests in the far East. 

676. Government of Newly Acquired Territories. — On the 

recommendation of the President, Congress provided territorial 
governments not only for Hawaii, Guam, and Porto Eico, but also 
for Alaska. These governments were framed with the inten- 
tion of developing free institutions as rapidly as the intelligence 
and character of the inhabitants would admit. Cuba was tem- 
porarily put under the control of a military government, which 
was instituted in order to set the wheels of a competent local 
government in motion. The President proclaimed his purpose 
to turn over the government of the island to the Cubans as soon 
as order and a prospect of peace had been established. 

THE CLOSE OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

677. Financial Reform. — The second Congress of McKinley's 
first administration early took into consideration the vexed 



528 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§678 

question of the currency, and also discussed banking laws and 
refunding the national debt. The legislation finally adopted, 
which went into effect March 14, 1900, placed the entire 
currency of the country on a gold basis, provided for the 
establishment of national banks in the smaller towns and 
villages, and authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue 
long-time two per cent bonds, with the income of which the 
shorter-time three, four, and five per cent bonds were to be 
called in and paid. The success of the refunding measure was 
a remarkable evidence of the firm basis on which the credit of 
the country was now established. Though the new bonds sold 
at par, within two months of the passage of the bill more than 
two hundred and sixty millions of the old bonds had been 
refunded at the lower rate. The significance of this success 
is shown by the fact that, while this process of refunding 
with a two per cent bond was going on, the lowest Eussian 
bonds were bearing four per cent ; the lowest French bonds, 
three and a half per cent; the lowest bonds of the German 
Empire, three per cent ; and the lowest bonds of Great Britain, 
two and three-fourths per cent. For the first time in its his- 
tory, it might fairly be claimed that the credit of the United 
States was the best in the world. 

678. Presidential Candidates in 1900. — As the end of McKin- 
ley's term approached, it became evident that there would be 
no opposition in the Republican party to his renomination. 
The Convention met in Philadelphia, June 19, and adopted a 
platform which indorsed McKinley's policy of government in 
Porto Rico, in Cuba, and in Hawaii, and also advocated the 
retention of the Philippine Islands under conditions that would 
secure for them local self-government as rapidly as the con- 
dition and spirit of the people would permit. Interest was 
chiefly centered in the nomination of a candidate for the Vice 
Presidency. There were three prominent candidates, each with 
strong local support, in different parts of the country. But as 
soon as the delegates assembled, it became apparent that there 



§ 678] CLOSE OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 529 

was a great popular sentiment in favor of the nomination of 
Governor Theodore Eoosevelt,^ of New York. He was not 




Theodore Roosevelt, 
[Copyright by Pach Brothers, New York.] 

only not a candidate, but with great earnestness besought the 

delegations from the different states not to put forward his 

name. But he had distinguished himself by his work on the 

■ » . 

iBorn in New York, 1858. Graduated at Harvard, 1880; member of New 
York legislature, 1882-1884; chairman of National Board of Civil Service 
Commissioners, 1889-1895 ; president of New York Police Board, 1895-1897 ; 
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1897-1898; resigned to organize the First 
United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly known as "Roosevelt's Rough 
Riders"; distinguished himself in action before Santiago; elected governor 
of New York, 1898; nominated for Vice President, June, 1900; elected in 



530 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§679 

Civil Service Commission, as a police commissioner of New 
York City, as a brave and picturesque commander of the Eough 
Eiders in the Spanish war, and as an honest and intelligent 
governor of New York, and his energetic opposition to being 
put forward as a candidate was of no avail. McKinley received 
every vote in the convention, on the first ballot ; and Roosevelt, 
who sat in the convention, received every vote excepting his 
own. On the 5th of July the Democratic Convention, at Kan- 
sas City, nominated, with equal unanimity, William J. Bryan 
for President, and ex-Vice President Adlai Stevenson of Illinois, 
for Vice President. The Democratic platform was vigorous in 
its expressions of opposition to McKinley's policy of expansion, 
promised legislation against trusts, and declared anew its ad- 
vocacy of free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one. 
The impossibility of uniting all interests in these two candi- 
dates for the Presidency was shown by the fact that ten other 
candidates were, in the course of the summer, put in the field 
by various small parties. 

679. Reelection of McKinley. — After an interesting but not 
exciting campaign, in which the maintenance of the financial 
standing of the country, rather than the approval or disap- 
proval of the so-called " imperial " system, became the para- 
mount question, McKinley and Eoosevelt were elected over 
Bryan and Stevenson by the large majority of two hundred 
and ninety-two electoral votes to one hundred and fifty-five. 
McKinley's popular majority was even greater than that 
received by him in 1896. 

680. Foreign Affairs. — During the summer of 1900, public 
attention was distracted from the Philippines to China, where 
the Boxer uprising put ^foreign residents, especially mission- 
aries, in great jeopardy. The United States joined the chief 
nations of Europe in sending forces to China. These troops 



November, 1900; succeeded to the Presidency on the death of President 
McKinley, in September, 1901 ; nominated and elected President in 1904. Is 
the author of a number of historical works. 



§682] McKINLEY'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 531 

behaved well ; and in the subsequent diplomatic negotiations, 
President McKinley and his Secretary of State, John Hay, 
won much praise for their moderate and statesmanlike course 
of action. The latter gained great credit also for his efforts 
to secure an agreement between Great Britain and the United 
States with regard to the control of any interoceanic canal 
that might be undertaken in Central America. The treaty, 
as modified by the Senate, was rejected by Great Britain; but 
after concessions on both sides, a new Hay-Pauncefote treaty 
was finally ratified (December 16, 1901), which secured to 
America complete control of any such canal. 

681. Domestic Affairs. — Among the most important domestic 
events of the close of McKinley's first term were the exclusion 
from Congress of the polygamist Representative Eoberts of 
Utah; the unfortunate contest for the governorship of Ken- 
tucky, which resulted in the assassination of the Democratic 
contestant, Mr. Goebel; and the terrible storm which devas- 
tated the city of Galveston, Texas. The completion of the 
twelfth census in 1900 showed a total population of 76,303,387, 
and an increase of wealth and industrial power so marvelous 
as to promise almost incredible achievements in the near 
future. On February 28, 1901, an act was passed reducing 
the taxes that had been levied to defray the expenses of the 
Spanish War. 

McKINLEY'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION.. 

682. Second Inauguration of McKinley. — President McKinley 
entered upon his second term of office on March 4, 1901, and 
retained the Cabinet as it stood at the close of his first term. 
His inaugural address emphasized the material prosperity of 
the country and the need of securing foreign markets by wise 
treaties of reciprocity. This liberal policy was consistently ad- 
vocated by him in speeches delivered during a summer tour of 
the country, and especially in one made at the Pan-American 
Exposition at Buffalo, New York. 



532 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§683 

683. The Assassination of President McKinley. — Immediately 
after this noteworthy speech, President McKinley was taken 
from the nation whose affairs he was guiding with an ever 
steadier hand. On September 6, 1901, while he was holding a 
reception in the Temple of Music at the Buffalo Exposition, he 
was shot by an anarchist who had concealed a revolver under 
a handkerchief that apparently covered a wounded hand. The 
President bore himself with remarkable dignity and courage, 
both at the time of the shooting and during the eight days 
of suffering that followed. At first it seemed as if he would 
recover; but on September 14 he died, and Vice President 
Roosevelt at once took the oath of office as President. The 
whole world was profoundly shocked by the tragedy, and the 
manifestations of popular grief, as the body was conveyed 
to Washington and from there to Canton, Ohio, were extraor- 
dinary. On September 19, while the interment was taking 
place at Canton, all labor was suspended throughout the 
country. Popular indignation was naturally directed against 
anarchists and political agitators of all sorts ; but, in the main, 
the people restrained themselves in a most praiseworthy man- 
ner. The trial and execution of the assassin were conducted 
with great promptitude and decorum. 



ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 

684. The New President and His Policies. — Upon taking 
office, President Roosevelt announced that he would continue 
the policies and retain the Cabinet of his predecessor. It was 
not to be expected that such a pledge would be kept to the 
letter, since the new Executive differed greatly from President 
McKinley in temperament and in training, and was soon con- 
fronted with a new combination, if not precisely a new set of 
problems. He was more direct and vigorous in his methods of 
conducting the nation's business, more impetuous and less pol- 
itic in his relations with men and in his appeals to the people 
for support of his measures. His honest, fearless, aggressive 



§685] ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 533 

personality soon made Mm the most popular of modern Presi- 
dents and enabled him to secure a considerable amount of good 
legislation and to put his own stamp, not only upon the national 
administration, but upon the general course of politics through- 
out the country. He stood for an efficient civil service, clean 
if somewhat partisan politics, and a resolute enforcement of 
such laws as affected the methods of business employed by 
monopolies and great corporations. He soon seemed to be the 
representative of the interests of the many as opposed to those 
of the few, and, as a result, he was praised by radicals and cen- 
sured by conservatives. In consequence, party lines began to 
be broken, and it may be that Mr. Eoosevelt's greatest service 
to the country will be found to lie in the personal influence he 
has brought to bear upon the task of wresting his own party 
from the control of capital, and of awakening the masses of the 
people to the importance of preventing the chief agencies of 
production and transportation from falling into the hands of 
monopolists. Perhaps the criticism most often urged against 
his administration is his failure to use his great power in sup- 
port of the protests made throughout the country against the 
excessive protective tariff, which has fostered unfair monopo- 
lies and a corrupt use of money in politics. 

685. The President's Chief Advisers. — During his term as 
successor to President McKinley and throughout his term as 
elected President, Mr. Roosevelt's Cabinet underwent many 
changes, most of which it is needless to specify. The secreta- 
ries of the various departments, to whom was added in 1903 a 
Secretary of Labor and Commerce, formed a competent body of 
advisers and administrators, but, on the whole, only three 
strongly impressed themselves upon the country. These were 
John Hay, who took charge of the Department of State under 
McKinley and retained it until his own death in July, 1905 ; 
Elihu Root, who continued to act as Secretary of War until 
February, 1904, and then, after a short interval, succeeded Mr. 
Hay in the Department of State j and William H. Taft, who 



534 



Mckinley and roosevelt, 1897-1909. 



[§686 



relinquislied the post of first civil governor of the Philippine 
Islands under American rule to become Secretary of War in 
place of Mr. Root. Under both secretaries of state the consular 
service was improved and the influence of America in inter- 
national affairs was greatly strengthened, especially by Mr. 

Eoot's visit to many 
of the South American 
states in 1906. Mr. 
Taf t brought to his post 
a unique .knowledge of 
the problems of colonial 
administration, and he 
was soon recognized by 
the country as a skill- 
ful administrator and a 
sound and sympathetic 
adviser of the President 
in all the phases of the 
latter's activity. 

686. The Schley Court 
of Inquiry. — Controver- 
sies growing out of the 
claims of Rear Admirals 
Sampson and Schley,' 
relative to the battle of Santiago (see § 669, note), led the latter 
to request a Court of Inquiry, which convened at Washington 




Admiral W. S. Schley. 
[Copyright by Pach Brothers, New York.] 



1 Born in Maryland, 1839. Graduated at United States Naval Academy, 
1860 ; served as midshipman in Chinese waters, 1860-1861 ; was in West Gulf 
Squadron, 1861-1864; served again in Chinese waters, 1864 ; became lieutenant 
commander in 1866 ; on duty at Naval Academy, 1866-1869 ; head of modern 
language department at Annapolis, 1877-1878; commander in 1884; com- 
manded the successful Greely Relief Expedition, 1884; captain in 1888; com- 
manded the Baltimore and settled difficulties at Valparaiso, 1891 ; carried 
Ericsson's body to Sweden, in 1891; commanded the New YorJc^ and was 
made commodore and put in command of the Flying Squadron in Cuban 
waters, 1898 ; was senior officer at the destruction of Cervera's fleet, July 3, 
1898; advanced to rear admiral, 1899; retired, 1901. 



§687] KOOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 535 

in September, 1901. After lengthy proceedings, the Court, 
of which Admiral Dewey was president, brought in a report 
that partly vindicated and partly condemned Admiral Schley. 
The latter, whose cause had won great popular favor, appealed 
to President Roosevelt, but without avail. 

687. PoliticalEventsof 1902. — Shortly after the accession 
of the new President the attention of the country was directed 
to the municipal campaign in Greater New York, which re- 
sulted in the victory of a reform ticket supported by Republi- 
cans and Independents over the Tammany Hall Democrats. 
The reform government took office on January 1, 1902, and 
gave the city, under Seth Low as Mayor, an effective and hon- 
est administration; but, unfortunately, it did not prove popular, 
and Tammany came into power again in 1904.1 People had 
been shown, however, that municipal and State reforms could 
be secured if voters would abandon party lines and act together 
for the public good, and, as a result, the past few years have 
witnessed much improvement in local legislation and adminis- 
tration throughout the country. Meanwhile, the Fifty-seventh 
Congress, which began its first session in December, 1901, 
accomplished less than was to be expected in view of the large 
majority possessed by the Republicans. Its comparative 
inactivity was mainly due to the fact that on the evacuation of 
Cuba by the American troops (May, 1902) and the setting up 
of a republican government in the island, it seemed desirable for 
the United States to aid the weak young country by reducing 
the tariff duties on Cuban sugar and tobacco. The President's 
efforts to secure the needed legislation were blocked for a con- 
siderable period by the opposition of the extreme advocates of 
protection. It proved difficult, also, to obtain adequate legis- 

1 The new mayor was George B. McClellan, who was reelected in 1905 for 
the lengthened term of four years. He broke with Tammany Hall during his 
second administration. In 1901 Judge William Travers Jerome was elected 
District Attorney along with the reform ticket. In 1905 he stood for re- 
election as an independent candidate, and his victory was rightly regarded 
as a good sign of the growth of independence among the voters. 



536 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§ 688 

lation for the Philippines, but finally an act was passed pro- 
viding for their temporary government, and the insurrection 
in the islands was proclaimed to be at an end. Another subject 
which occupied Congress was the choice of a route for the 
proposed interoceanic canal. The Nicaraguan route seemed 
to be favored, until the Panama Company offered to sell its 
property and rights for $40,000,000. This offer was finally 
accepted, and the construction of the Panama Canal authorized, 
provided a proper title to the route were secured (June, 1902). 
The Congressional elections in the autumn of 1902 left the 
Kepublicans still in control, but with a reduced majority j^ 

688. The Anthracite Coal Strike. — Popular efforts to oppose, 
through the action of legislatures and courts, oppressive and 
illegal accumulations of capital in so-called trusts and combi- 
nations, and struggles between organized labor and capital, 
greatly occupied public attention throughout the year 1902. 
The most conspicuous event in this connection was the strike of 
the anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania, which lasted from 
May to October and caused considerable suffering. The miners, 
who were led with much intelligence by Mr. John Mitchell, 
President of the United Mine Workers of America, were will- 
ing to submit their claims to arbitration, a fact which secured 
them much popular sympathy. The mine owners, whose chief 
spokesman was Mr. George F. Baer, President of the Phila- 
delphia and Eeading Railway Company, refused to arbitrate, 
and attempted to work their property with non-union miners. 
E/ioting followed, and the militia had to be called out ; but it 
was the rise in the price of fuel and the dread of a coal famine 
during the approaching winter that most alarmed the public 
and that finally led to a compromise. The situation seemed 
so threatening that President Roosevelt, acting as chief citizen 
but not as Executive, called a conference of representatives of 
the owners and the miners, and urged them for the sal^ of the 
country to arbitrate their differences. The owners at first 
stood out upon their rights, — which were regarded by many 



ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 537 

persons as doubtful, — but they finally yielded, and a commis^ 
sion of seven arbitrators was appointed by the President. 
The commission made its report in March, 1903, decreeing 
certain advances in wages, but forbidding discrimination 
against non-union men.^ 



Events and Legislation of 1903. — During this year a 
treaty was concluded with Great Britain for the settlement of 
the dispute between Canada and the United States as to the 
boundary of Alaska, and a mixed commission was appointed 
under it, which met in London and rendered a decision almost 
entirely favorable to the United States. A reciprocity treaty 
with Newfoundland was also concluded, and, in general, the high 
reputation won for American diplomacy by Secretary Hay was 
sustained. A reciprocity treaty with Cuba designed to benefit 
the planters of the island was, however, defeated, and it was 
only after an extra session of the Senate and one of the Fifty- 
eighth Congress that the resistance of the protectionists was 
overcome, and tardy concessions were made to Cuba.^ Mean- 
while, the Fifty-seventh Congress, before it closed, accomplished 
more in the way of legislation than might have been expected, 
in view of the bickerings to which the administration's Cuban 

1 Another event of great popular interest marked the year 1902. This was 
the friendly visit of Prince Henry of Prussia, which took place in February 
and March. The Prince came to America ostensibly to witness the launching 
of a new yacht built for his brother, the Emperor of Germany; but, in real- 
ity, his mission was one of courtesy and amity to the Republic. He was re- 
ceived with an enthusiasm not equaled, perhaps, since the visit of Kossuth in 
1852. He was entertained in New York and Washington, and was especially 
welcomed by the large German population of St. Louis, Chicago, and Mil- 
waukee. He won great favor everywhere by his simple dignity, and did 
much by his visit to further the cause of peace and international good will. 

2 The bill for putting the reciprocity convention into effect was finally 
passed in December, 1903; that is, at the beginning of the first session of the 
Fifty-eighth Congress. A treaty concluded by Secretary Hay and the Com- 
missioner of the republic of Colombia for the purpose of securing concessions 
necessary to the inception of the Isthmian Canal was ratified by the Senate 
only after an extra session of that body had been called in March, 1903. (See 
§ 690.) ^ 



538 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§ 690 

policy had given rise. Bills were passed, among others, which 
looked to the regulation of trusts, to the creation of a general 
staff for the army, to the increase of the navy, and to the 
checking of undesirable immigration. Even more important 
to the welfare of the country was the firm stand taken by the 
President in ordering the fullest investigation of gross scandals 
in the administration of the post office, and in other departments 
of governmental activity. The year was marked also by numer- 
ous important strikes,^ by many race riots, which were not con- 
fined to the South, and by convictions of persons accused of 
holding negroes in " peonage." ^ 

690. Panama and the Canal. — In June, 1903, the Congress 
of the republic of Colombia rejected the treaty negotiated 
between the Colombian commissioner and Secretary Hay, and 
proposals were made to the United States, looking to Colombian 
sovereignty over the zone of the contemplated canal. These 
proposals were rejected, and in their anger at the situation 
thus created, the inhabitants of Panama revolted from Co- 
lombia and set up an independent republic. This was at 
once recognized by President Koosevelt, and a new treaty was 
concluded with it. Though these steps were regarded by the 
Colombians, and even by some Americans, as high-handed and 
contrary to precedent, they were extenuated by the importance 
of the political and commercial interests involved and by the 
necessity of safeguarding the United States from intrigues 
designed to secure a heavy payment for all concessions. For- 
tunately the revolution at Panama led to no serious disturbances 
either in its inception or in its consequences. The presence of 
American battleships prevented Colombia from landing troops 
to recover the seceded state, and the efforts made by the 
Colombian special envoy to induce the government at Wash- 

1 There were also many strikes in 1904, the chief of which was that of the 
Colorado coal mines. Much disorder was created, and the Cripple Creek region 
had to he placed under martial law. 

2 That is, involuntary servitude based originally upon the inability of the 
negroes to pay fines. 



§691] ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 539 

ington to abandon Panama to its fate were fruitless. In 
rebruary, 1904, the new treaty with Panama was ratified by 
the United States Senate. Shortly afterward a decision in 
a French court entirely cleared the title of the Panama Canal 
Company to dispose of its property and rights to the United 
States, and about the same time the commissioners for the con- 
struction of the canal were appointed, and preliminary work was 
begun.^ 

691. Campaign of 1904. — Although the first session of the 
Fifty-eighth Congress was not devoid of interest or unproduc- 
tive of important legislation, public attention was mainly cen- 
tered throughout 1904, so far as concerned politics, upon the 
selection of Presidential candidates and upon the subsequent 
campaign. Although President Eoosevelt had alienated some 
of the important Republican jooliticians and had caused himself 
to be dreaded by many financiers, capitalists, and business 
men^ opposition to his nomination could not be concentrated, 
and the death of Senator Hanna, of Ohio, left him without 
a possible rival. His personal popularity throughout the 
entire country, the general prosperity of the people, and the 
inability of the Democrats to find any large, striking issue 
upon which to appeal to the voters, rendered the candidacy of 
the President very strong. On June 23 he was therefore 
nominated unanimously by the Republican Convention, which 
met at Chicago, and Senator Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana 
was unanimously nominated for Vice President. The Demo- 
cratic Convention met at St. Louis, and on July 9 nominated 
for President, on the first ballot. Judge Alton B. Parker of 
New York. Ex-Senator Henry G. Davis, an octogenarian of 
West Virginia, was nominated for Vice President. The nomi- 

1 Throughout 1904 and 1905, there was much changing of commissioners, 
the preliminary work of sanitation went slowly and not altogether success- 
fully, and difficulty was experienced in retaining the services of skilled 
engineers. Nevertheless, although it was soon seen that the first estimates 
of time and cost were far too small, the administration kept steadily at its 
great task, and before long reasonable progress could be reported. 



540 Mckinley and roosevelt, i897-1909. [§692 

nation of Judge Parker,^ whose only serious competitor was 
Mr. William K. Hearst, the millionaire proprietor of several 
newspapers, meant that Mr. Bryan and the more radical mem- 
bers of the party had retired into the background in order to 
give the more conservative Democrats of the East and South a 
chance to show what they could do toward reorganizing the 
party and leading it to victory. The latter made it clear that 
they accepted the gold standard, but in the campaign that fol- 
lowed they received but lukewarm support from the more radical 
elements of the party, and Mr. Roosevelt was elected in Ko- 
vember by the largest popular majority in our history. In the 
Electoral College he had three hundred and thirty-nine votes, 
including those of West Virginia and Missouri, against Judge 
Parker's one hundred and forty ; in other words, the Demo- 
crats had lost every section save the South, and had not entirely 
maintained themselves there. Fewer ballots, however, had 
been cast than was the case in 1900, a proof of apathy on the 
part of many citizens. In fact, the campaign of 1904 was a 
remarkably dull one, the only excitement occurring toward the 
close when charges were made regarding the raising of cam- 
paign funds. Immediately after his election, Mr. Roosevelt 
announced that he would not accept a renomination for Presi- 
dent. As might have been expected from the general satisfac- 
tion of the country with Mr. Roosevelt's administration, both 
houses of Congress remained strongly Republican. 

692. Events of 1905: The Treaty of Portsmouth. — Early in 
the year the administration endeavored to effect a treaty with 
the disorganized republic of San Domingo by which the United 
States should take charge of the Dominican custom-houses and 
apply a considerable portion of the revenues thereof to the pay- 
ment of the debts of the small republic. Much opposition was 

1 Born in Cortlandt, N. Y., May 14, 1852; was admitted to the bar and took 
interest in state politics; filled judicial positions from 1885 to 1904; chief- 
justice of court of appeals (1898-1904) ; resigned after accepting the nomina- 
tion for the presidency, and has since practiced law in New York City. 



§692] ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 541 

manifested in the Senate, and the calling of an extra session 
of that body did not secure the passage of the treaty.^ About 
the same time there was friction with Venezuela, owing to the 
sequestration of the lands of the American Asphalt Company. 
In Congress, the main subject of discussion was the regulation 
of railroad rates, but nothing was accomplished in the matter. 
In the sphere of State legislation and administration, interest 
was chiefly centered in the investigation into the affairs of some 
of the larger life insurance companies and in the attacks made 
upon monopolies. In the course of the inquiries conducted by 
the New York investigating commission it was shown, not only 
that there was gross waste in the management of the business 
of the chief insurance companies, but that they spent money to 
influence legislation, and made large contributions to the na- 
tional parties for campaign purposes.^ In the war against the 
trusts, the special objects of attack were the Standard Oil Com- 
pany and the so-called Beef Trust. In municipal politics the 
most interesting situation was created by the fight between 
Mayor Weaver of Philadelphia and the ring of Republican poli- 
ticians in that city over what was generally regarded as a cor- 
rupt lease of the city gas plant. The lease was defeated, and 
some rather spasmodic victories were won for the cause of re- 
form. In New York City Mayor McClellan was reelected by 
a small plurality over W. H. Hearst, the IVIunicipal Ownership 
candidate, who claimed that extensive frauds by Tammany de- 
prived him of victory. On the whole, however, the most strik- 
ing event of the year was the signing of the Treaty of Peace 
between Eussia and Japan, which took place on September 5, 
at the Navy Yard at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. President 
Roosevelt, believing that the time had come for the bloody war 
between the two powers to cease, and feeling assured of the 
support of other governments, sent notes to the respective 
heads of the two warring powers, urging that they should open 



1 The President finally gained his point in July, 1907, when the necessary 
treaty was ratified. 



542 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§693 

negotiations with each other. His suggestions bore fruit at 
once; the envoys were introduced to one another by the Presi- 
dent, whose interest in the success of the negotiations un- 
doubtedly contributed to the final accommodation ; the treaty 
was signed and ratified; and the world was at peace. No other 
event connected with his administrations has reflected more 
credit upon the President or has given clearer proof of the 
growth of American prestige throughout the world. ^ 

693. Legislation of 1906. — The first session of the Fifty-ninth 
Congress was marked by great opposition to the President and 
his policies from members of his own party. This opposition 
was specially bitter over the railroad rate act, which finally, 
however, became a law. Questions of personal veracity were 
raised, and Congress failed to pass such excellent bills as that 
designed to relieve the inhabitants of the Philippines from 
heavy tariff duties on articles imported into the United States. 
But the President retained the confidence of the people, and 
secured some important legislation — in particular, the meat 
inspection law, which was passed in consequence of disclosures 
made in a popular novel concerning the bad conditions prevail- 
ing in the Chicago meat-packing establishments. A "Pure 
Food Law," looking to the protection of the consumers of 
foods, drugs, and liquors, was also passed, as well as a bill pro- 
viding for the admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as 
one state under the former name, and for the joint admission 
of Arizona and New Mexico on the condition that each terri- 
tory should vote separately in favor of such joint admission.^ 
Other meritorious legislation was also enacted — for example, a 
stricter naturalization law. 

694. The San Francisco Earthquake. — The most terrible 
catastrophe of recent years, save the Sicilian and Calabrian 
earthquake of 1908, took place on April 18, 1906, when a 

1 Representatives of the United States sat, without voting, in the inter- 
national conference on Moroccan affairs held in January, 1906, at Algeciras, 
Spain. 2 Arizona rejected joint-statehood. 



§696] ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 543 

destructive earthquake occurred in California, which inflicted 
great damage to property and cost hundreds of lives. The 
chief loss fell upon San Francisco, where the earthquake was 
followed by a fire which could not be put out for several days. 
About 200,000 persons were left homeless. The magnitude of 
the disaster deeply impressed the rest of the country and the 
world, with the result that assistance was conveyed to the 
stricken region with great promptness and on a large scale. 
This sympathy was succeeded by widespread admiration for 
the courage and energy with wh'ich the citizens of San 
Francisco at once set to work to construct upon the ruins of 
the old a new city which in solidity and beauty should meas- 
urably realize their ideals. Unfortunately, their efforts were 
soon impeded by labor troubles, and the city was disgraced by 
grave municipal scandals. 

695. Intervention in Cuba. — In August, 1906, a revolution 
broke out in Cuba against the Palma government, and in Sep- 
tember President Palma requested the United States to 
intervene. Sincerely wishing the little republic to preserve 
its autonomy. President Eoosevelt hesitated to send forces, but 
after an investigation conducted by Secretary Taft and acting 
Secretary of State Bacon, and after the resignation of the Cuban 
President and Vice President, it became clear that there was 
such friction between the political factions of the island that 
peace could be secured only through the exercise of force 
by the United States. Late in September, Secretary Taft 
issued a proclamation which placed Cuba temporarily under 
American control, and an adequate force was landed. The action 
was favorably received by Cubans of all shades of opinion, and 
the island has since remained quiet under the provisional gov- 
ernorship of Charles E. Magoon. Many of the richer planters, 
and not a few citizens of this country, favor the annexation of 
Cuba to the United States; but the movement in this direction 
can scarcely as yet be said to be strong, and it is clear that 
hitherto the policy of the greater toward the weaker republic 



544 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§696 

has been generous and unselfish, save in the matter of tariff 
reductions. (See §§ 687, 689.) 

696. Race Troubles: Atlanta and Brownsville Riots. — Dur- 
ing recent years, friction between whites and blacks seems to 
have been growing more intense, not only in the South, but in 
the North and West, and lynchings and riots have been dis- 
gracefully frequent, the latest instance of lawlessness on a large 
scale having occurred at Springfield, Illinois, in August, 1908. 
There has also been much race friction between Americans and 
Japanese on the Pacific Coast. In Georgia and in Texas, two 
particularly regrettable outbursts occurred in 1906. In Sep- 
tember, the usual occasion of such riots, combined with the 
bad effects of a violent political campaign, lashed many of the 
inhabitants of Atlanta into a fury, which spent itself on the 
negroes wherever they could be found, regardless of their inno- 
cence or criminality. Several persons were killed, and the 
militia had to be called out. Later, the better elements of the 
city, white and black, endeavored to develop kinder feelings 
between the races and greater respect for the law. The month 
before there had been a shooting affray at Brownsville, Texas, 
between negro soldiers stationed at the fort there and the 
inhabitants of the town. In answer to protests made to him, 
and on the failure of all his efforts to discover the guilty 
soldiers, President Koosevelt, in November, ordered that the 
entire body of negro troops involved in suspicion should be 
dismissed from the service in disgrace. This action was both 
applauded and condemned. It led to inconclusive investi- 
gations and to much discontent among the negroes and their 
friends. 

697. Elections of 1906. — The election in November resulted 
in a victory for the Kepublicans, but their majority in Congress 
was materially reduced. Several State elections attracted atten- 
tion, but public interest was mainly centered upon the contest 
for the governorship of New York between the Kepublican 
candidate, Mr. Charles E. Hughes, who had won a national 



§698] ' ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 545 

reputation by his skillful conduct of the investigation of the 
great insurance companies (see § 692), and the Democratic 
candidate, Mr. W. R. Hearst, who had been a competitor of 
Judge Parker's for the Presidential nomination (see § 691), 
and had so nearly defeated Mr. McClellan for the mayoralty 
of New York City (see § 692). Mr. Hearst was also the 
candidate of the Independence League, which was generally 
understood to be a party mainly controlled by him. His se- 
curing the Democratic nomination alienated many Democrats, 
and led to his defeat, but that the election was a personal 
triumph for Mr. Hughes was shown by the election of the 
Democratic State ticket to all the offices except the governorship. 
Mr. Hearst subsequently withdrew from the Democratic party 
and carried the Independence League into national politics. 

698. The Panic of 1 907. — Although numerous matters, foreign 
and domestic,^ made the twelvemonth that followed the elec- 
tions of 1906 interesting to the contemporary observer of pub- 
lic affairs, it seems clear that to the future student one event 
of the year will overshadow all others — the financial crisis of 
the autumn. It began in October with the failure of a New 
York trust company, and for some weeks the stringency of the 
money market was acute, particularly in the business centers 
of the East. Many private fortunes, especially of those en- 
gaged in any form of speculation, were impaired, and industry 
was greatly checked, with the result that thousands of men 
were thrown out of employment and that immigration from 
Europe showed a decided falling off. In some quarters there 



1 For example, the friction with Japan caused by the opposition to the 
presence of Japanese pupils in the public schools of San Francisco ; the per- 
sonal controversies of the President, particularly that with the railway mag- 
nate, Mr. E. H. Harriman, with regard to campaign contributions raised by 
the latter ; the proceedings of the closing session of the Fifty-ninth Congress ; 
the suits against the Standard Oil Company; the President's speeches on 
commercial and financial topics ; and the persistent efforts to induce him to 
accept a nomination for a third term. 



546 McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. [§699 

was a disposition to attribute the panic to the President's policy 
of subjecting the methods of the railroads and trusts to strict 
examination, and of insisting that they should comply in every 
respect with the statutes which had been enacted to control their 
activities ; but more impartial students regarded the catastrophe 
as the natural consequence of the strain to which capital had 
been subjected for some years during a period of speculation 
and industrial inflation. Credit had been strained in America 
and abroad, and defects in the system of currency had created 
among business men a feeling of insecurity and uncertainty 
which was probably more accentuated by the talk than by the 
actions of the Executive. His speeches, perhaps, had something 
to do with occasioning the crisis, but it was an inevitable event 
and, on the whole, a salutary one. It taught the public that no 
country, however rich and energetic, can defy with impunity 
the principles of honest and conservative financiering, that all 
sections and nations are so closely bound that one cannot suffer 
without affecting the rest, and that the part an administration 
can take, whether in precipitating or in alleviating such a crisis, 
is unimportant in comparison with the actions of financiers, 
investors, and business men in the aggregate. 



Events and Legislation of 1908. — One of the most 
spectacular events of the year was the cruise of the Atlantic 
fleet in the Pacific Ocean. The voyage was made via Cape 
Horn, and the fleet was received with great enthusiasm, not 
only by the people of the Pacific Coast, but also in New Zea- 
land, Australia, and Japan. As a display of naval power and 
efficiency, the cruise was a success, and its political effects seem 
to have justified its inception, especially as the welcome given 
our sailors in Japan did much to show that there was no imme- 
diate cause for friction with that country. Less spectacular, 
but not less important, was the ratification of numerous arbi- 
tration treaties, including one with Japan, and of eleven 
Hague conventions relating to the conduct of war. A confer- 
ence of the governors of the States met at Washington in May, 



§700] ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION. 547 

on the call of President Roosevelt, and discussed the best 
methods of conserving the natural resources, the forests and 
waterways of the country. It was generally regarded as a 
forward step, and it led to the appointment of a national 
commission charged with this important matter. There was a 
remarkable wave of activity among the advocates of legislation 
against the sale of intoxicating liquors, leading, especially in 
the South, to the adoption of prohibition and local option laws. 
The first session of the Sixtieth Congress passed laws in the in- 
terest of government employees injured in the performance of 
duty, and similar measures, and, finally, after much debate and 
filibustering, a compromise Currency Bill, known as the Vree- 
land-Aldrich Bill. One of the provisions of this was the es- 
tablishment of a commission of senators and representatives 
to consider the monetary system and the banking laws of the 
country. The Ways and Means Committee of the House was 
authorized to hold recess sittings and to hear testimony with 
regard to the need of revising the tariff. Late in the year, 
Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the famous millionaire steel manufac- 
turer, created a sensation by declaring before the committee 
his belief that the industry in which he was an expert needed 
no protection whatsoever. 

700. The Election of 1908. — President Eoosevelt had an- 
nounced, upon his reelection in 1904, that he would not be a 
candidate for a third term, and toward the end of his admin- 
istration he used his influence to secure the nomination for his 
Secretary of War, William Howard Taft,^ of Ohio. His insist- 
ence crushed all opposition, and Mr. Taft was chosen on the 



1 Born iu Ohio, 1857. Practiced law in Ohio after graduating at Yale in 1878, 
and became a judge of the Superior Court of Ohio. After service as Solicitor- 
general and Circuit Judge for the United States, was made President of the 
Philippine Commission in 1900 and then Civil Governor of the Islands. En- 
tered President Roosevelt's cabinet as Secretary of War in 1904, and aided in 
reestablishing the Cuban Republic, and in organizing the construction of 
the Panama Canal. Elected President 1908. 



548 



McKINLEY AND ROOSEVELT, 1897-1909. 



[§700 



first ballot by the convention, which met in Chicago, in June, 
1908. James S. Sherman, long a Representative from New 
York, was nominated as Vice President. The platform pledged 
the party to a revision of the tariff. It upheld the right of 
the courts to issue injunctions^ in labor disputes, in terms 

that offended some 
union labor leaders. 
These turned to the 
support of William 
Jennings Bryan and 
John W. Kern, the 
candidates named 
by the Democratic 
party at Denver. 
Their platform de- 
manded tariff revi- 
sion, railroad con- 
trol, trust regula- 
tion, and guarantee 
of bank deposits. In 
the canvass, leading 
Democrats tried to 
expose improper re- 
lations between 
some Republican 
congressmen and 
the great corpora- 
tions, but they were unable to overcome the advantage of 
Mr. Taft's excellent record and his unqualified indorsement 
by President Roosevelt. Mr. Bryan was defeated for the third 
time, receiving a very large popular vote, but only 162 electoral 
votes, while Mr. Taft received 321. 




William H. Taft. 



1 Injunctions, which are judicial orders commanding or forbidding specified 
acts, were often directed against strikers to prevent them from interfering 
with the business of their employers. 




Longitude 



To follow p. 550. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAFT, AND THE PROGRES- 
SIVE MOVEMENT, 1909-1913. 

701. The Payne-Aldrich Tariff, 1909. — Throughout the cam- 
paign of 1908, Mr. Taft had interpreted the Eepublican plat- 
form as promising a downward revision of the rates of the 
Dingley Tariff. Since 1902, when Western Republicans ad- 
vanced the " Iowa Idea " for a lower tariff, there had been a 
growing demand for this within the party. It was generally 
believed that many of the existing rates were unreasonably high, 
and that, by preventing foreign competition, they encouraged 
trusts and monopolies in America. Few citizens, of any party, 
wanted free trade ; but so many wanted lower duties that there 
was wide approval when President Taft summoned Congress in 
special session to revise the tariff. 

The resulting Payne-Aldrich Tariff (so called from Repre- 
sentative Sereno E. Payne and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, who 
led the debates upon it), revealed the difficulties of any tariff 
revision. While most congressmen believed that the rates 
ought to be lowered, each made exceptions in the case of arti- 
cles manufactured in his own district. As the bill progressed, 
they combined to save their own industries, with the result 
that the final bill was as unsatisfactory a " reduction " as the 
Wilson Bill (1894), which Cleveland had refused to sign. It 
hardly differed from the McKinley and Dingley bills, which 
made no pretense at reduction. President Taft signed the bill, 
however, and later at Winona, Minnesota, defended it as a com- 
promise, and declared it better than its predecessors. At once 
a storm of hostile criticism broke upon him and the party lead- 
ers with whom he had acted. Senator Aldrich and Speaker 
Joseph G. Cannon. 

549 



550 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§702 

702. The Insurgent Republicans. — Opposition to the Payne- 
Aldrich. tariff had been led by Senator Eobert M. La Follette/ 
of Wisconsin, and other progressive Eepublicans in both houses 
of Congress. They opposed the bill in debate, and voted 
against it, calling it a breach of faith. They broke with the 
administration in 1909, and in 1910 the progressive Represent- 
atives voted with the Democrats in the House to rebuke Mr. 
Cannon by reducing the powers of the Speaker. During 1911 
and 1912 the Democrats, with the help of progressive Republi- 
cans, passed numerous bills reducing parts of the tariff. Presi- 
dent Taft vetoed these, and insisted that the rates ought to be 
reduced only on recommendation of a scientific tariff commis- 
sion. The "insurgents," as the Western Republicans were 
called, denounced the President as a friend of corrupt politics 
and the trusts. Early in 1911 they organized a National Pro- 
gressive Republican League which hoped to get control of the 
Republican organization in time to prevent the renomination 
of Mr. Taft in 1912. 

703. The Progressive Movement. — The Insurgent Repub- 
licans made a strong appeal to citizens who believed that 
"big business" had too much influence in politics. During 
the Roosevelt administrations a wave of exposure had swept 
the country, revealing the corrupt methods of the Standard 
Oil Company, and other great corporations, and charging many 
crimes that could not be proved but were readily believed. 
This was called "muck-raking." The growth and extension 
of great corporations, or trusts, alarmed the public and gave 
rise to a demand for regulation of railroads and trusts. Re- 



iBorn in Wisconsin, 1855. Practiced law after graduation from the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin, and served in Congress, 1885-1891. Became a leader 
against the machine in movements to regulate railway rates by law, and to 
nominate all candidates by direct primaries. Led in the adoption of these re- 
forms in Wisconsin — " the Wisconsin Idea" — while Governor, 1901-1906. 
Became United States Senator in 1905, and thereafter led in progressive re- 
iornj movements in the Senate, — theffirst insurgent. 



§ 704] TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION. 551 

duction of the tariff became more and more prominent as an 
issue. The progressives also hoped to make the government 
more responsive to popular will through the initiative and 
referendum, the recall, direct primaries, and woman suffrage.^ 
Few of the older party leaders helped in this new movement ; 
many of them opposed it and declared their desire to " stand 
pat/' The progressives called the conservatives stand-patters, 
and believed that they wanted unfair privileges for favored 
classes. A quarrel that broke out in the Interior Department 
in 1909, between Secretary Ballinger and the chief of the for- 
estry service, Gifford Pinchot, widened still farther the breach 
in the Republican party. The friends of Mr. Pinchot main- 
tained that he was trying to conserve the natural resources of 
the United States, while Mr. Ballinger* and President Taft 
were working against public interest. When President Taft 
dismissed Mr. Pinchot, the party split became hopeless, the 
more so because the latter was an intimate friend and confidant 
of ex-President Roosevelt. Some of the progressives hoped 
that Mr. Roosevelt, who was now returning to the United 
States after a year abroad, would take sides against the Presi- 
dent, and seek the nomination for himself in 1912. 

704. The Taft Policies. — President Taft had been elected 
as Mr. Roosevelt's choice, in the confidence that he would 
continue the vigorous policies of his predecessor. In his first 
year he lost the support of some Republicans over the tariff, 
and of others ovfer conservation. He lacked the aggressive 
popularity of Mr. Roosevelt, and regarded government from 
the viewpoint of an able judge. He devoted himself to three 
great objects: reciprocity with Canada, international arbitra- 

iBy the initiative is meant the power of any group of citizens, by petition, 
to introduce a law or an amendment ; the referendum is the popular vote by 
which such law or amendment is accepted or rejected ; the recall is a process 
for removing unpopular or unfaithful officials from office by a referendum 
vote; direct primaries are special elections within each party, held under 
public control, for the purpose of nominating officers. 



552 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§705 

tion, and the enforcement of the Sherman anti-trust law of 
1890. His measure for Canadian reciprocity was passed by- 
Congress at a special session summoned in 1911. It provided 
for an exchange with Canada of certain goods, duty-free, and 
was intended to reduce the cost of living, about which there 
was much complaint. Although the insurgents opposed it be- 
cause the reductions were at the expense of the farmer, not 
the manufacturer, ex-President Eoosevelt favored it, and the 
bill became a law. It was, however, rejected by Canada, after 
a stirring campaign, in which the opponents of reciprocity in- 
sisted that the United States sought to annex Canada. Its de- 
feat was a severe rebuff to President Taft. 

705. Arbitration and the Trusts. — President Taft believed 
not only in peace but also in arbitration, and thought there 
were no quarrels between nations that ought not to be sub- 
mitted to a court of justice. At both Hague conferences, in 
1899 and 1907, the United States had urged this theory. In 
the summer of 1911 treaties of compulsory arbitration were 
signed with Francfe and Great Britain.^ Their ratification was 
opposed by many insurgents, on factional grounds, and by 
others who feared they endangered the interests of the United 
States. The fact that Mr. Roosevelt opposed them in the 
pages of the weekly magazine with which he had associated 
himself, seemed to show that he was taking the side of the 
insurgents against the President, for he had always been 
regarded as a friend of peace. The Senate declined to ratify 
the treaties, and rebuffed the President again. 

President Taft achieved his greatest success in his suits 



1 James Bryce, who signed the treaty on behalf of Great Britain, was 
ambassador to the United States 1907-1912. As a professor at Oxford he had 
studied American life since 1870. His book, The American Commonwealth, 
appeared in 1888, and at once was recognized as the best general book ever 
written about the United States. He was justly popular throughout his 
period as ambassador, and did much to strengthen the friendly relations be- 
tween the two countries. 



§706] TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION. 553 

against the corporations that were conspiring in restraint of 
trade. Never had the Sherman Law been enforced so diligently. 
The Standard Oil and Tobacco trusts were dissolved by order 
of the courts, as was the great Harriman merger of the Union 
Pacific and Southern Pacific railroads. These corporations, 
however, continued to grow in wealth as rapidly after dissolu- 
tion as before. The insurgents, growing more bitter all the 
time, and feeling a rising demand among the people for democ- 
racy and impartial government, now declared that this was the 
wrong way to deal with the trusts ; and in this view Mr. Roose- 
velt concurred. 

706. Theodore Roosevelt and the "New Nationalism." — The 
importance of Mr. Roosevelt's views steadily increased during 
President Taft's administration. The latter was unable to 
convince the people or even his own party that he was genuinely 
progressive; and since Mr. Roosevelt had declared that he 
would not accept a third term, the hope grew that he would 
support one of the insurgents against Mr. Taft in 1912. His 
reentry into politics had occurred in the fall of 1910, after his 
return from his travels in Africa and Europe. 

His first great speech was made at Ossawatomie, Kansas, 
where in August, 1910, he advanced his theory of the " New 
Nationalism." The theory was founded upon the obvious fact 
that American business, because of the enormous growth of 
railroads and other systems of communication, had become 
truly national ; and that the powers of the American government 
must be used to regulate this business, and increased where 
they should prove to be inadequate. This, a central idea of the 
insurgents, was familiar to the West, where liberal ideas were 
common. In the East, however, it was regarded as socialistic 
and revolutionary, and brought to the attention of many con- 
servatives, for the first time, the extent of the Western demand 
for strong, direct, popular government. Among the progressive 
leaders, it aroused jealous fears that Mr. Roosevelt might him- 
self seek the nomination in 1912. On the other hand it in- 



554 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§ 707 

spired the conservative Republicans to rally around Mr. Taft 
as the safeguard of orderly government. 

707. The Political Situation, 1910-1912. — The Republican 
party seemed to be breaking up in Taft's administration. Its 
internal split weakened it in every state and enabled the Dem- 
ocrats, in 1910, to gain a majority of the House of Representa- 
tives. During the next two years Congress devoted itself to 
party tactics. The Democrats prepared material for the ap- 
proaching presidential campaign ; the insurgents sought to dis- 
credit the administration still further and preferred a Dem- 
ocratic victory to the reelection of Taft ; the stand-patters, or 
old line Republicans, held control of the Senate in many cases ; 
at other times the insurgent senators held the balance of power 
and voted with the democrats on reform measures. The tide 
was plainly flowing against the reactionaries, and several 
announced their intention not to run for reelection. 

Throughout the country there was general uneasiness. The 
conviction of two prominent labor leaders, named McNamara, 
in Los Angeles as murderers and dynamiters, brought reproach 
upon all organized labor. The adoption of woman suffrage, in 
California and Washington, in 1910, and in Arizona, Kansas, 
and Oregon, in 1912, widened the basis of democratic govern- 
ment. The admission of Oklahoma in 1907, Arizona and New 
Mexico in 1912, provoked a wide discussion of theories of gov- 
ernment, including that of the recall of judges. Everywhere 
there was evidence of reorganization in society, and of a pro- 
gressivism in politics that left old leaders behind and even 
turned on them as obstacles to progress. 

708. The Renomination of President Taft. — As the conven- 
tion of 1912 approached, the jjrogressive Republicans seemed 
most likely to agree upon Senator La Follette as their candi- 
date, although some feared that he was not popular enough to 
win even if nominated. The growing strength of the Demo- 
cratic party made 1912 seem like a Democratic year. 



§709] THE POLITICAL SITUATION, 1910-1912. 555 

The unity of the progressives was broken when Mr. Eoose- 
velt, at the request of a group of Western governors, announced 
his willingness to run again, and explained that his refusal in 
1904 to be a candidate for a third term, had meant only a third 
consecutive term. Around his candidacy most of the progres- 
sives flocked, believing that his personality and his identifica- 
tion v/ith reform would give him a good chance of election. 
A small group remained loyal to Senator La Follette, denounced 
Mr. Roosevelt's ambition for a third term, and declared that 
the ex-President was at heart a stand-patter who talked the 
language of reform only for effect. The conservative Republi- 
cans, who dominated the National Committee, tried to control 
the delegates to the Chicago convention. 

There has been no more bitter fight for the nomination than 
that of 1912. For four months, Mr. Roosevelt toured the 
United States, denouncing most of his old associates, including 
President Taft, who was his own choice. He succeeded in 
winning more than four hundred of the Republican delegates, 
while his friends, for " moral effect," advanced contests for 
half as many more, claiming that they rightfully belonged to 
him. From the states in which the old organization remained 
in control, Mr. Taft won about as many delegates as Mr. Roose- 
velt won from the other states. When the convention met 
there was a majority for President Taft, though it was claimed 
that this majority did not represent the wish of the bulk of 
Republican voters. In spite of Mr. Roosevelt's spectacular 
visit to Chicago, and his charge that he was defeated by " naked 
theft," the convention renominated both President Taft and 
Vice President Sherman.^ The fight revealed the need for 
direct nominations in place of the old convention system, by 
which a minority of bosses could control the party. 

709. The National Progressive Party. — The Roosevelt dele- 
gates to the Republican convention organized a new national 

1 Vice President Sherman died before election. 



556 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§710 

party before they left Chicago, and many of them came back 
in August as delegates to the Progressive National Convention. 
This time they nominated Theodore Roosevelt and Governor 
Hiram W. Johnson, of California, and declared that both old 
parties were hopelessly corrupt. Their platform urged most 
of the social reforms towards which serious thinkers had long 
been working, but some of the progressive Republicans dis- 
trusted Mr. Roosevelt's sincerity and declined to support him. 
They maintained that, but for Mr. Roosevelt's ambition, the 
progressive movement would have captured both the Repub- 
lican party and the Presidency. 

710. The Democratic Party. — While the Republican factions 
were wrangling, the Democrats had met at Baltimore. William 
J. Bryan, though not himself a candidate, seemed to hold the 
balance of power. After many ballots, in some of which 
Speaker Clark received a majority, Woodrow Wilson,^ Gov- 
ernor of New Jersey, received the necessary two-thirds vote 
and the nomination. Thomas R. Marshall, Governor of Indi- 
ana, was nominated for vice president. 

The campaign soon developed into a race between Mr. Wil- 
son and Mr. Roosevelt. The issues most discussed were the 
tariff and the trusts, but the deciding factor in the result was 
the popular estimate of the personal character of Woodrow 
Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. Wilson and Marshall were 
elected in November, receiving 435 electoral votes. Mr. Roose- 
velt received 88 votes, and Mr. Taft, carrying only two small 
states, received but eight. In spite of the decisive election, the 
Democrats had less than half of the popular vote, and owed 
much of their success to the split in the Republican party. 
Yet they carried Congress as well as the Presidency, having a 

1 Born in Virginia, 1856. Educated at Princeton and the University of Vir- 
ginia, and became professor of history and politics at Bryn Mawr, Wesleyan, 
and Princeton. Was elected president of Princeton in 1902. He made a 
splendid record as Governor of New Jersey, 1911-1913, steadily fighting the 
jpaachine ,g,.nd leading the reform movements in that state. 



§711] 



THE UNITED STATES IN 1913. 



557 



large majority in the House of Representatives, and a fair mar- 
gin in the Senate. Only once before, since the Civil War, had 
there been a Democratic control in all the branches of the 
national government. 



711. Woodrow Wilson. — The new President was inaugurated 
March 4, 1913, with imposing ceremonies, and the same day 
announced the names 
of his Cabinet. One 
of the last official acts 
of President Taft had 
been the signing of 
the bill which created 
a Department of Labor 
with a cabinet port- 
folio, so that for the 
first time in the his- 
tory of the country 
the Cabinet comprised 
ten members. Mr. 
Wilson's selection of 
men like William 
Jennings Bryan of 
Nebraska, James Mc- 
Reynolds of Tennes- 
see, Albert Burleson 
of Texas, and Franklin 
K. Lane of California 
showed his intention 
to align himself with 
the progressive wing of his party, while his inaugural address 
carefully analyzed the problems confronting his administra- 
tion and gave ringing assurance of his earnest desire to solve 
them in a satisfactory way. The first acts of the new Presi- 
dent inspired the country with confidence in his sincerity 
and ability. 




Woodrow Wilson. 



558 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§712 

THE UNITED STATES IN 1913. 

712. The Industrial Age. — The leading issues of the cam- 
paigns of 1904, 1908, and 1912 showed that the United States 
had entered upon an industrial age, and that the chief ques- 
tions in politics were of economic or social character. In 
many occupations, business organizations were national in 
their extent. Every year they grew larger, with increasing 
capital invested and a greater number of hands employed. 
Their regulation had become the first duty of government, for 
the individual, the trade union, the city, or even the state, 
was ineffective in bargaining with concerns that owned the 
national resources, the communication routes, or the great 
industrial plants throughout the nation. Equality of op- 
portunity, the aim of democracy, coukl be obtained best by 
restriction and control of the great monopolies. 

713. Population. — The population of the United States more 
than doubled in the forty years after 1870, when it had been 
38,558,371. During the decade 1860-1870, a great gain of popu- 
lation had occurred in the Far West, resulting in the organi- 
zation of Colorado, Nevada, Dakota^ Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, 
and Arizona territories, while the purchase of Alaska (1867) 
had extended the American possessions. There was also a 
very considerable development of urban populations, New 
York City standing in 1870 just below the million mark, 
Philadelphia nearing seven hundred thousand, and Chicago and 
St. Louis struggling for commercial supremacy in the West, 
the former approaching three hundred thousand inhabitants. 

In 1880 the population of the Union was 50,155,783. Only 
one new state, Colorado, had been admitted in the decade, 
but most of the public lands at that time suitable for agricul- 
ture had been settled. The growth of cities was not relatively 
very great, but New York had more than 1,200,000 inhabitants. 
By 1890 six new Western states, — North Dakota, South 
Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, and Washington, — had 



§ 714] THE UNITED STATES IN 1913. 559 

been admitted, and the total population of United States was 
62,622,250. Oklahoma was made a territory in this year, while 
Utah was admitted as the forty-fifth state before the next cen- 
sus was taken. 

In 1900, New York still led among the American cities, and 
had become one of the greatest cities of the world, having an- 
nexed her suburbs and reached a total of 3,437,202. The popula- 
tion of the Union was 75,994,575, and the drift of population 
into the cities was noticeable everywhere. The census of 1910 
confirmed the facts of industrial combination, and revealed its 
influence upon the people. There were now 91,972,266 per- 
sons in the United States, and 9,706,687 more lived in Alaska 
and the insular possessions. More than ever they were becom- 
ing a race of city dwellers, forty-six per cent living in towns 
of twenty-five hundred or over; one hundred and fourteen 
cities each had at least fifty thousand inhabitants. New York, 
Chicago, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Boston were only illus- 
trations of a condition that was general. Where transporta- 
tion, raw materials, and fuel could be found, factories were 
built, and workers were induced to come. In some rural states 
population stood still, so that the production of food increased 
less rapidly than the concentration in the cities, and the cost 
of living rose. 

714. Race Problems. — The great prosperity of the United 
States was attracting an increasing stream of immigrants, 
whose presence created a serious social problem in many re- 
gions. In 1900 the United States contained more than 
10,000,0001 of foreign birth, while 26,000,000, or thirty-four 
per cent, were the children of foreigners. The education of 
the newcomers and their children to the responsibilities of 
citizenship led to new methods of instruction, and became the 
most important duty of city governments. But the assimila- 



1 The results of the census of 1910, on immigration, were not yet available 
in March, 1913. 



560 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§ 715 

tion of the foreigners was less of a problem than the treatment 
of the 9,828,294 negroes, who in 1910 continued to supply 
most of the cheap labor of the South. Friction between the 
races, leading often to discrimination and lynchings, was not 
lessening in spite of the efforts of white philanthropists and 
of negro leaders like Booker T. Washington. 

715. Problems of Labor. — The race problem was closely con- 
nected with the problem of organized labor. The foreigners 
furnished most of the unskilled labor, but were being effectively 
organized by the unions. The ordinary methods of strikes 
were thought insufficient by their leaders, because of the ease 
with which the places of ^unskilled workmen could be filled. 
The most radical leaders taught a doctrine called syndiGalism, 
imported from France, which included general strikes of the 
whole laboring population, and sabotage, or the secret damag- 
ing of machines and product by men not on strike. A great 
strike among the mill hands at Lawrence (Massachusetts), in 
1912, brought this new doctrine to the attention of the United 
States for the first time. The older unions of skilled workmen 
continued to advocate the union label and the closed shop. 
Their leaders were often socialists. 

716. Problems of Capital. — In spite of the effort to enforce 
the Sherman Law, capital continued to concentrate in great 
corporations. The popular attack upon the trusts, though often 
unfair to individuals, lessened the abuses from which the pub- 
lic formerly suffered. A committee of Congress was engaged 
in the investigation of the so-called money trust, or combination 
among bankers, which some persons thought was behind all 
other monopolies. Manufacturers came to recognize the right 
of the public to control the trusts, and some even asked for 
more rigorous supervision, through a Corporation Commission, 
like the Interstate Commerce Commission. It seems probable 
that, whatever solution for the trust problem is attained, great 
corporations and resulting wealth wiU continue to exist. 



§ 719] THE UNITED STATES IN 1913. 561 

717. Society in the United States in 1913. — The wide dis- 
tribution of moderate wealtli continues to give the chief tone 
to American society. There is much extreme poverty, but 
social relief, factory laws and employers' liability laws, are 
trying to cope with it. There are huge fortunes at the top of 
society, but great wealth does not insure political leadership. 
The direction of society and government remains with the well- 
to-do middle class, who live now better than ever before. The 
development of manufactures, transportation, and advertising 
have spread a uniform civilization over the whole United 
States, lessening the old differences between citizens of North, 
South, East, or West. The periodicals that carry the advertis- 
ing and set the styles of life are of higher type than those of 
any other country, and are a powerful factor in education. 

718. Education in 1913. — The belief in popular education as 
the best preparation for democracy, continues to dominate 
American life. The great universities, furnishing the leaders, 
are growing in size, equipment, and endowment. Small colleges 
multiply and flourish. The training of professional teachers 
has become one of the great ends of higher education, while 
these teachers, going into the schools to teach, are raising the 
standard of instruction and of life. In the lower schools, the 
most distinctive development is towards education for workers, 
that they may be better prepared for their vocations. The 
solution of the race problems is believed to be obtainable only 
through education. 

719. The Future of America. — The United States has entered 
upon a new era. The whole continent has been occupied and 
covered with industrial, social, and educational institutions, 
national in their extent. Men are anticipating a "New 
Nationalism," in which the government shall be able to control 
all the organizations bearing upon life, and in which the people 
shall control their representatives as never before. Education 
has taught them what to demand, and hopeful Americans 



562 TAFT'S ADMINISTRATION, 1909-1913. [§719 

beliere that the institutions of representative government will 
enable them to solve the problems of national life. 



References. — The years 1897-1907 are covered in J. H. Latan^, 
Ame7'ica as a World Power, but there is no important history of the last 
five years. Much information can be gathered from the Year-books, the 
Encyclopaedias, and such works as W. B. Munro, The Initiative, Befer- 
endum, and Becall, or H. Croly, The Promise of American Life. The 
weekly magazines, the Independent, the Literary Digest, the Nation, 
and the Outlook, and such monthlies as the Beview of Beviews and the 
World's Work, contain valuable material for the student. 



APPENDIX A. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

In Congress, July 4, 17T6. 
A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one 
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and 
equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle 
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident: — That all men are created 
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable 
rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, de- 
riving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever 
any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right 
of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, 
laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such 
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi- 
ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established 
should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all 
experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while 
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to 
which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usur- 
pations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce 
them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw 
off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. 
Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now 
the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of gov- 
ernment. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of 
repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- 
ment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be 
submitted to a candid world. 

563 



564 APPENDIX A. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for 
the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing 
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be 
obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to 
them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis- 
tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre- 
sentation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable 
to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomforta- 
ble, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole 
purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with 
manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others 
to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, 
have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the State remain- 
ing, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from with- 
out, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that 
purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners ; refusing 
to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condi- 
tions of new appropriations of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent 
to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their 
offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of 
officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the 
consent of our Legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, 
the civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to 
our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to 
their acts of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any mur- 
ders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States ; 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world j 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 565 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; 

For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offenses ; 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, 
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its bounda- 
ries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for intro- 
ducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and 
altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments ; 

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested 
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his pro- 
tection, and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and 
destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to 
complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with 
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most bar- 
barous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, 
to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their 
friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to 
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, 
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, 
sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in 
the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been answered only 
by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every 
act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. 
We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature 
to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them 
of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have 
appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we have conjured 
them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, 
which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. 
We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our sepa- 
ration, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, 
in peace friends. 

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, 
in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the 



566 



APPENDIX A. 



■world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the 
authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- 
clare. That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and 
independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the Brit- 
ish crown, and that all political connection between them and the state 
of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free 
and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, 
contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things 
which independent states may of right do. And, for the support of this 
declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, 
we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
honor. 

The foregoing Declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and 
signed by the following members : — 

JOHN HANCOCK. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Josiah Bartlett, 
William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, 
Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

Stephen Hopkins, 
William Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntington, 
William Williams, 
Oliver Wolcott. 

NEW YORK. 

William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 



NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 
John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, 
Benjamin Franklin, 
John Morton, 
George Clymer, 
James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

Caesar Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel Chase, 
William Paca, 
Thomas Stone, 



Charles Carroll, of Car- 
rollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Hey ward, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
Arthur Middleton. 

GEORGIA. 

Button Gwinnett, 
Lyman Hall, 
George Walton. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 567 

Besolved, That copies of the Declaration be sent to the several assem- 
blies, conventions, and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several 
commanding officers of the continental troops ; that it be proclaimed in 
each of the United States, and at the head of the army. 



APPENDIX B. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

Preamble. 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
mon defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Consti- 
tution for the United States of America. 

Article I. Legislative Department. 

Section L Congress in General. 

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of 
the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Repre- 
sentatives. 

Section 11. House of Bepresentatives. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in 
each ^tate shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
numerous branch of the State Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to 
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in 
which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several States which may be included within this Union, according to their 
respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole 
number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of 
years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. 
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first 
meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent 
term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The num- 
ber of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but 
each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enumera- 

668 



THE CONSTITUTION. 559 

tion shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 
three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, 
Connecticut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, 
Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South 
Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representations from any State, the 
executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such 
vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other 
oflacers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 



Section III. Senate. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators 
from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for six years, and each 
Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the 
first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three 
classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the 
expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the 
fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so 
that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies hap- 
pen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of 
any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until 
the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age 
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and 
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he 
shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the 
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their officers, and also a president pro tem- 
pore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the 
office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. 
When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When 
the President of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside ; 
and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
the members present, 

7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend farther than to 
removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of 
honor, trust, or profit under the United States ; but the party convicted 



570 APPENDIX B. 

shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, 
and punishment according to law. 

Section IV. Both Houses. 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and 
representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; 
but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, 
except as to the place of choosing senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such 
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by 
law appoint a different day. 

Section V. The Houses Separately. 

1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifica- 
tions of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum 
to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and 
may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such 
manner and under such penalties as each house may provide. 

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its 
members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, 
expel a member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to 
time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment 
require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house, 
on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be 
entered on the journal. 

4. Neither house during the session of Congress shall, without the con- 
sent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place 
than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section VL Disabilities of Members. 

1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of 
the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, breach 
of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the 
session of their respective houses, and in going to or returning from the 
same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be 
questioned in any other place. 

2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was 
elected, be appointed to any civil ofl&ce under the authority of the United 
States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall 



THE CONSTITUTION. 571 

have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office 
under the United States shall be a member of either house during his 
continuance in office. 

Section VII. Mode of Passing Laws. 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as 
on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and 
the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of 
the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall 
return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have origi- 
nated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed 
to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house 
shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, 
to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if ap- 
proved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such 
cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered 
on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned 
by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have 
been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had 
signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in 
which case it shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a ques- 
tion of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United 
States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, 
or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limita- 
tions prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Section VIII. Powers granted to Congress. 

The Congress shall have power : 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the 
United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform 
throughout the United States ; 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several 
States, and with the Indian tribes ; 



572 APPENDIX B. 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on 
the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and 
fix the standard of weights and measures ; 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and 
current coin of the United States ; 

7. To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

8. Tq promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for 
limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- 
spective writings and discoveries ; 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 

10. To define and punish felonies committed on the high seas, and 
offenses against the law of nations ; 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land and water ; 

12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to 
that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 

13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of land and naval 
forces ; 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and 
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the 
United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the 
officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the dis- 
cipline prescribed by Congress; 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such 
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of 
the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places pur- 
chased, by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same 
shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and 
other needful buildings ; and, 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this 
Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any depart- 
ment or office thereof. 

Section IX. Powers denied to the United States. 
1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States 
now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the 



THE CONSTITUTION. 573 

Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a 
tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten 
dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended 
unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
require it. 

3. No bill of attainder, or ex-post-facto law, shall be passed. 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion 
to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or 
revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall vessels 
bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in 
another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of 
appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the 
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from 
time to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no 
person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the 
consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title 
of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

Section X. Poioers denied to the States. 

1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; 
make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; 
pass any bill of attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impairing the obliga- 
tion of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any im- 
posts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all 
duties and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports shall be for the 
use of the treasury of the United States, and all such laws shall be subject 
to the revision and control of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of 
tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in times of peace, enter into any 
agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or en- 
gage in war unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will 
not admit of delays. 



574 APPENDIX B. 

Article II. Executive Department. 
Section I. President and Vice-President. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, 
and, together w^ith the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be 
elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof 
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators 
and representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; 
but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or 
profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

3. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal- 
lot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of 
the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the 
persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they 
shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government 
of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The Presi- 
dent of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be 
counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and 
have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives 
shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President ; and if no 
person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said 
House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the 
President,. the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from 
each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of 
a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of 
all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the 
choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes 
of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain 
two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by 
ballot the Vice-President.] i 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and 
the day on which they will give their votes, which day shall be the same 
throughout the United States. 

5. No person except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United 
States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 

1 Altered by the Xllth Amendment. 



THE CONSTITUTION. 575 

the oflBce of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office 
who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been four- 
teen years a resident within the United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, 
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said 
office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President ; and the Congress 
may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or ina- 
bility, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer 
shall then act as President ; and such officer shall act accordingly, until 
the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com- 
pensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the 
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive 
within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any 
of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the fol- 
lowing oath or affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, 
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." 



Section II. Powers of the President. 

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called 
into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion 
in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive departments 
upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and 
he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against 
the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present 
concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and con- 
suls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United 
States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for and 
which shall be established by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the 
appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President 
alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may 
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which 
shall expire at the end of their next session. 



576 APPENDIX B. 



Section III. Duties of the President. 

He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the 
state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures 
as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary 
occasions, convene both houses, or either of them ; and in case of dis- 
agreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he 
may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive 
ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws 
be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United 

States. 

Section IV. Impeachment of the President. 

The President, Vice-President, and all civil ofi&cers of the United States 
shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of trea- 
son, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

Article III. Judicial Department. 

Section I. United States Courts. 

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme 
Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time 
ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior 
courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated 
times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be dimin- 
ished during their continuance in Oxtice. 

Section II. Jurisdiction of the United States Courts. 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all casefe in law and equity arising 
under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made 
or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting 
ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admi- 
ralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United 
States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States ; 
between a State and citizens of another State ; between citizens of dif- 
ferent States ; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under 
grants of different States ; and between a State, or the citizens thereof, 
and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.^ 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and con- 
suls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall 
have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the 
Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 

1 Altered by Xlth Amendment. 



THE CONSTITUTION. 577 

with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall 
make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by 
jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the 
trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have 
directed. 

Section III. Treason. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and com- 
fort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of 
two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of trea- 
son; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or 
forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. 

Article IV. The States and the Federal Government. 

Section I. State Becords. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress 
may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, 
and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section II. Privileges of Citizens^ etc. 

1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, 
who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand 
of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered 
up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regu- 
lation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be 
delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may 
be due. 

Section III. New States and Territories. 

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more 
States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the 
States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 



578 APPENDIX B. 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting, the territory or other property belonging 
to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so con- 
strued as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular 
State. 

Section IV. Guarantee to the States. 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re- 
publican form of government, and shall protect each of them against 
invasion; and, on application of the Legislature, or of the executive 
(when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 

Article V. Power op Amendment. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces- 
sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the applica- 
tion of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a 
convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be 
valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified 
by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conven- 
tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification 
may be proposed by Congress ; provided that no amendment which may 
be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in 
any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the 
first Article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of 
its equal suffrage in the Senate. 

Article VL Public Debt, Supremacy of the Constitution, Oath 
OF Office, Religious Test. 

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adop- 
tion of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under 
this Constitution as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be 
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made 
under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the 
land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in 
the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members 
of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, 
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath 
or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever 
be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United 
States. 



i 



THE CONSTITUTION. 579 

Article VII. Ratification of the Constitution. 

The ratifications of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for 
the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the 
same. 

Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the 
seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the twelfth. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Article I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or 
prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, 
or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to 
petition the government for a redress of grievances. 

Article II. 

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, 
the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Article III. 

No soldier shall,' in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without 
the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be pre- 
scribed by law. 

Article IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, 
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be vio- 
lated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by 
oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, 
and the persons or things to be seized. 

Article V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous 
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in 
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in active 
service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject 
for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall 
be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself ; nor 



580 APPENDIX B. 

be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor 
shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. 

Article VI. 

In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the 
accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have 
compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the 
assistance of counsel for his defense. 

Article VII. 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed 
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact 
tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
States than according to the rules of the common law. 

Article VIII. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor 
cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. 

Article IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be con- 
strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

Article X. 

The powers not granted to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to 
the people. 

Article XL 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend 
to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the 
United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of 
any foreign State. 

Article XII. 

1. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot 
for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an 
inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their 
ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 



THE CONSTITUTION. 581 

voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons 
voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and 
of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, 
and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed 
to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Eepreseutatives, open all the certifi- 
cates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest 
number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a 
majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person 
have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, 
not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House 
of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But 
in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the repre- 
sentation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose 
shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and 
a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the 
House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right 
of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next 
following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of 
death or other constitutional disability of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President 
shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from 
the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice- 
President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the 
whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be 
necessary to a choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President 
shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

Article XIII. 

1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment 
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist 
within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 

Article XIV. 

1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to 
the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State 
wherein they reside. No States shall make or enforce any law which 
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; 



582 APPENDIX B. 

nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, with- 
out due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the 
equal protection of the laws. 

2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States ac- 
cording to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of per- 
sons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to 
vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice- 
President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive 
and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, 
is denied to any of the male members of such State, being twenty -one 
years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- 
tation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of 
such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- 
one years of age in such State. 

3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector 
of President and Vice-President, or holding any office, civil or military, 
under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously 
taken an oath, as a member of Congress, ob as an officer of the United 
States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or 
judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United 
States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, 
or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by 
a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 

4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by 
law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for 
services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any 
debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the 
United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but 
all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation 
the provisions of this article. 

Article XV. 

1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be 
denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 

2. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation 
the provisions of this article. 



THE CONSTITUTION. 583 

Article XVI. i 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, 
from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the states, 
and without regard to any census of enumeration. 



iJn 1893 an income tax on corporations was passed as an amendment to the 
Wilson Bill, but was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. After 
years of agitation the Senate on July 7, 1907, passed the above amendment. 
On July 12, 1907, it passed the House. Alabama was the first state to ratify 
it (1909). In 1910 eight states ratified it ; in 1911, twenty-two ; in 1912, three ; 
and in 1913, enough to make the necessary three fourths of the forty-eight 
United States. 



APPENDIX C. 



LIST OF PRESIDENTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS, WITH THEIR 
TERMS OF OFFICE. 

1789-1793 — George Washington. 

John Adams. 
1793-1797 —George Washington. 

John Adams. 
1797-1801 —John Adams. 

Thomas Jefferson. 
1801-1805 — Thomas Jefferson. 

Aaron Burr. 
1805-1809 — Thomas Jefferson. 

George Clinton. 
1809-1813— James Madison. 

George Clinton. 
1813-1817 — James Madison. 

Elbridge Gerry. 
1817-1821 —James Monroe. 

D. D. Tompkins. 
1821-1825— James Monroe. 

D. D. Tompkins. 
1825-1829 —John Quincy Adams. 

John C. Calhoun. 
1829-1833 — Andrew Jackson. 

John C. Calhoun. 
1833-1837 — Andrew Jackson. 

Martin Van Buren. 
1837-1841 —Martin Van Buren. 

R. M. Johnson. 
1841-1845 — Wm. Henry Harrison. 

John Tyler (became President, 1841). 
1845-1849 — James K. Polk. 

George M. Dallas. 
585 



586 APPENDIX C. 

1849-1853 — Zachary Taylor. 

Millard Fillmore (became President, 1850). 
1853-1857 — Franklin Pierce . 

William R. King. 
1857-1861 — James Buchanan. 

J. C. Breckinridge. 
1861-1865 — Abraham Lincoln. 

Hannibal Hamlin. 
1865-1869 — Abraham Lincoln. 

Andrew Johnson (became President, 1866). 
1869-1873 — U. S. Grant. 

Schuyler Colfax. 
1873-1877— U. S.Grant. 

Henry Wilson. 
1877-1881 — R. B. Hayes. 

Wm. A. Wheeler. 
1881-1885— Jas. A. Garfield. 

Chester A. Arthur (became President, 1881). 
1885-1889 — Grover Cleveland. 

T. A. Hendricks. 
1889-1893 — Benjamin Harrison. 

L. P. Morton. 
1893-1897 —Grover Cleveland. 

Adlai E. Stevenson. 
1897-1901 — Wm. McKinley. > 

G. A. Hobart. 
• 1901-1905 — Wm. McKinley. 

Theodore Roosevelt (became President, 1901). 
1905-1909 — Theodore Roosevelt. 

Charles W. Fairbanks. 
1909-1913 — William H. Taft. 

James S. Sherman, 
1913-1917 — Woodrow Wilson. 

Thomas R. Marshall. 



INDEX. 



The References are to Sections, unless otherwise stated. 



p. = page, 
n. = footnote. 



(C.) = Confederate. 
(U.) = Union. 



Abolitionists, in the North, 359-360 ; 
refused right of petition, 360; pub- 
lications prohibited in the South, 
360, 391 ; form Liberty Party, 375. 

Aborigines, 1. 

Acadia, joined to Massachusetts, 60; 
the French in, 98, 104; inhabitants 
dispersed, 112. 

Adams, Charles Francis, minister 
at Loudon, 502, 511. 

Adams, John, portrait, 275; bio- 
graphical note, p. 205 n. ; opposes 
Washington's policy, 192; Vice 
President, 255; in first Congress, 
?«6; elected President, 275; de- 
feated by Jefferson, 281. 

Adams, John Quincy, portrait, 333; 
biographical note, p. 255 n. ; minis- 
ter to Russia, 308 ; commissioner at 
Ghent, 312 ; Secretary of State, 320 ; 
negotiates treaty with Spain, 324; 
and the Monroe Doctrine, 326; 
elected President, 334; character of 
administration „ 335; opposition to, 
336-340; in Congress, 360. 

A.dams, Samuel, portrait, 127; bio- 
graphical note, p. 93 n. ; opposes 
Stamp Act, 127 ; demands removal 
of British soldiers, 132; organizes 
committees of correspondence, 138 ; 
opposes Washington's policy, 192; 
opposes Constitutional Convention, 
246. 



Agriculture, chief occupation in 
1789, 261; Department of, estab- 
lished, 500. 

Aguinaldo, Phihppine leader, 673, 
674. 

Alabama, admitted, 329; secedes, 
440; readmitted, 574. 

Alabama, Confederate cruiser, 
construction of, 502 ; defeat of, 541. 

Alabama Claims, 585. 

Alaska, purchase of, p. 502 n.; seal 
fisheries of, 641 ; territorial govern- 
ment established, 676. 

Albany Congress, in 1690, 66; in 
1754, 110. 

Albany Regency, 342. 

Albemarle, N.C., founded by Vir- 
ginia Dissenters, 72. See CarO' 
Unas. 

Alien and Sedition laws, 277. 

Allen, Ethan, takes Fort Ticon- 
deroga, 145. 

Amendments to the Constitution, 
ten, adopted, p. 198 n. 2; twelfth, 
281 ; thirteenth, 546, p. 435 n., 568; 
fourteenth, 571 ; fifteenth, 58?. 

America, discovered by the North- 
men, 4; discovered by Columbus, 
5, 7 ; origin of name, 10. 

American flag. See Flag. 

American party. See Know Noth- 
ing. 

American Policy, 332. 



587 



588 



INDEX. 



Amnesty Act, 584. 

Anarchists, 625. 

Anderson, Major Robert, (U.),at 
Fort Sumter, 441, 442, 452. 

Andr6, John, meeting with Arnold, 
217; arrest, 218; execution, 220. 

Andrew, John A., war governor of 
Massachusetts, 462. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, portrait, 59 ; 
biographical note, p. 50 n.; royal 
governor of New England, 59; 
governor of New York, 65; in 
New Jersey, 68. 

Annexation, of Texas, 375; of 
Hawaii, 672. 

Antietam (or Sharpsburg) , battle of, 
505; official returns, p. 401 n. 1. 

Anti-Masons, formation of party, 
361, p. 284 n. 2. 

Anti-Monopoly Party, in campaign 
of 1884, 617. 

Anti-slavery movement, in colo- 
nial times, 327 ; development of, 
359, 360, 390-392; Liberty Party 
formed, 375; in Kansas, 413, 414. 
See Abolitionists, Slavery, and 
Fugitive Slave Law. 

Appomattox Courthouse, Lee's 
surrender at, 551. 

Arbitration, of the fisheries question, 
641; of the Venezuelan dispute, 
651. 

Archdale, John, governor and pro- 
prietor of North Carolina, 76. 

Arkansas, organized as a territory, 
328; secedes, 453; readmitted, 574. 

Arlington, Lord, received grant of 
Virginia, 43. 

Armstrong, General, Secretary of 
War in War of 1812, 305, 306, 310; 
succeeded by Monroe, 311. 

Army, Continental, established, 
143, 144; reorganized, 176; mutiny 
in, 222. 

Army, United States, in War of 
1812, 300 ; in Mexican War, 386 ; in 
1865, 555 ; in Spanish War, 669, 670. 

Arnold, Benedict, portrait, 151; 
biographical note, p. 113 n. ; leads 
expedition into Canada, 151 ; at 
Valcour's Island, 161; at Saratoga, 



181; at Fort Stanwix, 182; his 
treason, 215-217; aids Cornwallis 
in the South, 229. 

Arthur, Chester A., portrait, 609; 
biographical note, p. 480 n. ; elected 
Vice President, 607 ; becomes Presi- 
dent, 609 ; events of his administra- 
tion, 610-617. 

Articles of Confederation, framed, 
239-241 ; weaknesses of, 242 ; aban- 
doned, 248. 

Ashburton Treaty, 372. 

Assistance, Writs of, 129. 

Assumption of state debts, 266. 

Atlanta, capture of, .536, p. 428 n. 1. 

Atlantic cable, laying of, 447. 

Australian ballot system, intro- 
duced, 621. 

Bacon's rebellion, 44. 

Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, portrait, 
11 (p. 14) ; biographical note, 
p. 14 n.; discovers the "South 
Sea" (Pacific Ocean), 11. 

Ball's Bluff, battle of, 468. 

Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert. 

Baltimore, Md., founded, p. 39 u.; 
population in 1800, 262 ; riot in, 462. 

Bancroft, George, 449. 

Bank, United States, established, 
' 266 ; fails of re-charter, 317 ; rees- 
tablished, 317 ; opposed by Jackson, 
361-366 ; later history, 364 ; opposed 
by Tyler, .372, 373. See Banks. 

Banks, Nathaniel P., in Congress, 
416 ; in the Civil War, 491, 493. 

Banks, state, 317, 364-366 ; "pet," 364 ; 
"wild cat," 365; national, estab- 
lished in 1863, 457 ; banking legis- 
lation in 1900, 677. 

Barbary States, war with, 285. 

Barn-burners, 389. 

Battle above the Clouds (Lookout 
Mountain), 521. 

Battle of the Crater (Petersburg), 
532. 

Bayard, James A., supports Jeffer- 
son, 281 ; at St. Petersburg, 308; at 
Ghent, 312. 

Beauregard, General, (C), portrait, 
467; biographical note, p. 366 n. ; 



INDEX. 



589 



fires on Sumter, 452; at Bull Run, 
467 ; succeeds A. S. Johnston, 478 ; 
succeeded by Bragg, 481. 
Belknap, W. W., impeachment of, 

590. 
Bell, John, nominated for the Presi- 
dency, 435. 
Bellomont, Earl of, royal governor 

of New York, 66. 
Bemis Heights, battle of, 181. 
Benningrton, battle of, 179. 
Benton, Thomas H., portrait, 355 
(p. 275) ; biographical note, p. 275 
n. 2; opposes Foote's Resolutions, 
355 ; on Polk's administration, 378 ; 
proposed as commander in the Mexi- 
can War, 379. 
Bering-, Vitus, Russian explorer, 9. 
Bering Sea fisheries, 641. 
Berkeley, Lord, received grant of 
New Jersey, 67 ; sells to Quakers, 
68. 
Berkeley, Sir William, royal gov- 
ernor of Virginia, 42-45 ; receives 
grant of the Carolinas, 73. 
Berlin Decree, Napoleon's, 292. 
Bienville, Sieur de. See Le Moijne. 
Black, Jeremiah S., 441. 
Black Hawk War, p. 289 n. 1. 
Blaine, James G., portrait, 619; 
biographical note, p. 486 n. ; Secre- 
tary of State for Garfield, 608; 
candidate for the Presidency, 619 ; 
Secretary of State for Harrison, 
629, 632, 639-641. 
Blair, Rev. James, founder of Col- 
lege of William and Mary, 45. 
Bland-Allison Silver Bill, 604, 627. 
Blockade, of the port of Boston, 
136; in War of 1812, 292-294; of 
Southern ports, 455, 465, 474, 529, 
540. 
Bonds, government, 456, 457, 596, 627, 

677 ; confederate, 458, 529. 
Bonne Homme Richard and Serapis, 

battle of, 211. 
Boone, Daniel, portrait, 201; bio- 
graphical note, p. 153 n. 
Booth, John Wilkes, 552. 
Border States in the Civil War, 453, 
463, 474. 



Boston, Mass., founded, 38; siege of 

150; in 1800, 262; great fire, 587. 
Boston Massacre, 132. 
Boston Port Bill, 136; effect on the 

colonies, 138. 
Boston "Tea Party," 135. 
Boundary Disputes, 93, 258, 272 

372, 377, 378, 586. 
Braddock's defeat. 111. 
Bradford, William, second gov- 
ernor of Plymouth, 34; writings 
of, 84. ^ 

Bradstreet, Mrs. Anne, 84. 
Bragg, Gen. Braxton, (C), portrait, 
480; biographical note, p. 379 n. ; 
succeeds Beauregard, 481 , his raid 
into Kentucky, 481 ; at Stone River, 
482; in the Chattanooga campaign, 
518-521. 
Brandy wine, battle of the, 186. 
Brant, Joseph, Mohawk chief, at 
Oriskany, 182; education and 
travels, 204. 
Breckinridge, John C, elected 
Vice President, 417 ; candidate for 
the Presidency, 435. 
Brewster, William, Pilgrim elder, 

32. 
Brock, Gen. Isaac, Canadian leader, 

302; falls at Queenstown, 303. 
Brooks, Preston S., his assault on 

Sumner, 415. 
Brown, Gen. Jacob, at battle of 
Ogdensburg, 303 ; given command 
in Canada, 309. 
Brown, John, portrait, 432; bio- 
graphical note, p. 336 n. ; in Kansas, 
413 ; raid on Harper's Ferry, 432. 
Brownists, 32. 

Bryan, William J., portrait, 655 
(p. 513) ; biographical note, p. 512 
n. 2; candidate of Democratic and 
Populist parties, 655, 678. 
Bryant, William Cullen, 350 (p. 270). 
Buchanan, James, portrait, 424 ; 
biographical note, p. 325 n. ; can- 
didate for Presidential nomination 
in 1852, 404; and the Ostend Mani- 
festo, 408; elected President, 417; 
character of his administration, 
423; attitude toward Kansas, 424; 



INDEX. 



and the Mormons, 426 ; and seces- 
sion, 440, 450. 

Buckner, Gen. Simon B., 655. 

Buell, Gen. D. C, commands Depart- 
ment of Ohio, 476; at Shiloh, 478; 
drives Bragg from Kentucky, 481. 

Buena Vista, battle of, 383. 

Bull Run (or Manassas), first battle 
of, 467 ; oflacial returns, p. 367 n. ; 
second battle of, 504. 

Bunker Hill, battle of, 147. 

Burgesses, Virginia House of, 27, 28, 
43, 45, 95. 

Burgoyne, Gen. Jolin, portrait, 180 ; 
biographical note, p. 135 n, ; joins 
British army in America, 146; 
checked by Schuyler, 178; surren- 
ders at Saratoga, 181. 

Burke, Edmund, opposes taxing the 
colonies, 126 ; opposes "Five Acts," 
137. 

Burns, Anthony, fugitive slave, 
p. 311 n. 

Burnside, Gen. A. E., portrait, 506 
(p. 402); biographical note, p. 401 
n. 2 ; captures Roanoke Island, 487 ; 
supersedes McClellan, 505; de- 
feated at Fredericksburg, 506 ; su- 
perseded by Hooker, 506 ; at Knox- 
ville, 519. 

Burr, Aaron, intrigues for the Presi- 
depcy, 281 ; in election of 1804, 288 ; 
his conspiracy and trial, 289, 290; 
kills Hamilton in a duel, 289. 

Butler, Gen. Benjamin F., portrait, 
533; biographical note, p. 425 n. ; 
at New Orleans, 488; commands 
Army of the James, 530; at Ber- 
muda Hundred, 533; nominated 
for the Presidency, 617. 

Cabinet, President's, organization of, 
266. p. 197 n. 

Cable. See Atlantic Cable. 

Cabot, John, licensed by Henry VH. 
of England, 8; accounts of voy- 
ages unsatisfactory, 8. 

Cabot, Sebastian, portrait, 9; bio- 
graphical note, p. 11 n. 1. 

Calboun, John C, portrait, 300; bio- 
graphical note, p. 226 n.; member 



of "War-Hawk" party, 299; atti- 
tude toward internal improve- 
ments, 318, 338 ; Secretary of War, 
320; Vice President, 333; attitude 
toward protective tariff, 316, 340; 
his "Exposition," 341; alienation 
from Jackson, 352; and nullifica- 
tion, 358 ; Secretary of State for 
Tyler, 374 ; supports annexation of 
Texas, 374; advocates right of se- 
cession, 395; death of, 400. 

California, question of acquisition, 
378 ; influence on slavery question, 
393 ; gold discovered, 394. 

Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Bal- 
timore, portrait, 40; founds Mary- 
laud, 39. 

Calvert, Charles, Governor of Mary- 
laud, 40 ; becomes third Lord Bal- 
timore, 40. 

Calvert, George, first Lord Balti- 
more, portrait, 39; biographical 
note, p. 37 n. ; secures charter for 
Maryland, 39. 

Calvert, Leonard, his difficulties in 
Maryland, 40. 

Camden, battle of, 214. 

Cameron, Simon, Secretary of War, 
451; succeeded by Stanton, 475; 
Minister to Russia, 475. 

Canada, secured by Great Britain, 
115 ; Arnold's expedition into, 151 ; 
in the War of 1812, 300-302, 309 ; 
revolution in, 370; fishery troubles 
with, 586. 

Canals. See Internal Improvements 
and Erie Canal. 

Canning, George, British Minister, 
and the Monroe Doctrine, 325. 

Carleton, Sir Guy, expedition, 161. 

Carolinas, the, Albemarle founded, 
72; granted to Clarendon and 
Berkeley, 73; Clarendon settled, 
73; Charleston founded, 75; sur- 
render charters, 92. See North 
Carolina and South Carolina. 

Carpet Baggers, 575. 

Carteret, Philip, first governor of 
New Jersey, 67. 

Carteret, Sir George, receives 
grant of New Jersey, 67. 



INDEX. 



591 



Cartier, Jacques, French explorer, 
portrait, 14 ; biographical note, p. 18 
n. 1 ; discovers St. Lawrence, 14. 

Carver, John, first governor of Plym- 
outh, 34. 

Cass, Lewis, candidate for the Presi- 
dency in 1848,389; in Buchanan's 
Cabinet, 423. 

Catholics, in Maryland, 39-41; in 
Canada, 136. 

Caucus, nomination by, 332, 345. 

Centennial Exposition, 595. 

Cerro Gordo, battle of, 384. 

Cervera, Admiral, at Santiago de 
Cuba, 668, 669. 

Chamberstourg', Pa., burning of, 
533. 

Champlain, Samuel de, French ex- 
plorer, portrait, 15; biographical 
note, p. 20 n. ; establishes perma- 
nent colony at Quebec, 16. 

Chancellorsville, battle of, 523. 

Channing, William EUery, 350. 

Charles I., defied by Virginia Bur- 
gesses, 28 ; grants patent for Mary- 
land, 39. 

Charles II., grants Virginia to Ar- 
lington and Culpepper, 43; recalls 
Berkeley, 44; conquers New Am- 
sterdam, 56; interferes in Massa- 
chusetts, 56, 58; makes grant to 
Penn, 69; and the Carolinas, 73. 

Charleston, S.C, settled, 75, 76; 
population in 1800, 262. 

Charlestown, Mass., founded, 38. 

Charter Oak, 59. 

Charters, of the Virginia Company, 
21, 22, 26; of the Dutch Company, 
30 ; of Plymouth, 35 ; of Massachu- 
setts, 37, 38, 47, 58, 60; of Connec- 
ticut, 56, 59, 60, 92 ; of Rhode Island, 
49, 59, 60, 92 ; of the Carolinas, 92. 

Chase, Salmon P., portrait, 436; 
biographical note, p. 340 n. ; anti- 
slavery leader, 400; candidate for 
Presidential nomination, 436; in 
Lincoln's Cabinet, 451, 545; ap- 
pointed Chief Justice, 545, 

Chase, Samuel, impeachment of, 
291. 

Chatham, Earl of. See Pitt. 



Chattanooga, battles of, 518-622 ; es- 
timated forces, p. 414 n. 1. 

Cherokee Indians, in Tennessee, 
203 ; in Georgia, 339. 

Cherry Valley Massacre, 205. 

Chesapeake and Leopard, battle of, 
293. 

Chesapeake and Shannon, battle of, 
304 (p. 233). 

Chicago, the great fire, 587; World's 
Fair at, 652. 

Chickamauga, battle of, 518; offi- 
cial returns, p. 411 n. 

Chile, difficulty with, 640. 

China, Boxer uprising in, 680. 

Chinese immigration. See Immi' 
g ration. 

Chippewa, battle of, 309. 

Churubusco, battle of, 384. 

Cities, in 1800, 262; in 1860-1870, 703. 

Civil Rights Bill, p. 454 n. 

Civil Service Reform, Jefferson's 
attitude toward, 284; association 
formed, 592; attitude of Hayes, 
p. 473 n. ; the Republicans and, 
608 ; Pendleton Bill, 616 ; extended 
by Cleveland, 620 ; McKinley's atti- 
tude toward, 656. 

Civil War, beginnings of, 450-474; 
first war proclamation, 453; seat 
of, 459-461; foreign difficulties, 
464, 472, 473, 502, 511 ; campaigns 
of 1861, 466-471; campaigns of 
1862, 475-513 ; opposition to, in the 
North, 512, 513, 526< 542, 543, 547; 
campaigns of 1863, 514r-529; cam- 
paigns of 1864, 530-546 ; efforts for 
peace, 547; campaigns of 1865, 547- 
551 ; magnitude of, 555-560 ; lessons 
of, 560. 

Claiborne, William, opposes Lord 
Baltimore in Maryland, 40; com- 
missioner in Virginia, 42. 

Clarendon, Earl of, receives grant 
of the Carolinas, 73. 

Clark, George Rogers, portrait, 
208 ; biographical note, p. 158 n. ; his 
conquest of the Northwest, 209. 

Clark, William, explores Louisiana 
territory, 287 (p. 218). 

Clay, Henry, portraits, 330, 396; bio- 



592 



INDEX. 



graphical note, p. 252 n. ; advocates 
war with England in 1812, 299; 
commissioner at Ghent, 312 ; frames 
second Missouri Compromise, 330 ; 
candidate for the Presidency, 333 ; 
Secretary of State, 334, 335 ; frames 
compromise tariff in 1833, 358 ; sup- 
ports the Bank, 361; and the sur- 
plus, 363; Whig candidate for the 
Presidency in 1844, 375; and the 
Texas question, 374; frames Com- 
promise of 1850, 395 ; and the Pan- 
ama canal, 401 ; death of, 404. 

Clayton, John M., Secretary of State 
for Taylor, 401; negotiates treaty 
with England, 401, 

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 401. 

Clemens, Samuel L., 708. 

Cleveland, Grover, portrait, 621; 
biographical note, p. 487 n. ; elected 
President, 619 ; character of his ad- 
ministration, 620; extends Civil 
Service regulations, 620; defeated 
by Harrison, 628 ; second election, 
643; character of second adminis- 
tration, 644; intercedes for the 
Cubans, 659. 

Cliff-dwellers, 2; illustration of 
dwellings, p. 4. 

Clinton, George, 288. 

Clinton, Sir Henry, joins British 
army in America, 146; failure of 
first Southern expedition, 162; in 
New York, 185; in command of 
British, 195; evacuates Philadel- 
phia, 195 ; at Monmouth, 196 ; sec- 
ond campaign in the South, 197, 
213, 214. 

Cobb, Howell, 444, 450. 

Coinage. See Currency. 

Cold Harbor, battle of, 531 ; official 
returns, p. 424 n. 1. 

Colleges, William and Mary founded, 
45; Harvard founded, 46. 

Colonial Congress. See Congress. 

Colonial Spirit in the states, 263. 

Colonies, American, at end of the 
17th century, 77-90; development 
of, 91-116. 

Colonization, theory of, 19, 20; 
American Society of, 327. 



Columbia, S.O., burning of, 548, 
p. 437 n. 

Columbia River, discovery of, 323. 

Columbian Exposition, 652. 

Columbus, Christopher, portrait, 
5 ; biographical note, p. 7 n. 1 ; his 
theories, 5; Toscanelli's map, 5 
(p. 8) ; his motives and difficulties, 
6 ; voyages, 7 ; results of his dis- 
coveries, 7. 

Commerce, in the colonies, 81, 87, 
117 ; during the Napoleonic re'gime, 
292 ; of the United States, 336 ; 
during the Civil War, 455; inter- 
state, 623. 

Committee of Safety, 138. 

Committees of Correspondence, 
138. 

Compromises, in the Constitution, 
252; first and second Missouri, 
329-331; tariff, 358; of 1850, 395- 
398 ; Crittenden's, 443. 

Concord, battle of, 143. 

Confederacy, New England. Sec 
Nev) England. 

Confederacy, Southern, estab- 
lished, 444; constitution of, 444; 
bonds of, 458, 529; recognized by 
Great Britain, 464. 

Confederation, articles of, govern- 
ment under, 238-243. 

Congress, Colonial, 66, 110, 127 ; pro- 
vincial, 140; First Continental, 
139; Second Continental, 144. See 
Congress of the United States. 

Congress of the United States, 
established under the Constitution, 
253; proceedings of first, 266; in 
the Civil War, 500 ; and Andrew 
Johnson, 567, 577-580; reconstruc- 
tion policy of, 571. 

Conkling, Roscoe, 609. 

Connecticut, settlements in, 50, 51; 
adopts a written constitution, 51; 
joins New England Confederacy, 
53; charter of, 56, 59, 60; in 1700, 
77. 

Conscription, in the North, 526; in 
the South, 527. 

Constitution, conventions called, 
244, 245; obstacles to, 248-251; 



INDEX. 



593 



compromises in, 252; character- 
istics of, 253 ; ratification of, 254 ; 
amendnients to, p. 198 n. 2, 281 
(p. 210), 546, 568, 571, 572, 583; 
" compact " theory of, 279, 356 ; and 
slavery, 418-420 ; text of, Appendix 
B, pp. 548-562. 

Constitution of the Confederate 
States, 444. 

Constitution and Guerriere, battle of, 
304. 

Continental Congress. See Co7i- 
gress. 

Conventions, constitutional, 244- 
252; state, 254, 358, 440; Hartford, 
315; first nominating, 332, 345; 
Southern, 434, 435. 

Conway Cabal, 393. 

Coode, John, leads revolt in Mary- 
land, 41. 

Cooper, James Fenimore, 350. 

Cooper, Peter, 596. 

Copyright law, international, 643. 

Corinth, taking of, 479. 

Cornwallis, Lord, portrait, 214 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 163 n. ; in New 
Jersey, 168; at the Brandy^ine, 
186 ; moves to the South, 213 ; at 
Guilford Courthouse, 227; retreats 
to Yorktown, 229; surrenders, 2.33. 

Coronado, Francesco Vasquez, 
Spanish explorer, 13. 

Corporations and trusts, 617, 623, 
707, 709. 

Correspondence, Committees of, 
138. 

Cortereal, Caspar, Portuguese ex- 
plorer, 9. 

Cortez, Hernando, Spanish ex- 
plorer, conquers Mexico, 2, 13. 

Cotton gin, invented, p. 224 n. ; 
makes slavery profitable, 327. 

Cowpens, battle of, 225. 

Crawford, William H., Secretary 
of the Treasury, 320; nominated 
for the Presidency, 333 ; f ramer of 
Tenure of Office Act in 1820, 351. 

Credit Mobilier, 590. 

Creek Indians, 3 ; defeated by Jack- 
son, 307 ; in Alabama, 307; in 
Georgia, 339. 



Crittenden, Senator, proposes com- 
promise on slavery, 443. 

Cromwell, Oliver, and Maryland, 
40 ; attitude of Massachusetts, 54 ; 
menaces New Netherlands, 64. 

Crown Point, taken by English, 
112. 

Cuba, and the South, 402, 407; and 
the Ostend Manifesto, 408; Vir- 
ginius affair, 594; and War with 
Spain, 658-670; independence of, 
671: 695. 

Culpepper, Lord, receives grant of 
Virginia, 43. 

Currency, paper, 174, 221, 364, 456, 
458, 529, 596, 605 ; gold and silver, 
366, 456, 604, 605, 634, 635, 643, 646- 
648, 655, 677. 

Curtis, B. R., and Dred Scott deci- 
sion, 418, 419. 

Curtis, Gen. S. R., (U.), at battle of 
Pea Ridge, 480. 

Curtis, George William, aboli- 
tionist, 421; head of Civil Service 
Commission, 592; supports Cleve- 
land, 619 (p. 487). 

Gushing, Caleb, portrait, 405; bio- 
graphical note, p. 317 n. ; in Pierce's 
Cabinet, 405. 

Custer, Gen. George A., portrait, 
594 ; biographical note, p. 467 n. 

Dale, Sir Thomas, royal governor, 
27. 

Dana, Charles A., at Grant's head- 
quarters, 477 (p. 376) . 

Dare, Virginia, first white child bom 
in America, p. 22 n. 

Davenport, John, founder of New- 
Haven, 51. 

Davis, Jefferson, portrait, 444 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 345 n.; in the 
Mexican War, 383; pro-slavery 
leader, 400; in Pierce's Cabinet, 
405; frames resolutions on slavery, 
433; opposes Crittenden's compro- 
mise, 443; elected President of the 
Confederacy, 444; interference in 
military affairs, 535, p. 427 n. 2; 
capture and imprisonment, 565. 

Debt, national, 266, 364, 627. 



594 



INDEX. 



Debts, state, assumption of, 266. 

Decatur, Lieut. Stephen, portrait, 
285; biographical note, p. 215 n. 1; 
defeats Barbary pirates, 285; in 
War of 1812, 304. 

Declaration of Colonial Rights, 
139. 

Declaration of Independence, K. 
H. Lee's resolutions, 161 ; framed 
by Jefferson, 164 (p. 123) ; signed, 
164; purport of, 165; text of, Ap- 
pendix A, pp. 543-547. 

De Kalb, offers services to Ameri- 
cans, 175. 

Delaware, Lord, royal governor of 
Virginia, 27. 

Delaware, settled by Swedes, 63; 
granted to Penn, 69, 70; becomes 
a separate province, 71. 

Democratic party, rise of, 344, p. 
284 n. 1; discredited by Van Buren, 
370 ; supports annexation of Texas, 
375; divides on slavery question, 
389; favors Compromise of 1850, 
404 ; in election of 1856, 417 ; divides 
on "Squatter sovereignty," 435; 
in election of 1860, 435, 436; in the 
Civil War, 439, 513, 543; in elec- 
tion of 1872, 588 ; in 1876, 597 ; 
elects Cleveland, 619, 643; in 1896, 
655. 

Democratic-Republican party, led 
by Jefferson, 268; favors war with 
France, 271; in election of 1796, 
275; in election of 1800, 281, 283; 
theories compared with Jackson's, 
344. 

D'Estaing-, Count, in charge of 
French fleet, 197 ; at Newport, 197 ; 
retires to West Indies, 197. 

Dewey, Admiral George, portrait, 
666; biogi-aphical note, p. 519 n.; 
his victory at Manila Bay, 666; 
created admiral, p. 519 n. 

Dickinson, John, portrait, 131 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 97 n. 1; author 
of "Farmer's Letters," 131, p. 97 
n. 2; in the Constitutional Conven- 
tion, 246. 

Dingley Tariff, 657. 

Dinwiddle, royal governor of Vir- 



ginia, 106, 108; sends Washington 
to the West, 106. 

Dix, John A., 441. 

Donelson, Fort, coustruction of, 
461, 476; capture of, 477. 

Dorchester Heights, taking of, 149. 

Dorr's Rebellion, 373 (p. 292). 

Douglas, Stephen A., portrait, 428; 
biographical note, p. 333 n. 1; pro- 
slavery sympathies, 400; proposes 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 411 ; advo- 
cates " Popular sovereignty," 411 ; 
opposes Lecompton Constitution , 
425 ; debates with Lincoln, 428-431 ; 
his "Freeport Doctrine," 430, 433; 
nominated for the Presidency, 435 ; 
supports the Union, 438, 453. 

Draft riots, 526. 

Drake, Francis, English explorer, 
portrait, 17; biographical note, 
p. 21 n. 1; his voyage round the 
world, 17. 

Dred Scott Decision, 418-420. 

Dunmore's "War, Lord, 202. 

Duquesne, Fort (now Pittsburg), 
founded, 108; taken by Washing- 
ton, 113. 

Dutch in America, send out Hud- 
son, 29; settle New York, 29, 30; 
found New Amsterdam (New York 
City), 30; troubles of, 55, 61-64; 
lose New Netherlands, 64. 

Duties. See Tariff. 

Eads, James B., 612. 

Early, Gen. J. A., (C), menaces 

Washington, D.C., 533; defeated 

by Sheridan, 533, 550. 
Eaton, Theophilus, foimder of New 

Haven, 51. 
Edmunds, George F., 614. 
Education, in the colonies, 82, 87; 

and the Ordinance of 1787, 256; 

during the nineteenth century, 708. 

See Colleges. 
Edwards, Jonathan, portrait, 103; 

biographical note, p. 77 n. ; writ- 
ings, 263. 
El Caney, battle of, 667. 
Elections, Presidential. See Presi' 

dential Campaigns. 



INDEX. 



595 



Electoral College, 597. 

Electoral Commission, chooses 
Hayes, 599. 

Electoral Count Act, 622. 

Eliot, John, apostle to the Indians, 
57. 

Emancipation, advocated in Vir- 
ginia in 1829-1830, 359 ; desired by 
radical Republicans, 501 ; procla- 
mation, 508. 

Embarg-o, 293, 294, 298. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 350. 

Endicott, John, leads colonists to 
Salem, 37. 

English, William H., 607. 

English discoveries and ex- 
plorers, 8, 9, 17, 18. 

Era of good feeling, 321. 

Ericson, Leif . See Leif. 

Ericcson, John, portrait, 486 (p. 384) ; 
biographical note, p. 383 n. ; invents 
the Monitor, 486. 

Erie Canal, construction of, 319. 

Eutaw Springs, battle of, 228. 

Evarts, William M., 436. 

Expansion policy. See Imperialism. 

Exports, of the Middle Colonies, 85 ; 
of the South, 87, 455; in 1901, 706. 

Fabian policy, 192. 

Fair Oaks (or Seven Pines), battle 
of, 495 ; official returns, p. 392 
n. 1. 

Faneuil Hall, Boston, 138. 

"Farmer's Letters," 131, p. 97 
n.2. 

Farragut, Admiral D. G., portrait, 
488 ; biographical note, p. 385 n. ; at 
New Orleans, 488, 489 ; at Mobile, 
540. 

Federal Election Bill, defeated, 629. 

Federalist, The, 254. 

Federalist Party, led by Hamilton, 
267 ; in election of 1796, 275 ; passes 
Alien and Sedition Laws, 277; in 
election of 1800, 281 ; in election of 
1804, 288 ; opposes the War of 1812, 
300, 313-315 ; decline of, 315 (p. 242) . 

Fendall, Josias, leads revolt in 
Maryland, 41. 

Ferdinand and Isabella, 6. 



Field, Cyrus W,, portrait, 447; bio- 
graphical note, p. 348 n. ; and the 
Atlantic cable, 447, p. 348 n. 

Fifteenth Amendment, 583. 

" Fifty-four Forty," 376. 

Filibustering, 402, p. 313 n. ; 407, 409. 

Fillmore, Millard, portrait, 396 
(p. 310) ; biographical note, p. 310 
n. ; elected Vice President, 389 ; 
succeeds Taylor, 396. 

Finances, in 1789, 261; reformed by 
Hamilton, 266, 267; imder JefPer- 
son, 285; at beginning of War of 
1812,300; under Jackson, 361-366; 
during Civil War, 456-458, 529 ; dur- 
ing Grant's administration, 589; 
in 1893, 645-^49 ; reform of, 677. 

First Continental Congress. See 
Congress. 

Fisher, Fort, fall of, 539. 

Fisheries, importance in New Eng- 
land, 46, 81; disputes over, 312, 
586, 641. 

Five Acts of 1774, 136. 

Five Forks, battle of, 550. 

Five Nations, 3. 

Flag, American, first raised, p. 140 
n.2. 

Fletcher, Benjamin, royal governor 
of New York, 66. 

Florida, discovery of, 13; taken by 
the English, 115; Jackson in, 324; 
acquired by the United States, 324 ; 
Seminole War in, p. 289 n. ; secedes, 
440; readmitted, 574. 

Floyd, JohnB., 450. 

Foote, Senator, resolutions on sale 
of public lands, 355. 

Foote, Rear Admiral A. H., takes 
Fort Henry, 477. 

Force Bill, of 1832, 358 ; of 1870-1871, 
584 ; name given the Federal Elec- 
tion Bill, 629. 

Fourteenth Amendment, 671, 
572, p. 454 n. 

Franchise. See Suffrage. 

Franklin, Benjamin, portrait, 165 
(p. 125) ; biographical note, p. 124 
n. ; his efforts for union, 110; signs 
Declaration of Independence, 164 
(p. 124) ; commissioner at Paris. 



596 



INDEX. 



175 ; in the Constitutional Conven- 
tion, 246 ; his writings, 263. 

Franklin, battle of, 536; official re- 
turns, p. 428 n. 2. 

Frayser's Farm, battle of, 498. 

Fredericksburg, battle of, 506; offi- 
cial returns, p. 402 n. 

Freedmen's Bureau, p. 454 n. 

Freeman's Farm, battle of, 181. 

Freeport Doctrine, 430, 433. 

Free Soil Party, in election of 1848, 
389. 

Fremont, John C, portrait, 417; 
biographical note, p. 324 n. ; first 
Republican nominee for the Presi- 
dency, 417 ; in command in Missouri, 
470 ; succeeded by Halleck, 471 ; in 
We^ Virginia, 491; defeated by 
Stonewall Jackson, 493. 

French and Indian War, 110-115. 

French, discoveries and claims, 9, 
p. 11 n. 2, 14-16, 19, 20, 98-100; 
wars with, 101-116, 276; in the 
Revolutionary War, 175, 194, 197, 
230-232, 235 ; in Mexico, 561. 

Friends. See Quakers. 

Frobisher, Martin, English ex- 
plorer, 17. 

Frontenac, Count, terrorizes the 
English colonies, 101, 

Fugitive Slave Law, first enacted, 
327 ; not carried out, 391 ; in the 
Compromise of 1850, 398; frus- 
trated, 398, p. 311 n. 

Fulton, Robert, portrait, 296; bio- 
graphical note, p. 223 n. ; invents 
the steamboat, p. 223 n. 

Gadsden Purchase, p. 307 n. 

Gage, Gen. Thomas, royal governor 
of Massachusetts, 140 ; sends troops 
to Concord, 141; recalled, 147 
(p. 110). 

Gaines's Mill, battle of, 497. 

Gallatin, Robert, portrait, 283 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 213 n. 2 ; in Jeffer- 
son's cabinet, 284; ambassador to 
Russia, 308 ; commissioner at Ghent, 
312. 

Gama, Vasco da, Portuguese ex- 
plorer, 9. 



Garfield, James A., portrait, 608; 
biographical note, p. 478 n. ; elected 
President, 607 ; assassinated, 609. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, portrait, 
350; biographical note, p. 269 n, 1; 
leader of the abolitionists, 350; 
establishes The Liberator, 359. 

Gates, Gen, Horatio, portrait, 193 ; 
biographical note, p. 147 n.; with 
Washington in New Jersey, 169; 
loses Ticonderoga, 178; intrigues 
against Washmgton, 169, 192, 193; 
supersedes Schuyler, 180 ; at Sara- 
toga, 181 ; in the South, 214. 

Geary Act, p. 491 n. 

Genet, Edmond Charles, French 
minister, 271 ; seeks to involve the 
United States in war, 271. 

Georgia, colonization of, 97 ; and the 
Indians, 339, 354; secedes, 440; re- 
admitted, 574. 

George I., and Governor Spotswood, 
96 (p. 72). 

George II., Georgia named for, 97. 

George III., portrait, p. 88; bio- 
graphical note, p. 89 n. 2; charac- 
ter of, 119; abandons American 
struggle, 234. 

Germans in America, 95, 97. 

Germantown. battle of, 187. 

Gerry, Elbridge, and the X. Y. Z. 
affair, 276. 

Gettysburg, battle of, 525; official 
returns, p. 418 n. 2. 

Ghent, treaty of, 312. 

Giddings, Joshua R., anti-slavery 
champion, 374. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, English 
explorer, 17. 

Gladstone, William E., speech on 
the Civil War, 511. 

Gold, discovered in California, 394. 
See Currency. 

Goldsboro, N.C., battle of, 548. 

Gourges, Dominic de, French ex- 
plorer, 15. 

Granges, 596. 

Grant, Ulysses S., portrait, p. 375; 
biographical note, p. 373 n. ; takes 
Cairo, 476 (p. 374) ; takes Fort 
Donelson, 477 ; complaints against, 



INDEX. 



597 



477; at Shiloh, 478, p. 378 n. 2; at 
Vicksburg, 514-517; at Chatta- 
nooga, 520, 521; general in chief, 
522 ; his strategy, 530 ; in Virginia, 
531-533 ; receives surrender of Lee, 
551; elected President, 580; re- 
elected, 588; political difficulties, 
590; later life, p. 468 n. 

Grasse, Commodore de, aids in 
the Yorktowu campaign, 231. 

Gray, Robert, discovers the Colum- 
bia River, 323. 

Great Britain, makes peace with 
America, 234, 235 ; and the Monroe 
Doctrine, 326; and the Oregon 
question, 376, 586; attitude of, in 
the Civil War, 464, 472, 473, 502, 
510, 511 ; and the Venezuelan dis- 
pute, 651. 

Greeley, Horace, portrait, 588 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 462 n. ; editorial 
on emancipation, 501 ; opposes Lin- 
coln's policy, 501, 542; nominated 
for the Presidency, 588. 

Greenback party, 596. 

Greene, Gen. Nathanael, portrait, 
154; biographical note, p. 115 n. 1; 
at the Brandywine, 186; at Ger- 
mantown, 187; recommended by 
Washington for command in the 
South, 214 ; given command in the 
South, 223; recovers the South, 228. 

Greenland, discovered by the Scan- 
dinavians, 4. 

Grenville, Lord, his scheme of taxa- 
tion, 125. 

Guam, Caroline Islands, ceded by 
Spain to the United States, 671; 
territorial government established, 
676. 

Guilford Court House, battle of, 
227. 

Habeas Corpus, Writ of, suspended 
by Andros, 59; in Virginia, 95; 
secured by Ordinance of 1787, 256 
(p. 190) ; suspended by Lincoln, 512. 

Halleck, Gen. Henry W., portrait, 
503; biographical note, p. 398 n. 1; 
supersedes Fremont in Missouri, 
471 ; in command in the West, 476 ; 



complains of Grant, 477; general 
in chief, 503 ; superseded by Grant, 
522. 

Hamilton, Alexander, portrait, 246 ; 
biographical note, p. 182 n.; at York- 
town, 233; in the Constitutional 
Convention, 246; leader of the 
Federalists, 267 ; opposed to Jeffer- 
son, 268; intrigues for Pinckney, 
275; supports Jefferson for the 
Presidency, 281; duel with Burr, 
and death, 289. 

Hamilton, Colonel, British com- 
mander at Detroit, 208 ; surrenders 
to George Rogers Clark, 209. 

Hancock, John, portrait, 141; bio- 
graphical note, p. 103 n. ; first 
president of the Continental Con- 
gress, 192. 

Hancock, Gen. W. S., portrait, 607 ; 
biographical note, p. 477 n. ; nomi- 
nated for the Presidency, 607. 

Harper's Ferry, scene of John 
Brown's raid, 432; taken by Stone- 
wall Jackson, 505. 

Harrison, Benjamin, portrait, 630; 
biographical note, p. 493 n. 1; 
elected President, 628 ; character of 
his administration, 629; defeated 
by Cleveland, 643. 

Harrison, Gen. William Henry, 
portrait, 371; biographical note, 
p. 290 n. ; at Tippecanoe, 299; wins 
battle of the Thames, 305; can- 
didate for the Presidency in 1836, 
368 ; elected President in 1840, 371 ; 
death of, 372. 

Hartford Convention, 315. 

Harvard, John, founds university 
at Cambridge, 46. 

Harvey, Sir John, royal governor 
of Virginia, 28, p. 29 n. 1. 

Haverhill, Mass., sacked by French 
and Indians, 101. 

Hawaii, revolution in, 650; annexa- 
tion of, 672 ; territorial government 
established, 676. 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 350 (p. 270) . 

Hayes, Rutherford B., portrait, 598; 
biographical note, p. 469 n. ; nomi- 
nated for the Presidency, 597 ; dis- 



598 



INDEX. 



pute over election, 598; character 
and events of his administration, 
600-605; supports Civil Service 
reform, p. 473 n. 

Hayne, Robert Y., portrait, 355 
(p. 276) ; biographical note, p. 276 
n. ; debate with Webster, 355. 

Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, 680. 

Helper, H. R., author of The Impend- 
ing Crisis of the South, 422. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., 597, 619, 
p. 490 n. 

Henry, Fort, building of, 461, 476; 
fall of, 477. 

Henry, Patrick, portrait, 129; bio- 
graphical note, p. 94 n. 2 ; opposes 
Stamp Act, 127; opposes the Con- 
stitutional Convention, 246, 254. 

Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, at Oris- 
kany, 182, p. 140 n. 1. 

Hessians, 152, 169, 174, 179. 

Hobart, Garret A., 655 (p. 513). 

Hobson, Lieut. R. P., at Santiago, 
668. 

Holy Alliance, 325. 

Hood, Gen, J. B., (C), portrait, 536; 
biographical note, p. 427 n. 3 ; su- 
persedes Johnston, 535; at Nash- 
ville, 536. 

Hooker, Gen. Joseph, (U.), portrait, 
523; biographical note, p. 414 n. 2; 
atWilliamsburg, 492 ; at Fredericks- 
burg, 506 ; succeeds Burnside, 506 ; 
at Chattanooga, 519-521 ; at Chan- 
cellorsville, 523; superseded by 
Meade, 524. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, framer of 
the Connecticut Constitution, 51 ; 
his writings, 84. 

Horseshoe, battle of the, 307. 

Houston, Gen. Samuel, portrait, 
374; biographical note, p. 293 n. ; 
Texan leader, 374. 

Howe, Admiral Lord, reenforces 
General Howe, 153; at Newport, 
197. 

Howe, Ellas, 449. 

Howe, Gen. William, portrait, 147 
(p. 110) ; biographical note, 
p. 110 n. ; at Bunker Hill, 147 ; in 
command of British forces, 147; 



evacuates Boston, 150; in New 
York, 154; in New Jersey, 168, 
169; fails to support Burgoyne, 
183; moves on Philadelphia, 185- 
187; succeeded by Clinton, 195. 

Hudson, Henry, portrait, 29; bio- 
graphical note, p. 29 n. 2; discovers 
Hudson River, 29. 

Huguenots, persecuted in France, 
15; found colony in Florida, 15; 
their colony destroyed, 15; in New 
Netherlands, 62; in North Caro- 
lina, 76. 

Hull, Captain Isaac, portrait, 304; 
biographical note, p. 230 n. 2; his 
victory over the Guerriere, 304. 

Hull, Gen. William, surrenders De- 
troit, 302. 

Hutchinson, Mrs, Anne, 48, 

Hutchinson, Governor, portrait, 
132; biographical note, p, 98 n. ; 
withdraws troops from Boston, 132, 

Iberville. See Le Moyne. 

Illinois, admitted, 329. 

Immigration, to West, 346 ; Chinese, 
603, 624, p. 491 n. ; 1830-1900, 704, 

Impeachment, of Justice Chase, 291 ; 
of President Johnson, 579; of Bel- 
knap, 590. 

Imperialism, opposition to, 675. 

Impressment, of American sailors, 
272, 292, 312 (p. 240) . 

Income tax, exacted in Civil War, 
457; defeated, 649, 

Independent Treasury system, 
established, 369. 

Indians, early tribes, 1-3; origin of 
name, 2, 7; in New York, 98 ; allied 
with French, 101-114; reservations 
of, 116, p. 274 n., p. 289 n.; during 
the Revolution, 182, 202-207 ; de- 
feated by Wayne, 270; in War of 
1812, 302, 305. 

Indian Territory, transfer of tribes 
to, p. 274 n. 

Industrial disturbances. See 
Strikes. 

Industries, growth of, during War 
of 1812, 316 ; during Civil War, 454, 
529; in the South, 617; suspended 



INDEX. 



599 



during panic of 1893, 645; magni- 
tude of, in the United States, 702. 

Internal improvements, by tlie 
States, 317, 318, 364; Callioun's 
attitude toward, 318, 338; Madi- 
son's attitude toward, 318; favored 
by John Quiucy Adams, 338; lib- 
erality of the Fifty-first Congress 
toward, 637. 

Internal revenue. See Revenue. 

International Copyrig-ht Law, 
passed, 643. 

Interstate Commerce Act, 623. 

Inventions, 449, 709. 

Iroquois Indians, 3. 

Irving, Washington, 350 (p. 270). 

Italy, difficulty with, 639. 

Jackson, Andrew, portrait, 311; 
biographical note, p. 238 n. ; at 
battle of the Horseshoe, 307; at 
New Orleans, 311 ; invades Florida, 
324, p. 248 n. 2; candidate for the 
Presidency in 1824, 333; elected 
President in 1828, 342; character 
of his epoch, 343-350; his charac- 
ter, 355; and the nullification epi- 
sode, 358; and the Bank, 361-366; 
issues "Specie Circular," 366; his 
policy toward France, 367. 

Jackson, Gen. Thomas J. {" Stone- 
wall"), portrait, 493; biographical 
note, p, 390 n. ; exploits in Virginia, 
493 ; killed at Chancellorsville, 523. 

James I. , encourages colonization, 21 ; 
charters Virginia Company, 26. 

Jamestown, Va., settled and named, 
23 ; saved by Capt. John Smith, 24. 

Japan, opened to commerce, 410. 

Jay, John, portrait, 272; biographi- 
cal note, p. 201 n. ; negotiates treaty 
with England, 272. 

Jefferson, Thomas, portrait, 164 (p. 
123); biographical note, p. 123 n.; 
drafts Declaration of Independence, 
164; his views on the Constitution, 
253 ; leader of Democratic-Republi- 
cans, 268; Vice President, 275; 
author of " Kentucky Resolutions," 
279; elected President, 281; first 
inaugural address, 284, p. 213 n, 1; 



his character and policy, 268, 282 
296, 297; compared with Jackson, 
344. 

Johnson, Andrew, portrait, 564; 
biographical note, p. 446 n. ; mili- 
tary governor of Tennessee, 477; 
elected Vice President, 543; be- 
comes President, 562 ; his policy of 
reconstruction, 564, 566, 567; and 
Congress, 567, 577-580; impeach- 
ment of, 579. 

Johnson, Sir John, 182, 204, 

Johnston, Gen. A. S., (C), portrait, 
478; biographical note, p. 377 n.; 
in Utah, 427; in Kentucky, 476; 
killed at Shiloh, 478. 

Johnston, Gen. J. E., (C), portrait, 
492; biographical note, p. 388 n. ; 
evacuates Yorktown, 492 ; at Vicks- 
burg, 517; and Sherman, 534; su- 
perseded by Hood, 535; reinstated, 
548 ; surrender of, 551c 

Joliet, Louis, French explorer, 98. 

Jones, John Paul, portrait, 211; 
biographical note, p. 159 n.; de- 
feats the Serapis, 211 ; effects of the 
victory, 212. 

Kansas, struggle in, 413, 414, 424, 

425; admission of, 425. 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 411. 
Kaskaskia, taken by George Rogers 

Clark, 209. 
Kearsarge and Alabama, battle of, 

541. 
Kentucky, settled, 200; admitted, 

p. 192 n. ; in Civil War, 463, 481. 
Kentucky Resolutions, 279. 
Kieft, governor of New Netherlands, 

61. 
King, Rufus, 288. 
King- George's War, 105, 
King Philip's War, 57. 
King's Mountain, battle of, 224. 
King William's War, 101. 
Kitchen Cabinet, 352. 
Know-Nothing (or American) party, 

406. 
Kossuth, Louis, Hungarian patriot, 

403. 
Ku-Klux-Klan, 576, 5&4. 



600 



INDEX. 



Lafayette, Marquis de, portrait, 
175; biographical note, p. 133 n. ; 
joins American army, 175; in the 
South, 229, 232 ; makes tour of the 
United States, p. 256 n. 

La Salle, Robert de, portrait, 99; 
biographical note, p. 74 n. ; ex- 
plores the Mississippi, 99. 

Laud, Archbishop, persecutes the 
Puritans, 38; passes laws against 
Massachusetts, 47. 

Laudonni6re, Ren6 de, French ex- 
plorer, founds colony in Florida, 15. 

Lawrence, Capt. James, portrait, 
305 ; biographical note, p. 233 n. 1 ; 
defeated by the Shannon, 304 (p. 
233). 

Lecompton Constitution, 424, 425. 

Lee, Fort, capture of, 158. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, his disobedience 
and capture, 167; his treachery, 
183, 184; at Monmouth, 196; dis- 
missed, 196. 

Lee, Gen. Robert B., (C), portrait, 
496 ; biographical note, p. 392 n. 2 ; 
in western Virginia, 466 ; given com- 
mand of Confederate forces, 496; in 
the Seven Days' Battles, 497, 498 ; at 
Antietam, 505 ; at Gettysburg, 525 ; 
and Grant in Virginia, 530-533; 
surrender of, 551. 

Lee, Richard Henry, portrait, 164 
(p. 122) ; biographical note, p. 
122 n. ; offers resolutions of inde- 
pendence, 164. 

Leif, son of Eric the Red, discovers 
America, 4 ; in Iceland and Green- 
land, 4. 

Leisler's Insurrection, 66. 

Le Moyne, Jean Baptiste (Sieur 
de Bienville), portrait, 106; bio- 
graphical note, p. 79 n. ; founder 
of New Orleans, 104. 

Le Moyne, Pierre (Sieur d 'Iber- 
ville), establishes French settle- 
ment in Mississippi, 104. 

Leon, Ponce de, Spanish discoverer, 
portrait, 13; biographical note, 
p. 16 n. ; discovers Florida, 13. 

Lewis and Clark, explore the North- 
west, 287, 323. 



Lewis, William B., 352. 

Lexington, battle of, 143. 

Liberal Republicans, 588. 

Liberty party, in campaign of 1844, 
375 ; in election of 1848, 389. 

Lincoln, Abraham, portrait, p. 352; 
biographical note, p. 333 n. 2; in 
Congress, 379 ; debates with Doug- 
las, 428-431; candidate for the 
Presidency, 436; elected, 439; his 
views on slavery, 445, 501 ; his Cab- 
inet, 441, 443; first call for troops, 
453; strategic plans, 469; circular 
letter, 499; reply to Greeley, p. 396 
n. ; his firmness toward Great 
Britain, 511; opposition to, 542; 
reelected, 544 ; changes in Cabinet, 
545 ; his efforts for peace, 547 ; policy 
toward the South, 554, 563 ; assas- 
sination of, 552. 

Literature, American, in the 17th 
century, 84; in the 19th century, 
350, 708. 

Living-ston, R. R., negotiates pur- 
chase of Louisiana, 286. 

Locke's Constitutions, 75. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, 62Sf. 

Logan, Gen. John A., 619. 

London Company, formed, 22; 
founds Jamestown, 23. 

Longfellow, Henry W., 350. 

Long Island, battle of, 155. 

Longstreet, Gen. James, (C), por- 
trait, 525 (p. 417); biographical note, 
p. 417 n.; in the Peninsula cam- 
paign, 496, 497 ; at Bull Run, 504 ; 
at Chickamauga, 518; at Gettys- 
burg, 525. 

Lookout Mountain, battle of, 521. 

Lopez, Narciso, filibuster, 402, p. 
313 n. 

Louisburg, erected, 104 ; captured 
and restored, 105 ; surrender of, 118. 

Louisiana, early history of, 286; 
purchase of, 286, 287 ; map of pur- 
chase, 287 (p. 217) ; western boun- 
dary fixed, 324; secedes, 440; re- 
admitted, 574. 

Love joy, E. P., abolitionist martyr, 
360. 

Low, Seth, 687. 



INDEX. 



601 



Lowell, James Russell, 350. 
Lundy's Lane, battle of, 309. 
Lyon, Gen. Nathaniel, portrait, 

470; biographical note, p. 368 n.; 

in Missouri, 470. 

Macdonoug-h, Commodore Thos., 

portrait, 309 ; his victory on Lake 
Champlain, 309. 

Macon's Bill, No. 2, 298. 

Madison, James, portrait, 247 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 183 u. ; in the 
Constitutional Convention, 247 ; in 
first United States Congress, 266; 
author of Virginia Resolutions, 
279; in Jefferson's Cabinet, 284; 
becomes President, 298; declares 
war against Great Britain, 299; 
vetoes internal improvements bill, 
318, 319 ; and West Florida, 324. 

Magellan (da Magalhaens), Fer- 
nando, Portuguese explorer, por- 
trait, 12; biographical note, p.l5n.; 
voyage of, 12. 

Maine, battleship, destruction of, 661. 

Maine, failure of first settlement, 23 ; 
joined to Massachusetts, 52, 58, 60 ; 
in 1700, 77; admitted, 329; prohibi- 
tion law, p. 314 n. 

Malvern Hill, battle of, 498. 

Manassas (or Bull Run), first battle 
of, 467 ; second battle of, 504. 

Manila Bay, battle of, 666. 

Manufacturing-, in the colonies, 81; 
after War of 1812, 316; from 1870 
to 1900, 706. 

Marcy, William L., 408. 

Marion, Gen. Francis, 214, 223. 

Marquette, P6re, French mission- 
ary, 98. 

Marshall, James W., discovers gold 
in California, 394. 

Marshall, John, portrait, 284; bio- 
graphical note, p. 214 n. 1 ; envoy 
to France, 276; Secretary of State, 
280; Chief Justice, 284; conducts 
Burr trial, 290 ; delivers celebrated 
opinions, 327 ; opposed by Jackson, 
353. 

Maryland, settlement of, 39, 40; 
charter granted to First Lord Bal- 



timore, 39; rule of the Calverts, 
39, 40; becomes a royal province, 
41 ; in 1700, 77 ; in Civil War, 462, 
463. 

Mason, Capt. John, defeats Indians 
in Connecticut, 50 ; plants colonies 
in New Hampshire, 52. 

Mason, James M., Confederate com- 
missioner, 472. 

Mason and Dixon Line, 93. 

Massachusetts, settled by Puri- 
tans, 37, 38; charters of, 37, 47, 
58, 60. 136; legislature formed, 46; 
troubles with the Crown, 47; in- 
ternal troubles, 48; and the New 
England Confederacy, 53-56 ; under 
Andros, 59; in 1700, 77; resists 
taxation, 127-139; in the Revolu- 
tion, 140-150; in 1800, 260; in the 
War of 1812, 300, 313-315; in Civil 
War, 462. 

Massachusetts Bill, 136. 

Massasoit, 57. 

Mather, Cotton, portrait, 83; bio- 
graphical note, p. 63 n.; and th« 
witchcraft delusion, 83; his writ- 
ings, 84. 

Mather, Increase, 84. 

MaximiUan, in Mexico, 561. 

McAllister, Fort, taken, 538. 

McClellan, Gen. George B., (U.), 
portrait, 490; biographical note, 
p. 387 n. ; early successes, 466; 
general in chief , 467, 477, 490; au- 
thority limited, 490; Peninsula 
Campaign, 492-498; restored to 
command, 505; superseded by 
Burnside, 505; candidate for the 
Presidency, 543. 

McDowell, Gen. Irvin, at Bull 
Run, 467; protects city of Wash- 
ington, 492, 493. 

McKinley, William, portrait, 658; 
biographical note, p. 512 n. 1; 
frames tariff, 630; elected Presi- 
dent, 655; character of adminis- 
tration, 656; efforts in behalf of 
Cuba, 663; proclaims war with 
Spain, 663; reelected, 679; assassi- 
nation of, 683. 

McKinley Tariff, 630. 



602 



INDEX. 



Meade, Gen. George G., (U.), por- 
trait, 524 ; biographical note, p. 416 
n. 1 ; succeeds Hooker, 524 ; at Get- 
tysburg, 525; commands Army of 
the Potomac, 530. 

Memphis, taking of, 479. 

Menendez, Spanish explorer, founds 
St. Augustine, Fla., 15. 

Merrimac, Confederate ironclad, 485, 
486. 

Mexican War, 377-387 ; political re- 
sults, 379. 

Mexico, her claims on Texas, 377; 
relinquishes claim to Mexico and 
California, 387; the French in, 561. 

Mexico, city of, captured, 385. 

Miles, Gen. Nelson A., portrait, 
670; biographical note, p. 523 n. ; 
in Porto Rico, 670. 

Mills Bill, 627. 

Mims, Fort, massacre, 307. 

Minnesota, admitted, p. 332 n. 

Minuit, Peter, governor of New 
Netherlands, 30 ; founds settlement 
for Swedes, 63. 

Minutemen, 140; at Lexington and 
Concord, 143. 

Missionary Eidge, battle of, 521. 

Mississippi, settlement of, 104, 259; 
secedes, 440; readmitted, 574. 

Mississippi River, discovery of, 13 ; 
explored by La Salle, 99; naviga- 
tion of, 258, 286; in Civil War, 479, 
488, 517. 

Missouri, admission of, 328-331; in 
the Civil War, 470, 471. 

Missouri Compromise, first, 329; 
second, 330 ; results of, 331 ; and 
California, 393; and the Dred Scott 
Decision, 418. 

Mobile, taking of, 540. 

Modoc Indians, 593. 

Molino del Rey, battle of, 385. 

Money. See Currency. 

Monitor and Merrimac, battle of, 486. 

Monmouth, battle of, 196. 

Monocacy, battle of, 533. 

Monroe, James, portrait, 321; bio- 
graphical note, p. 245 n. ; envoy to 
France, 286; Secretary of War, 
311; President, 319; character of 



his administration, 321 ; his famous 

"Doctrine," 325, 326. 
Monroe Doctrine, promulgated, 326 ; 

extended by Cleveland, 651. 
Montcalm, Marquis de, portrait, 

113; biographical note, p. 82 n. 2; 

defeated at Quebec, 114. 
Monterey, Mexico, taken by Taylor, 

381. 
Montgomery, General, takes Mont- 
real, 151. 
Morgan, Gen. Daniel, portrait, 226 ; 

biographical note, p. 169 n . ; defeated 

at Montreal, 151; in the South, 

223 ; at battle of Cowpens, 225 ; his 

race with Cornwallis, 226. 
Mormons, 426, 614. 
Morrill Grant, 500. 
Morse, Samuel F. B., perfects the 

telegraph, 449. 
Morton, Levi P., 628. 
Morton, Thomas, of Merrymount, 35. 
Moultrie, Gen. "William, portrait, 

162 ; biographical note, p. 120 n. ; 

defeats Clinton at Charleston, S.C, 

162. 
" Mugwumps," 618. 
Murfreesborough (or Stone River), 

battle of, 482. 

Napoleon I., agrees to sell Louisiana, 
286, 287; Berlin Decree, 292; Milan 
Decree, 292; accepts Macon's Bill, 
298. 

Narvaez, Paufllo de, Spanish ex- 
plorer, 13. 

Nashville, battle of, 536; official 
returns, p. 429 n. 

National debt. See Debt. 

Navigation Acts, in Virginia, 43; 
extended, 117. 

Navy, in Revolutionary War, 210 ; re- 
duced by Jefferson, 285 ; weakness 
of, in 1812, 304, p. 230 n. 1 ; substitu- 
tion of ironclads, 484-486 ; increase 
of, under Arthur, 610; work in 
Spanish War, 666, 668, 669. 

Negroes, first brought to America, 
27; legislation for, 584; condition 
of, 696, 705. 

Nevada, admitted, 546. 



INDEX. 



608 



New Amsterdam (New York City) , 
founded, 30; taken by English, 64. 

New England, confederation of, 53- 
56; in 1700, 77-84; in War of 1812, 
313-315 ; and the tariff of 1828, 340 ; 
and the anti-slavery movement, 
350, 398 ; opposes sale of Western 
lands, 355. 

Newfoundland, early settlement in, 
9, 14, 17. 

New France, 98, p. 73 n. 2. 

New Hampshire, colonies in, 52; 
incorporated with Massachusetts, 
52, p. 45 n. ; becomes a royal prov- 
ince, 58; separated from Massa- 
chusetts, 60; in 1700, 77. 

New Jersey, settlement of, 67 ; sold 
to Quakers, 68; disturbances in, 
68 ; becomes a royal colony, 68 ; in 
1700, 77. 

New Mexico, ceded by Mexico, 387 ; 
and the Gadsden purchase, p. 307 n. 

New Netherland, settled by Dutch, 
29, 30; disturbances in, 55, 61, 62; 
Council established, 62; taken by 
English, 64 ; named New York, 64. 
See New Yoi^k. 

New Orleans, battle of, 311 ; capture 
of, 488 ; Butler in, 489. 

Newport, R.I., archaeological re- 
mains at, p. 6 n. 1; founded, 49; 
attack on, 197. 

New York, settlement of, 29, 30; 
naming of, 64 ; early English gov- 
ernment, 65 ; in 1700, 77. 

New York City, population of, 262, 
347, 447, 690 ; capital of the United 
States, p. 196 n. ; draft riots in, 526 ; 
corruption in, 406, 592, 654, 687. 

NicoUs, Colonel, royal governor of 
New York, 64. 

Nominating conventions. See 
Conventions. 

Non-intercourse Act, 293. 

North, Lord, English Prime Minister, 
137. 

North Carolina, colonized by Ra- 
leigh, 18; settled, 72-76; troubles 
with governors, 76; in 1700, 77; 
surrenders charter, 92; secedes, 
463; readmitted, 574. 



Northmen, first discoverers of Amer- 
ica, 4. 

Northwest Territory, ordinance for 
governing, 256. 

Nova Scotia, early settlements in, 
16 ; in French wars, 104. 

Nullification, in the Kentucky Reso- 
lutions, 279 ; theory expounded by 
Calhoun, 341 ; doctrine advanced 
by Hayne, 355 (p. 276) ; opposed by 
Jackson, 357 ; ordinance passed by 
South Carolina, 358 ; repealed, 358. 

Oglethorpe, James, portrait, 97; 
biographical note, p. 72 n. 2 ; settles 
Georgia, 97. 

Ohio, the French in, 106; admitted, 
p. 192 n. 

Oklahoma Territory, opened to 
settlement, 631. 

Olney, Richard, 651. 

Orders in Council, 293; revoked, 
301. 

Oregon, controversy over, 323, 376; 
admitted, p. 332 n. 

Oregon, battleship, p. 521 n. 2. 

Orinoco River, discovered by Colum- 
bus, 7. 

Oriskany, battle of, 182 

Ostend Manifesto, 408. 

Otis, James, portrait, 128 ; biographi- 
cal note, p. 94 n. 1; on dismiion 
in the colonies, 120; opposes the 
Stamp Act, 127. 

Pacific Ocean, discovery of, 11; 

named 11. 
Palma, Thomas Estrada, first 

President of Cuba, 695. 
Palmer, Gen. John M., 655 (p. 613). 
Palmerston, Lord, 473, 510. 
Palo Alto, battle of, 380. 
Panama Congress, 337. 
Pan-American Congress, 632; ex- 
position, 682. 
Panics, financial, of 1817, p. 243 n. ; 

of 1837, 369; of 1873, 589; of 1893, 

645. 
Parker, Theodore, portrait, p. 270; 

biographical note, p. 269 n. 2 ; aboll< 

tion orator, 421. 



604 



INDEX. 



Parliament, interferes in Maryland, 
40; in Virginia, 42; power of, 124, 
125, 128. 

Parties, political, beginnings of, 345. 
See under the names of the parties. 

Patroons, estates of, 30; diflaculties 
with, 62 ; form an aristocracy, 78, 
85. 

Pea Ridge, battle of, 480. 

Pemberton, Gen. J. C, (C), at 
Vicksburg, 517. 

Pendleton Bill, 616. 

Peninsula Campaign, 492-498. 

Penn, William, portrait, 68; bio- 
graphical note, p. 55 n. ; acquires 
lands in New Jersey, 68; secures 
grant from Charles II., 69; founds 
Philadelphia, 69. 

Pensions, Cleveland's attitude to- 
ward, 626; Dependent Pension Bill, 
626, 636. 

People's Party. See Populist, 

Pequot War, 50. 

Persecution, in Massachusetts, 48, 
56 ; of witches, 83. 

Perry, Commodore M. C, secures 
treaty with Japan, 410. 

Perry, Captain Oliver H., portrait, 
305 (p. 234) ; biographical note, "p. 
233 n. 2; his victory on Lake Erie, 
305. 

Petersburg, attack on, 532. 

Philadelphia, founded, 69 ; taken by 
the British, 185 ; population in 1800, 
262; temporary capital of the United 
vStates, p. 196 n. 1. 

Philippine Islands, purchased by the 
United States, 671; revolution in, 
673; 687. 

Phillips, Wendell, portrait, 360; 
biographical note, p. 282n.; aboli- 
tion orator, 360, 421. 

Phips, Sir William, 101. 

Pickering, Timothy, 280. 

Pickett, Gen. George E., portrait, 
625 (p. 418) ; biographical note, p. 
418 n. ; at Gettysburg, 525. 

Pierce, Franklin, portrait, 404; bio- 
graphical note, p. 315 n.; elected 
President, 404; favors the South, 
405. 



Pilgrims, persecuted in England, 32; 
flee to Holland, 32; settle at Plym- 
outh, 33-35. 
Pinckney, Charles C, portrait, 276; 
biographical note, p. 206 n.; envoy 
to France, 276 ; candidate for Vice 
Presidency, 281; candidate for the 
Presidency, 288. 
Pinckney, Thomas, 275. 
Pinkney, William, 292. 
Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, por- 
trait, 114; biographical note, p. 83 
n. ; his policy during French and 
Indian War, 110, 113, 114; opposes 
taxing the colonies, 137. 
Pitt, William, the Younger, portrait, 

292; and the " Rule of 1756," 292. 
Pittsburg Landing (or Shiloh), 
battle of, 478; official returns, p. 
378 n. 1. 
Pizarro, Francesco, Spanish ex- 
plorer, 2, 13. 
Plattsburg, battle of, 309. 
Plymouth, founded by Pilgrims, 34 ; 
incorporated withMassachusetts,60. 
Plymouth Company, formed, 22; 
failure of Maine Colony, 23; issues 
patent to Pilgrims, 35 ; issues patent 
to Puritans, 37 ; breaking up of, 47. 
Pocahontas, portrait, 25; biographi- 
cal note, p. 27 n. 
Poe, Edgar Allan, 350 (p. 270), 449. 
Political Parties. See Parties. 
Polk, James K., portrait, 378; bio- 
graphical note, p. 294 n.; elected 
President, 375; declares war on 
Mexico, 377 ; character of his ad- 
ministration, 378. 
Polygamy, 426, 614, 681. 
Pontiac, conspiracy of, 116. 
Pope, Gen. John, portrait, 504; bio- 
graphical note, p. 398 n. 2; com- 
mands army of Virgmia, 503; at 
second battle of Bull Run, 504. 
Popular Sovereignty. See Squatter 

Sovereignty. 
Population, in 1700, 77; rapid in- 
crease of, 91 ; in 1789 and 1800, 257 ; 
movement of, 259, 346, 581 ; in 1830, 
346 ; of the West in 1870, 581 ; from 
1870 to 1900, 703, 



INDEX. 



605 



Populist for People's) party, rise of, 
642; platform of, 642; in electiou 
of 1896, 655 (p. 513). 

Porter, Admiral, at Vicksburg, 
517. 

Porter, Gen. Fitz John, at Gaines's 
Mill, 497, at second battle of Bull 
Run, 504, p. 399 n. 

Port Hudson, fall of, 517. 

Porto Rico, taken by the United 
States, 670; ceded by Spain, 671. 

Port Republic, battle of, 493. 

Port Royal, taken by the English, 
101. 

Portuguese, explorations and dis- 
coveries, 6, 9. 

Powhatan, 25. 

President of the United States, 
powers of, 252; method of election, 
275, 281. 

Presidential election, of 1789, 255; 
of 1796, 275; of 1800, 281; of 1804, 
288; of 1824, 333; of 1828, 342; of 
1840, 371; of 1844, 375; of 1848, 
389; of 1852, 404; of 1856, 417; of 
1860, 435^39; of 1864, 542-544; of 
1868, 580 ; of 1872, 588 ; of 1876, 597 ; 
of 1880, 607; of 1884, 618, 619; of 
1888, 628 ; of 1892, 642, 643; of 1896, 
655 ; of 1900, 678. 

Presidential Succession Act, 622. 

Presidents and Vice Presidents, 
list of, Appendix C (p. 563). 

Press, freedom of, 278. 

Princeton, battle of, 172. 

Privateers, fitted out by Genet, 271. 

Proctor, Colonel H. A., 305. 

Providence, R.I., founded, 49. 

Provincial Congress. See Congress. 

Public lands, ceded by the states, 
241 ; Foote's resolutions on sales of, 
355; sale affected by "Specie Cir- 
cular," 366. 

Pueblo Indians, 2, 13. 

Putnam, Gen. Israel, biographical 
note, p. 115 n. 2 ; at battle of Long 
Island, 154, 155; at Saratoga, 181. 

Quakers, in Maryland, 40; in Massa- 
chusetts, 55; acquire New Jersey, 
68 ; settle Pennsylvania, 69. 



Qtiebec, founded, 16; expeditions 

against, 102 ; fall of, 114. 
Quebec Act, 136. 
Queen Anne's War, 102. 
Queensto wn Heights, battle of, 303. 
Quincy, Josiah, 313. 
Quo warranto, writs of, 68. 

Railroads, 402, 448, 581, 589, 623, 653, 
693. 

Raisin River, battle of, p. 234 n. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, portrait, 18; 
biographical note, p. 21 n. 2; his 
expeditions and colonies, 18. 

Randolph, John, portrait, 331; bio- 
graphical note, p. 253 n. ; in Chase 
trial, 291; opposes Tariff of 1816, 
316; attacks Jackson and Clay, 
p. 257 n. 

Ratification, of the Articles of Con- 
federation, 241; of the Constitu- 
tion, 254. 

Reciprocity, McKinley's attitude 
toward, 683; with Cuba, 687. 

Reconstruction, various policies of, 
563-573; effects of, 574-576; policy 
of Congress discredited, 597, 601. 

Reed, Thomas B., modifies rules of 
the House, 633. 

Reid, Whitelaw, 643. 

Religion, in the colonies, 32-34, 38, 
39, 40, 48, 49, 51, 54r; and the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, 256 (p. 190). 

Representation, demanded by the 
colonies, 123; of slaves, 249. 

Representative government, first 
in America, 27 ; the colonies, 36, 38, 
46, 53. 

Republican party, formation of, 
416 ; platform of, 416 ; in campaign 
of 1856; 417; in campaign of 1860, 
436-439; in the Civil War, 501, 513, 
542; controls reconstruction, 570- 
573 ; elects Grant, 580 ; division of, 
in 1872, 588; factions in, 608; elects 
Harrison, 628; in campaign of 1896, 
655. 

Republicans, National, p. 284 n. 1. 

Resaca de la Palma, battle of, 380. 

Resumption of specie paymenta 
605. 



606 



INDEX. 



Returning boards, 598, 599. 

Revenue, system established in colo- 
nies, 117 ; internal revenue, 266, 273, 
285, 627; in Civil War, 457, 458. 

Revere, Paul, 142. 

Revolution, American, causes of, 
117-139; thcM^ar, 140-237. 

"Revolution of 1801," 283. 

Rhode Island, founded, 49; charter 
of, 49, 59, 60; in 1700, 77; opposes 
the Constitution, 245, 254. 

Ribaut, Jean, French explorer, 
founds Huguenot colony in Florida, 
15. 

Richmond, Va., Confederate capital, 
453. 

Right of Search, 292, 312, 472. 

Riots, draft, 526. See StHJces. 

Robertson, James, Tennessee pio- 
neer, 200. 

Robinson, John, pastor of the Pil- 
grims, 32. 

Rochambeau, Count, 217, 230. 

Rockingham, Lord, protests against 
"Five Acts," 137; conducts peace 
negotiations, 234. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, portrait, 678 ; 
biographical note, p. 529 n. ; at San- 
tiago, 667 ; his public services, 678 ; 
elected Vice President, 679; be- 
comes President, 683; administra- 
tion of, 684. 

Eosecrans, Gen. W. S., (U.), por- 
trait, 482; biographical note, 
p. 380 n.; at Stone River, 482; in 
Chattanooga campaign, 518, 619; 
superseded by Grant, 520. 

Bush, Richard, and the Monroe Doc- 
trine, 325. 

Russell, Lord John, 502, 510, 511. 

Russia, in the Northwest, 325; sells 
Alaska, p. 502 n. 

St. Augustine, Fla., founded, 15. 

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, defeated by 
the Indians, 269. 

St. John's River, Fla., settlements 
on, 15. 

St. Leger, Colonel, plan of expedi- 
tion, 177 ; his defeat, 182. 

** Salary Grab," 591. 



Salem, Mass., founded, 37; the 
witchcraft delusion, 83. 

Salmon Falls, N.H., burned by 
Indians, 101. 

Sampson, Admiral Wilham T., 
portrait, 668; biographical note, 
p. 521 n. 1; at Santiago, 667- 
669; controversy with Schley, 
686. 

San Antonio, battle of, 384. 

San Domingo question, 582. 

San Juan Hill, battle of, 667. 

Santa Anna, Mexican general, de- 
feated by Houston, 374; outwits 
Polk, 378; at Buena Vista, 383; at 
Cerro Gordo, 384. 

Santiago de Cuba, investment and 
battle of, 667-€69. 

Savage's Station, battle of, 498. 

Savannah, Ga., founded, 97; capture 
of, 538. 

Schenectady, massacre of, 101. 

Schley, Admiral W. S., portrait, 
685; biographical note, p. 534 n.; 
at Santiago, p. 522 n.; court of 
inquiry, 686. 

Schofleld, General, (U.), at battle 
of Franklin, 536. 

Schuyler, Gen. Philip, portrait, 178 ; 
biographical note, p. 136 n. 1 ; 
checks Burgoyne, 178 ; superseded, 
180. 

Scotch-Irish, in the West, 259. 

Scott, Dred. See Dred Scott De- 
cision. 

Scott, Gen. Winfield S., portrait, 
385 ; biographical note, p. 300 n. ; 
in War of 1812, 303; Presidential 
aspirations, 379, 384; in Mexican 
War, 382-386; candidate for the 
Presidency, 404; general in chief, 
462; succeeded by McClellan, 467. 

Search, Right of, 292, 312, 472. 

Secession, threats of, 289, 313-315; 
advocated in Southern conven- 
tions, 434; Ordinance passed by 
South Carolina and other states, 
440. 

Sedition La-w. See Alien and SedU 
tion Laws. 

Selma, Ala., destruction of, 549. 



INDEX. 



607 



Seminoles, meaning of name, p. 4 n. ; 
in Florida, 324; war with, 370, 
p. 289 D. 

Semmes, R. S,, (C), captain of the 
Alabama, 541. 

Senate, United States, established, 
253. 

Separatists, 32. 

Serapis, Paul Jones defeats, 211. 

"Seven Days' Battles," 497, 498; 
oflBcial returns, p. 394 n. 

Seven Pines (or Fair Oaks), battle 
of, 495 ; official returns, p. 392 n. 1. 

Seven Years' War, 118, 121. 

Sevier, John, Tennessee pioneer, 200, 
203. 

Seward, William H., portrait, 396 
(p. 309) ; biographical note, p. 309 
n. ; opposes compromise of 1850, 
396; his doctrine of the "higher 
law," 420; candidate for Presiden- 
tial nomination, 436 ; optimism on 
the war, 446 ; in Lincoln's Cabinet, 
451, 501; on election of 1864, 543; 
attack on, 552; mildness toward 
Confederate leaders, 565 ; purchases 
Alaska, p. 502 n. 

Seymour, Horatio, portrait, 580; 
biographical note, p. 456 n. ; can- 
didate for the Presidency, 580. 

Shafter, Gen. William R., portrait, 
667 ; biographical note, p. 520 n. 

Shannon and Chesapeake, battle of, 
304, p. 233 n. 1. 

Sharpsburff (or Antietam), battle 
of, 505; official returns, p. 401 n. 1. 

Shays' Rebellion, 243. 

Shenandoah, Valley of, discovered 
by Spotswood, 96; importance of, 
p. 72 n. 1; in the Civil War, 460, 
491, 493, 533, 550. 

Sheridan, Gen. P. H., portrait, 550 ; 
biographical note, p. 438 n. ; de- 
feats Early in Virginia, 533 (p. 426) , 
550. 

Sherman, Gen. W. T., portrait, 521 ; 
biographical note, p. 413 n. ; at 
Shiloh, 478 ; at Vicksburg, 517 ; at 
Chattanooga, 521 ; given command 
in the West, 530 ; Atlanta campaign 
and march to the sea, 534-538; 



march northward, .548; receives 
surrender of Johnston, 551. 

Sherman Law, 635; repealed, 648. 

Shiloh (or Pittsburg Landing), bat- 
tle of, 478 ; official returns, p. 378 
n. L 

Shirley, William, governor of Massa- 
chusetts, 105. 

Sigel, Gen. Franz, (U.), biograph- 
ical note, p. 369 n. 1 ; at Wilson's 
Creek, 470 ; at Pea Ridge, 480 ; de- 
feated by Early, 533. 

Silver. See Currency. 

Sioux (or Dakota) Indians, 3; trouble 
with, 593. 

Six Nations, p. 3 n. 2; aid the 
Tories, 204; destroyed by Sullivan, 
206, 207. 

Slavery, introduced in America, 27 ; 
a check to industry, 77; in the 
colonies, 88; prohibited by the 
Ordinance of 1787, 256; political 
importance of, 327, 331, 374, 407, 
411-414, 418-421 ; in Missouri, 328- 
330 ; work of abolitionists, 359, 360 ; 
influence on territorial extension, 
374 ; Wilmot Proviso, 388 ; Lincoln's 
attitude toward, 445, 501; emanci- 
pation, 508, 509. 

Slaves, representation of, 249; num- 
ber in 1800, 257 ; in Civil War, 454, 
470, 501, 508, 509. 

Slidell, John, Confederate agent, 472. 

Smith, Capt. John, English ad- 
venturer, portrait, 24; biograph- 
ical note, p. 25 n ; at Jamestown, 
24, 25. 

Smith, Joseph, Mormon leader, 426. 

Social life, in the colonies, 78, 85, 86, 
88. 

Soto, Hernando de, Spanish ex- 
plorer, portrait, 13 (p. 17) ; dis- 
covers Tennessee and Mississippi 
rivers, 13. 

Sould, Pierre, 408. 

South, the, and the Missouri Contro- 
versy, 328-331, 348; desires the 
annexation of Texas, 374; in the 
Mexican War, 377, 387; bitterness 
against the North, 391 ; encourages 
attempts to secure Cuba, 402; and 



608 



INDEX. 



the Kansas Bill, 411; growth of 
secession ideas, 434; misunder- 
standing between North and South, 
446 ; population in 1860, 447 ; wealth 
of, 448 ; industries of, 455 ; prepa- 
ration for war, 465 ; reconstruction 
of, 562-566; withdrawal of troops 
from, 601; industries in, 617; ne- 
groes in, 696, 705. 

South Carolina, settled, 72 ; in 1700, 
77; surrenders charter, 92; advo- 
cates state sovereignty, 341 ; nulli- 
fication in, 358; secedes, 440; re- 
admitted, 574. 

South Mountain, battle of, 505. 

Spain, secures Louisiana, 115; cedes 
Florida to Great Britain, 115; 
restores Louisiana to France, 286 ; 
and Cuba, 408, 594, 658-659; war 
with, 658-670; results of the war 
with, 671-676. 

Spanish discoveries, in America, 
5-13, 19, 20. 

Spanish War, See Spai7i. 

Speaker of the House, importance 
of, p. 197 n. 

Specie. See Currency. 

Specie Circular, 366. 

Specie payments, resumption of, 
605. 

Spoils system, introduced, 351; ac- 
credited to Van Buren, 370. 

Spotswood, Governor Alexan- 
der, 95 ; crosses the Blue Ridge, 96. 

Spottsylvania, battles about, 531; 
official returns, p. 424 n. 

"Squatter Sovereignty," advo- 
cated by Cass, 389; by Douglas, 
411; and the Dred Scott Decision, 
420 ; Douglas's "Freeport Doctrine," 
430; opposed by Southern Demo- 
crats, 435. 

Stamp Act, 125 ; resisted by colonies, 
127; repealed, 128. 

Standish, Capt. Miles, portrait, 35 ; 
at Plymouth, 35. 

Stanton, Edwin M., portrait, 476; 
biographical note, p. 372 n.; in 
Buchanan's Cabinet, 441, 475; be- 
comes Secretary of War, 475; op- 
posed by Johnson, 578 ; resigns, 579. 



Stanwix, Fort, siege of, 182. 

Stark, Gen. John, portrait, 179 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 137 n. ; at Ben- 
nington, 179. 

Star of the West episode, 442, 452. 

State debts. See Debts. 

States' Rights Doctrine. See State 
Sovereignty. 

State Sovereignty, theory of, in 
the Virginia and Kentucky Resolu- 
tions, 279; advocated by the Hart- 
ford Convention, 315; in Georgia, 
339; and nullification, 355-358. 

Steamship lines, in 1852, 402. 

Stephens, Alexander H., portrait, 
445; biographical note, p. 346 n.; 
pro-slavery leader, 400; opposes 
secession, 434; explains Southern 
standpoint, 445; negotiates for 
peace, 547. 

Steuben, Baron von, portrait, 190; 
biographical note, p. 146 n. ; joins 
American army, 190. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, portrait, 571; 
biographical note, p. 451 n.; his 
policy of reconstruction, 571. 

Stevenson, Vice-President Adlai 
E., 643, 678. 

Stirling, General, at battle of Long 
Island, 154, 155. 

Stone River (or Murf reesborough) , 
battle of, 482. 

Stony Point, taken by Wayne, 198. 

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, portrait, 
423; biographical note, p. 329 n. ; 
author of Uncle Tom's Cabin, 
422. 

Strikes, 602, 625, 638, 653, 688. 

Stuyvesant, Peter, governor of New 
Netherlands, portrait, 63 ; biograph- 
ical note, p. 51 n. ; surrenders to the 
English, 64. 

Sub-Treasury system, established, 
369. 

Suffrage, creates disturbance in 
Maryland, 39; extension of, 332. 

Sullivan, Gen. John, portrait, 207 ; 
biographical note, p. 156 n. ; at 
battle of Long Island, 154, 155; in 
command of Northern forces, 167 ; 
at the Brandywine, 186; at Ger- 



INDEX. 



609 



mantown, 187 ; at Newport, 197 ; 
leads expedition against the Six 
Nations, 206, 207. 

Sumner, Charles, portrait, 415 ; bio- 
graphical note, p. 322 n.; anti- 
slavery orator, 400 ; and the Kansas 
question, 415; assault on, 415; bit- 
terly opposes Grant, p. 322 n. 

Sumner, Gen. Edwin V., (U.), at 
Fair Oaks, 495 ; at Fredericksburg, 
506. 

Sumter, Fort, fall of, 452. 

Sumter, Gen. Thomas, harasses 
British in the South, 214, 223. 

Supreme Court, powers of, 253 ; de- 
cision on the Ordinance of 1787, 
256 (p. 190) ; in Dred Scott Deci- 
sion, 418-420; in Reconstruction 
cases, 584 ; on income tax, 649. 

Surplus, distribution of, 364. 

Swedish settlements, in Delaware, 
63. 

Tallmadge, James, proposes amend- 
ment to the Missouri Compromise, 
328. 

Tammany Society, beginning of, 
332; governs New York City, 592. 

Taney, Roger B., portrait, 419; bio- 
graphical note, p. 326 n. ; removes 
deposits from the Bank, 362; ren- 
ders Dred Scott Decision, 418 ; death 
of, 545. 
■Tariff, first protective, 266; of 1816, 
316; of 1824, 332; of 1828, 340; of 
1830 and 1832, 357 ; of 1833, 358 ; of 
1862, 455; of 1883, 615; McKinley 
Tariff, 630; Wilson Bill, 649; Ding- 
ley Bill, 657. 

Tariff of Abominations. See 
Tarif, of 1828. 

Tarleton, Col. Banastre, portrait, 
224; biographical note, p. 168 n. ; 
at battle of the Cowpens, 225. 

Taxation, in early colonial times, 59, 
87, 94, 95; English principle of, 
122; colonial views on, 123; Gren- 
ville's scheme, 125; resisted by the 
colonists, 127-132 ; on tea, 133-135 ; 
under the Confederation, 242; on 
banks, 457 ; income tax, 649. 



Taylor, Gen. Zachary, portrait, 380; 
biographical note, p. 298 n. ; in the 
Mexican War, 377, 379-383; nom- 
inated for the Presidency, 389; 
attitude toward California, 388, 396 ; 
elected, 389 ; death of, 396. 

Tea, tax on, 133-135. 

Tecumseh, 302, 305. 

Telegraph, spread of, 402; perfected 
by Morse, 449. 

Temperance, 403, p. 314 n., 707. 

Tennessee, settled, 200; war in, 202; 
admitted, p. 192 n.; secedes, 453; 
readmitted, 569. 

Ten\ire of Office Act, of 1820, 351 ; 
of 1867, 578; repealed, p. 455 n. 

Territorial expansion, desired by 
slave states, 374, 411. See Im- 
perialism. 

Territories, slavery in, 411, 416, 
417-420, 430. 

Texas, annexation of, 374, 375 ; boun- 
dary dispute with Mexico, 377 ; and 
the war with Mexico, 377-387; 
secedes, 440; readmitted, 574. 

Thames River, battle of, .305. 

Thirteenth Amendment, 546, p. 
435 n. ; accepted by Southern 
states, 568. 

Thomas, Gen. George H., (U.), por- 
trait, 518; biographical note, p. 
412 n.; at Chickamauga, 518; at 
Nashville, 536. 

Thompson, Jacob, 442, 450. 

Ticonderoga, Fort, taken by the 
English, 115; captured by Ethan 
Allen, 145; retaken by the British, 
178. 

Tilden, Samuel J., portrait, 599; 
biographical note, p. 471 n. ; nomi- 
nated for the Presidency, 597. 

Tippecanoe, battle of, 299. 

Tobacco, in Virginia, 27; in Mary- 
land, 40. 

Tories, in the Revolutionary War, 
160; treatment of, after the Revolu- 
tion, 236. 

Toscanelli's map, 5 (p. 8). 

Town meetings, 82. 

Townshend Acts, 129 ; partially re- 
pealed, 133. 



610 



INDEX. 



Transportation Bill, 136. 

Treasury, Independent, estab- 
lished, 369. 

Treaty, of Greenville, with the In- 
dians, 270; of Utrecht, 102; of 
Paris, 115, 235; with France, 194, 
280; with Spain, 258, 671 ; of Ghent, 
312; Ashburton, 372; of annexation 
(Texas) , 375 ; of Gnadalupe Hidalgo, 
387; Clayton-Bulwer, 401; with 
Japan, 410; of Washington, 585; 
Hay-Pauncefote, 680. 

Trent Affair, 472. 

Trenton, battle of, 170. 

Trist, N. P., 385. 

Trusts, 623, 692, 706, 709. 

Tryon, Tory governor of New York, 
160. 

Turner, Nat, leads rebellion in Vir- 
ginia, 359. 

Tweed, William Marcy, Tammany 
leader, 592, p. 466 n. 

Twelfth Amendment, 281. 

Tyler, John, portrait, 373 ; biographi- 
cal note, p. 291 n. 2; elected Vice 
President, 371 ; becomes President, 
372; incidents of his administra- 
tion, 372-376. 

Underground Railway, .399. 

Underhill, Capt. John, in the Pe- 
quot War, 50. 

Union Pacific Railroad. See Rail- 
roads. 

United States Bank. See Bank. 

Upshur, A. P., p. 291 u. 1. 

Utah, settled by Mormons, 426; 
trouble in, 426, 427. 

Vaca, Cabezade, Spanish explorer, 
13. 

Valcour's Island, battle of, 161. 

Vallandigham, Clement L., ar- 
rested for treason, 528. 

Valley Forge, Washington's winter 
at, 188-193. 

Van Buren, Martin, portrait, 352; 
biographical note, p. 271 n. ; leader 
of " Albany Regency," 342; Secre- 
tary of State, 352; elected Presi- 



dent, 367; his administration, 368- 
370 ; introduces Independent Treas- 
ury system, 369; candidate of 
Liberty and Free Soil parties, 
389. 

Vane, Sir Henry, the Younger, 
portrait, 46; biographical note, 
p. 42 n. 

Van Rensselaer, General, defeated 
at Queenstown Heights, 303. 

Venezuelan dispute, 651. 

Vera Cruz, battle of, 382. 

Vermont, becomes a separate state, 
93, 260. 

Verrazano, Giovanni da, Italian 
explorer, 14. 

Vespucci, Amerigo (Latin form, 
Americus Vespucius), Italian ex- 
plorer, portrait, 10; biographical 
note, p. 13 n.; publishes account 
of his voyages, 10 ; his name given 
to the " New World," 10. 

Veto power, 253. 

Vicksburg- campaign, 514r-517; ofl&- 
cial returns, p. 410 n. 2. 

Vincennes, Ind., taken by Clark, 
209. 

Vinland, 4 (p. 6). 

Virginia, named by Raleigh, 18; set- 
tled, 23; slavery introduced, 27; 
its governors, 27, 28; becomes a 
royal province, 28; Burgesses, 28, 
45, 72, 95 ; under Berkeley, 42-45 ; 
in 1700, 77 ; under Governor Spots- 
wood, 95, 96; in 1800, 260; secedes, 
453; readmitted, 574; state debt 
agitation in, 617. 

Virginia Company, chartered, 21; 
the sub-companies, 22; charters 
annulled, 26; records preserved, 
26, p. 28 n. 

Virginia Resolutions, 279. 

Virginius Affair, 594. 

Voting, by ballot, introduced in Mas- 
sachusetts, 46; Australian ballot 
introduced, 621. 

Waldseemiiller, Martin, gives 

America its name, 10. 
Walker, Robert J., governor of 

Kansas, 424. 



INDEX. 



611 



Walker, William, filibuster, 409. 

Wallace, Gen. Lew, (U.), at Mo- 
nocacy, 533. 

"Warner, Gen. Seth, at Ticonderoga, 
145 ; at Bennington, 179. 

War of 1812, beginnings of, 299, 300; 
declared, 301; naval exploits in, 
304, 305 ; developed national spirit, 
347. 

Warren, Gen. Joseph, portrait, 147 ; 
biographical note, p. 109 n.; killed 
at Bunker Hill, 147. 

Washington, D.C., capital of the 
United States, p. 196 n., 266 ; cap- 
ture and burning of, 310; defence 
of, in the Civil War, 462. 

Washington, Fort, capture of, 158. 

Washington, George, portrait, 
frontispiece, p. 134; biographical 
note, p. 107 n. ; carries message to 
the French, 106, 107; at Fort Ne- 
cessity, 109 ; aide to General Brad- 
dock, 111; appointed commander 
in chief, 144; takes command of 
American army, 148; his difficul- 
ties, 148; besieges Boston, 149; in 
New York, 153-158; in New Jer- 
sey, 166-173; at the Brandywine, 
186; at Germantown, 187 ; at Valley 
Forge, 189-193 ; sends expedition to 
the Northwest, 204; his plans 
against Cornwallis, 230, 231 ; elected 
first President, 255; as a states- 
man, 265; his Cabinet, 266; leans 
to Federalism, 267; retirement, 
274. 

Washington monument, 611. 

Watling's Island, probable landing 
place of Columjius, p. 9 n. 

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, portrait, 
199; biographical note, p. 152 n. ; 
takes Stony Point, 198; subdues 
the Indians in the Northwest, 
270. 

Webster, Daniel, portrait, 354; bio- 
graphical note, p. 275 n. 1 ; opposes 
tariff of 1816, 316 ; sustains Adams, 
339; debate with Hayne, 355, 356; 
his theory of the Constitution, 356; 
leader of Whig party, 368; in 
Tyler's Cabinet, 372; secures Ash- 



burton treaty, 372; opposes Mexi- 
can War, 379 ; supports Compromise 
of 1850, 395 ; his " Seventh of March 
speech," 395; Secretary of State 
for Fillmore, 396; seeks nomina- 
tion for Presidency, 404; death, 
404. 

West, settlement of, 104, 106, 200, 259, 
346 ; development, 343, 344, 346-349'; 
transportation facilities increase 
settlement, 346, 581. 

Western lands, 241. See Public 
Lands. 

West Indies, discovered by Colum- 
bus, 7; trade with, lost by J. Q. 
Adams, 336; recovered by Jack- 
son, 367. 

West Virginia, admitted, 463. 

Weyler, Captain-General, 659. 

Wheeler, Vice-President William 
A., 597. 

Whig Party, rise of, p. 283 n., p. 
284 n. 1 ; led by Clay and Webster, 
368 ; principles of, 368 ; in 1840, 371 ; 
and Tyler, 372, 373 ; in 1844, 375 ; 
elects Taylor, 389; divides on the 
slavery question, 404; decline of, 
406. 

Whiskey Rebellion, 273. 

Whitefield, George, 103. 

White Plains, battle of, 157. 

Whitney, Eli, portrait, 297; bio- 
graphical note, p. 224 n. 

Whittier, John G., 350. 

Wilderness campaign, 530-532; 
official returns, p. 424 n. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James, 289, 306. 

Williams, Roger, driven from 
Salem, 48; founds Providence 
Plantation, 48; his writings, 84. 

Wilmot Proviso, 388. 

Wilson, Gen. J. H., 549, 565. 

Wilson, William L., 649. 

Wilson's Creek, battle of, 470. 

Wilson Tariff Law, 649. 

Winslow, Capt. John A., (U.), de- 
feats the Alabama, 541. 

Winthrop, John, portrait, 38; bio- 
graphical note, p. 36 n.; first 
governor of Massachusetts, 38; 
writings, 84. 



612 



INDEX. 



"Wirt, William, Attorney-general, 

320. 
Witchcraft delusion, 83. 
Wolfe, Gen. James, portrait, 114 

(p. 85) ; biographical note, p. 84 

n. 2; captures Quebec, 114. 
Writs of Assistance, 129. 
Writs of quo warranto, 68, p. 56 n. 

1,92. 
Wyatt, Sir Francis, royal governor 

of Virginia, 27, 42. 
Wyoming-, admitted, 629. 
Wyoming Valley massacre, 205. 



X. Y. Z. affair, 276. 

Yancey, William L., pro-slavery 
leader, 400; opposes Douglas, 
435; leads Southern Democrats, 
435. 

Yorktown, surrender of Cornwallis 
at, 233. 

Yorktown campaign, 231; in the 
Civil War, 492. 

Young, Brigham, Mormon, leader, 
426. 



HISTORY 



Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts 
from the Sources 

By Professor WILLIAM Stearns Davis, of the University of Minne- 
sota ; Introduction by Professor Willis Mason West, of the Univer- 
sity of Minnesota. 

Volume I : Greece and the East. i2mo, cloth, 375 pages. Price, ^i.oo. 

Volume II : Rome and the West. i2mo, cloth, 423 pages. Price, ^i.oo. 

THIS book sets before the student beginning the study of 
Ancient History a sufficient amount of source material to 
illustrate the important or typical historical facts which will be 
mentioned in his text-book. The volumes are not designed for 
hard study, to be tested scrupulously by minute questioning ; 
they are meant for readings — a daily companion to any standard 
text in Ancient History, — and the boy or girl so using them is 
sure to breathe in more of the atmosphere of the ancient world, 
and to get more taste of the notable literary flavor pervading 
Greek and Roman history, than would be possible from the study 
of a conventional text-book. 

Volume I contains 125 different selections, of which the follow- 
ing are typical : The Ethics of an Egyptian Nobleman, Inscrip- 
tion ; An Assyrian Palace, Maspero ; The Shield of Achilles, T/ie 
Iliad] How Glaucus tried to tempt the Delphic Oracle, Herodo- 
tus ; The Ring of Polycrates, Herodotus ; How Leonidas held the 
Pass of Thermopylae, Herodotus; The Last Fight in the Harbor 
of Syracuse, Thucydides \ Anecdotes about Socrates, Diogenes 
Laertius; How Lysias escaped from the "Thirty," Lysias; How 
Elephants fought in Hellenistic Armies, Polybius. 

Volume II contains 149 selections, including : Brutus condemns 
his own Sons to Death, Livy ; How the Plebeians won the Con- 
sulship, Livy ; The Honesty of Roman Officials, Polybius ; The 
Reign of Terror under Sulla, Plutarch ; The Wealth and Habits 
of Crassus the Millionaire, Plutarch; The Personal Traits of 
Julius Caesar, Suetonius ; A Business Panic in Rome, Tacitus ; 
The Bill of Fare of a Great Roman Banquet, Macrobius] How a 
Stoic met Calamity in the Days of Nero, Epictetus ; The Precepts 
of Marcus Aurelius, Marcus Aurelius, 

80 



HISTORY 



Modern History: From Charlemagne to the Present 
Time 

By Professor Willis M. West. With thirty-nine Maps and numerous 
Illustrations. i2mo, half leather, 673 pages. Price, ^1.50, 

THIS volume, beginning where the author's Ancient Worla 
ends, shows the development of the various forces which 
the ancient world had brought together and which had been par- 
tially welded in the empire of Charlemagne. In time it covers 
eleven centuries ; but as much space is given to the last hundred 
years as to the preceding thousand. 

Beginning with the outbreak of the momentous French Revo- 
lution, the book is remarkably full ; for the author believes it 
wise to treat with comparative briefness the ephemeral phases 
of the Middle Ages in order to gain adequate space for a full 
treatment of the marvellous nineteenth century, and so for an 
intelligent introduction to the twentieth. 

Moreover, the book is noteworthy in the large share of attention 
given to the most recent history. To stop the history of Europe 
at 1 87 1 is to leave the pupil in the rear of the world of to-day 
much farther than is ordinarily represented by a human lifetime. 
Since that date a new Germany, a new Italy, a new and stable 
French Republic have been created, through the principles of 
democracy and nationality. The growth of these principles, their 
struggle with the divine right monarchies, and final victory, are 
described in vivid language. To put the student in touch with 
the recent movements in politics and in society is the business of 
the high school course in history. 

The present revision has been brought down to September, 
1907. 

The book contains thirty-nine maps, mostly colored, and sev- 
enty-eight illustrations. There are copious references for fiirthei 
reading, topics for special reports, and review exercises. The 
foot-notes supply a running comment on the text — short quota- 
tions from eminent authorities or interesting facts called up by 
the narrative. There is also a useful classified bibliography. 

81 



HISTORY 



History of England 

By Professor Charles M. Andrews, of Yale University. With 
seventeen Maps, chronological and genealogical Tables, and numer- 
ous Illustrations. lamo, half leather, 608 pages. Price, ;^i.50. 

AN important feature of this history is the definite method of 
presentation. At the beginning of each period the author 
briefly outlines the character and the tendencies of the time. 
He then elaborates this outline, and before leaving the subject 
summarizes it in a few brief sentences. 

The book teaches that the achievements of the English people 
have been solid and enduring, not dramatic and sensational, and 
concern the more peaceful aspects of human existence — govern- 
ment, legislation, agriculture, industry, commerce, and finance — 
quite as much as the stirring scenes of land battles and sea 
fights. To quote the author: "History to-day has got rid of 
much of the stage thunder that passed current in the older nar- 
ratives. It points to the industry that underlies wealth, and to 
the wealth that makes military success possible. It lays stress 
upon the national or social conditions that render the great stat- 
ute or legislative act necessary, and upon the pressure of food or 
population and the spurring of religious conviction that urge men 
to brave the sea and undertake colonization. It calls attention 
to the deep significance of peasants' rebellions, religious revivals, 
and industrial revolutions in preparing the way for the rise of 
democracy and the transformation of the social life of a nation." 

The book contains seventeen maps ; a large number of genea- 
logical tables ; seventy-four well-executed illustrations taken from 
authentic sources ; a facsimile of a section of the Magna Carta ; 
and reproductions of drawings on early manuscripts. 

A carefully selected list of books that will be useful in any 
school library, a detailed chronological table, and bibliographies 
covering the best and most recent works, add to the usefulness of 
the history. 

The book has numerous foot-notes which refer definitely to 
original sources by volume and page number. 

82 



HISTORY 



A Short History of England 

By Charles M. Andrews, of Yale University. With Maps, Tables, 
and numerous Illustrations. i2mo, half leather, 473 pages. Price, 
^1.40. 

THIS history of England aims to present within the compass 
of about 400 pages the main features of England's story from 
earliest times to the present day. The book traces in rapid sur- 
vey the development of the people and institutions of England 
from Anglo-Saxon times to the close of the year 191 1, and shows 
by what steps the primitive organization of a semi-tribal people has 
been transformed into the highly complicated political and social 
structure of the United Kingdom and the British Empire. It re- 
tains on a smaller scale the essential characteristics of the larger 
work by the same author, with some additions, chiefly of a 
geographical and biographical character, and many omissions 
of details. 

The author tells a clear and simple story, avoiding technical 
expressions and yet passing over no important feature of the 
history that is necessary for the proper understanding of the 
subject. 

The aim of the book is to be instructive as well as interesting. 
The narrative is made as continuous as possible, that the pupil 
may follow in unbroken sequence the thread of the story. It is 
accompanied with a large number of newly selected illustrations 
and an ample supply of maps and chronological tables. The 
elaborate bibliographies contained in the larger work have been 
omitted and only a small but selective list of the best books in 
brief form has been retained. The history has been brought 
down to date in matters of scholarship as well as chronology, and 
contains many views and statements not to be found in the larger 
work. It is designed as a text-book for half-year, or elementary 
courses, but it might well be used by any reader desiring a 
brief and suggestive account of the main features of England's 
history. 



MAY 31 1913 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011 446 681 5 



